This is bounded on the north and west sides, with two very stately and

elaborate pieces, which I do not so much admire, as that by all writers

they have been pretermitted. About thirty feet in depth, and more than a

thousand and four hundred in length, out of the hard rock these buildings

have been cut in a perpendicular, and squared by the chessel, as I

suppose, for lodgings of the Priests. They run along at a convenient

distance, parallel to the two sides we mentioned of this Pyramid, meeting

in a right angle, and making a very fair and graceful prospect. The

entrance into them is by square openings, hewn out of the rock, much of

the same bigness with those I described in the first Pyramid. Whether

these were symbolical, as the theology of the _Egyptians_ consisted much

in mysterious figures, and the depressure and lownes of these were to

teach the Priests humility, and the squareness and evenness of them, an

uniform and regular department in their actions, I leave to such as have

written of their Hieroglyphics to determine. The hollow space within of

them all, is somewhat like to a square and well proportioned chamber,

covered and arched above with the natural rock: In most of which, as

I remember, there was a passage opening into some other compartment,

which the rubbage and darkness hindered me from viewing. On the north

side without, I observed a line, and only one, engraven with sacred

and _Egyptian_ characters, such as are mentioned by _Herodotus_ and

_Diodorus_, to have been used by the Priests, and were different from

the vulgar characters in civil affairs: In which former kind _Justin

Martyr_ makes _Moses_ to have been skilful, as the Scripture makes him

to have been learned in all the wisdom of the _Egyptians_. These ran not

downwards, as the _Chinese_ in our times write, but were continued in a

straight line, as we use to write; and are to be read (if any understand

those mysterious sculptures) by proceeding from the right hand to the

left, and, as it were imitating the motion and course of the planets: For

so _Herodotus_ expressly informs us, That the _Grecians_ write and cast

account, going from the left hand to the right, the _Egyptians_ from the

right hand to the left. And this is that which in an obscure expression

is also intimated by _Pomponius Mela_: _Egyptii suis literis perverse

utuntur._ A manner practised by the _Hebrews_, _Chaldeans_, and _Syrians_

to this day, and not unlikely to have been borrowed by them from the

_Egyptians_, to whom the _Chaldeans_ also owed their first skill in

astrology, as the _Grecians_ did their knowledge in geometry, the former

being attested by _Diodorus_, and the latter confessed by _Proclus_ and

other _Grecians_. And surely in imitation of these, or of the _Jews_, the

_Arabians_ neighbouring upon both, have taken up this manner of writing,

and continued it to our times, communicating it also by their conquests,

to the _Persians_ and _Turks_.

[Illustration]

_A description of the third Pyramid out of Mr ~Belon~ and ~Greaves~._

Amongst many modern writers, none deserves to be placed before

_Bellonius_, or rather before _P. Gillius_. For _Thuanus_ makes the

other to have been a _plagiarius_, and to have published in his own name

the observations of _P. Gillius_, a man very curious, and inquisitive

after truth, as appears by his _Typography_ of _Constantinople_, and his

_Bosphorus Thracius_, to whom _Bellonius_ served as an _Amanuensis_:

‘The third Pyramid is much less than the former two, but is a third part

greater than that which is at _Rome_, near the _Mons testaceus_, as you

pass to St _Paul_’s in the _Ostian_ way. It is still perfect, and no more

corrupted, than as if it had been newly built; for it is made of a kind

of marble, called _Basaltes_, or _Ethiopic_ marble, harder than iron

itself.’

It will be in vain to repeat the traditions and descriptions of

several others; all which by a kind of confederacy agree in the same

tale for substance, only differing in some circumstances: So that I

shrewdly suspect that _Diodorus_ hath borrowed most of his relation

from _Herodotus_; and _Strabo_ and _Pliny_ from _Diodorus_, or from

them both; and the more learned Neoterics from them all. For else how

can it be imagined they should so constantly agree in that, which if

my eyes and memory extreamly fail me not, is most evidently false? And

therefore I have a strong jealousy, that they never came near this

third Pyramid; but that they did, as I have observed all travellers in

my time in _Egypt_ to do, fill themselves so full, and, as it were, to

surfeit with the sight of the greater and fairer Pyramid, that they had

no appetite to be spectators of the rest, where they should only see the

same miracle, for the Pyramids are all of the same figure, the farther

they went, decreasing, and presented as it were in a less volume. Or if

they did view this, it was _quasi per transennam_, very perfunctorily

and slightly, and that through a false and coloured glass; for they have

mistaken both in the quality of the stone and colour of the Pyramid. I

begin with _Herodotus_, who, by a notable piece of forgetfulness, if it

be not a σφάλμα in the copies, makes the dimensions of each of the sides,

in the basis of this, to be three hundred feet, and yet want but twenty

of the first Pyramid, to which he assigns before eight hundred feet; an

impossibility in arithmetic; and therefore it will be no preemption to

correct the place, and instead of ἐείκοσι ποδῶν καταδέουσαν, to write,

πεντεκοσίων ποδῶν καταδέουσαν. I know not how to palliate or excuse his

other error, where he makes this Pyramid to be built as far as to the

middle of it, with _Ethiopic_ marble. If this sort of marble be _ferrei

coloris_, as it is described by _Pliny_, and granted by _Diodorus_ and

_Strabo_, both of them expressing the colour to be black, and the latter

bringing it from the remotest mountains of _Ethiopia_, where the marble

hath the same tincture and colour with the inhabitants, then can this

relation of _Herodotus_ no way to be admitted; for the whole Pyramid

seems to be of clear and white stone, somewhat choicer and brighter

than that in either of the two other Pyramids. And therefore I wonder

that _Diodorus_, _Strabo_, and _Pliny_, and amongst later authors,

_Bellonius_, _Gillius_, and several others, should have all followed

_Herodotus_, when with a little pains and circumspection, they might have

reformed his, and their own error. It may perhaps be alledged in their

defence, that they mean the buildings within are erected with black and

_Ethiopic_ marble; and yet if this be granted, since there is no entrance

leading into this, no more than is into the second Pyramid, what may be

within depends upon the uncertainty of tradition or conjecture, both

which are very fallible; though it cannot be denied, but that close by

this, on the east side of it, there are the ruins of a pile of building,

with a sad and dusky colour, much like that we described in passing to

the second Pyramid, which might be the ground and occasion of this

error. I cannot excuse the ancients, but _Bellonius_ or _Gillius_, for

it is no matter which of them owns the relation, when both of them have

erred, are far more inexcusable, because it might have been expected from

them what _Livy_ supposes, _Novi semper scriptores, aut in rebus certius

aliquid allaturos se, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos

credunt_. Whereas these on the contrary have depraved what hath been

in this particular with truth delivered by the ancients; for whereas

_Herodotus_ and _Diodorus_ equal the side of the basis to three hundred

feet, and _Pliny_ extends it to three hundred sixty-three, these make it

only a third part greater than the Pyramid at _Rome_ of _C. Cæstius_,

near the _Mons testaceus_. So that either they have much enlarged that

at _Rome_, or shrunk and contracted this; for the Pyramid at _Rome_,

exactly measured on that side which stands within the city, is compleatly

seventy-eight feet _English_ in breadth, to which if we add a third part

of it, the result will be an hundred and four; which should be equal to

this _Egyptian_ Pyramid in the notion and acception of _Bellonius_.

_Of the rest of the Pyramids in the ~Lybian~ desart._

I have done with these three Pyramids, each of them being very

remarkable, and the two first reckoned amongst the miracles of the

world. The rest in the _Lybian_ desart, lying scattered here and there,

are, excepting one of them, but lesser copies, and, as it were, models

of these: And therefore I shall neither much trouble my self, nor the

reader, with the description of them. Though to speak the truth, did

not the three first, standing so near together, obscure the lustre of

the rest, which lie far scattered, some of them were very considerable.

And therefore I cannot but tax the omission of the ancients, and the

inadvertency of all modern writers and travellers, who with too much

supineness have neglected the description of one of them; which in my

judgment is as worthy of memory, and as near a miracle as any of those

three which I have mentioned. And this stands from these south and by

west, at twenty miles distance, more within the sandy desart, upon a

rocky level like these, and not far from the village whence we enter

the Mummies. This as the _Venetian_ doctor assured me, and as I could

judge by conjecture at a distance, hath the same dimensions that the

first and fairest of these hath, graduations, or assents without, and of

the same colour like that, but more decayed, especially at the top, and

an entrance into it on the north side, which is barred up within; and

therefore whatsoever is spoken of the first, in respect of the exterior

figure, is applicable to this. _Bellonius_ exceeds in his computation of

the number of them, who thus writes: _Above an hundred others are seen

dispersed up and down in that plain._ I could not discover twenty. And

long since, _Ion Almatoug_, in his book of the _Miracles of ~Egypt~_,

reckons them to be but eighteen: _There are in the west side no more

famous buildings than the Pyramids, the number of them is eighteen; of

these there are three in that part which is opposite to ~Fostat~, or

~Cairo~._

[Illustration]

_In what manner the Pyramids were built._

We had ended our discourse of the Pyramids, but that I find one scruple

touched upon by _Herodotus_, _Diodorus_, and _Pliny_, which is worth

the discussion as a point of some concernment in architecture; and

that is, in what manner these Pyramids were built; and with what art

and contrivance the stones, especially those vast ones in the first

were conveyed up. _Herodotus_, who first raised the doubt, gives this

solution: ‘They carried up the rest of the stones with little engines

made of wood, raising them from the ground upon the first row: When the

stone was lodged upon this row, it was put into another engine, standing

upon the first step, from thence it was conveyed to the second row by

another: For so many rows and orders of steps as there were, so many

engines were there; or else they removed the engine, which was one, and

easy to be carried to every particular row, as often as they moved a

stone. We will relate that which is spoken of either part; therefore

those in the Pyramid were first made, which were the highest, then by

degrees the rest, last of all, those which are nearest to the ground,

and are the lowest.’ The first part of this solution of _Herodotus_ is

full of difficulty. How in the erecting and placing of so many machines,

charged with such massy stones, and those continually passing over the

lower degrees, could it be avoided, but that they must either unsettle

them, or in danger the breaking of some portions of them; which mutually

would have been like scars in the face of so magnificent a building? His

second answer is the sounder; but I conceive the text to be imperfect.

_Diodorus_ hath another fancy: ‘The stones, (saith he) at a great

distance off were prepared in _Arabia_, and they report, that by the help

of _Aggeres_ (engines not being then invented) the work was erected. And

that which begets the greatest admiration is, that so vast a structure

was perfected in that place, which is all about replenished with sand,

where there appears not any relics, either of the _Aggeres_, or of the

hewing and polishing of the stones; so that it seems not piecemeal by

the industry of men, but altogether, and at once, the whole pile, as it

were by some God, was erected in the midst of the sands. Some of the

_Egyptians_ relate wonders of it, and endeavour to obtrude I know not

what fables; namely, That these _Aggeres_ consisting of salt and nitre,

were dissolved by letting in the river, which wholly consumed them

without the labour of hands, leaving this structure entire. But the truth

of the business is not so, but that those multitudes of men which were

employed in raising the _Aggeres_, carried them away unto their former

places: For, as they report three hundred and sixty thousand men were

employed in these offices, and the whole work was scarce finished in the

space of twenty years.’ _Pliny_ partly agrees with him, and partly gives

another answer, _the question is, by what means the cement is conveyed up

to such a height_ (he rather might question how those vast stones were

conveyed up,) _some say, that banks of nitre and salt were made up as

the work rose, which being finished, they were washed away by the river

~Nilus~. Others imagine that bridges were made with brick; which, the work

being ended, were distributed into private houses: for they conceive that

the ~Nilus~ being much lower, could not come to wash them away._ If I

may assume the liberty of a traveller, I imagine that they were erected,

neither as _Herodotus_ describes, nor as _Diodorus_ reports, nor as

_Pliny_ relates, but that first they made a large and spacious tower in

the midst reaching to the top; to the sides of this tower, I conceive,

the rest of the building to have been applied, piece after piece, like so

many buttresses or supporters, still lessening in height, till at last

they came to the lower-most degree. A difficult piece of building taken

in the best, and easiest projection; and therefore it is no wonder if

it were not often imitated by the ancients, and no where expressed or

commended by the great Master of architecture _Vitruvius_. Yet surely if

we judge of things by the events, and if we reflect upon the intention of

monuments, which are raised by the living, to perpetuate the memory of

the dead, then is this as commendable a way as any. And therefore we see

at _Rome_, that though by the revolution of so many ages the _Mausoleum_

of _Augustus_ be almost decayed, and the _Septizonium_ of _Severus_ be

utterly lost, both intended for lasting and stately sepulchres, yet the

Pyramid of _C. Cæstius_ stands fair and almost entire; which is no more

to be compared, either for the vastness of the stones or the whole bulk

and fabric of it, with these, than are the limbs and body of a dwarf to

the demensions of a giant, or some large _Colossus_.

I have done with the work, but the Artizans deserve not to be

pretremitted; concerning whom the observation of _Diodorus_ is as

true, as it is boldly delivered by him. ‘It is confessed, that these

works, (speaking of the Pyramids) far excel the rest in _Ægypt_, not

only in the massiness of the structures, and in the expences, but also

in the industry (and skill) of the artificers.’ The _Egyptians_ think

the Architects are more to be admired than the Kings, who were at the

expence; for they by their abilities and study, these by their wealth

received by inheritance, and by the labours of others erected them.

_The Conclusion._

And thus much of the _Sciography_, or of the artificial and

architectonical part; I shall shut up all with one observation in nature

for the recreation of the reader, recited by _Strabo_ in these words. ‘We

ought not to omit one of the strange things seen by us at the Pyramids:

Some heaps of stone, being fragments hewn off, lie before the Pyramids,

amongst these are found little stones, some in the similitude and bigness

of lentils, some as grains of barley, which appear half unscaled; They

report these are some relics of the provisions, which were given to the

workmen, and have been petrified; which seems probable enough.’

These, if they were ever any such, are either consumed by time, or

scattered by the winds, or buried with those tempests of sand, to which

the desarts are perpetually exposed: But _Diodorus_, who not long

preceded him, was not so curious as to deliver this relation. And were

not _Strabo_ a writer of much gravity and judgment, I should suspect

that these petrified grains (though I know such petrefactions to be

no impossibility in nature; for I have seen at _Venice_ the bones and

flesh of a man, and the whole head entirely transmuted into stone; and

at _Rome_ clear conduit water, by long standing in Aqueducts, hath been

turned into perfect alabaster) are like those loafs of bread, which

are reported to be found by the Red Sea converted into stone, and by

the inhabitants supposed to be some of the bread the _Israelites_ left

behind them, when they passed over for fear of _Pharoah_. They are sold

at Grand _Cairo_, handsomely made up in the manner of the bread of these

times, which is enough to discover the imposture; for the Scripture

makes them to have been unleavened cakes: _And they baked unleavened

cakes of the dough which they brought fourth out of ~Egypt~._ Or else

_Strabo_’s relation may be like the tradition of the rising of dead mens

bones every year in _Egypt_[28]; a thing superstitiously believed by

the Christians and by the Priests, either out of ignorance or policy,

maintain’d as an argument of the resurrection. The possibility and truth

of it, _Metrophanes_, the Patriarch of _Alexandria_ thought, but very

illogically; might be proved out of the Prophet _Esaiah_: ‘And they shall

go forth, and look upon the carcasses of the men that have transgressed

against me, for their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be

quenched; and they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh.’

But I have digressed too far; the confutation of these, and the

description of the Mummies, or of the rest of the _Egyptian_ sepulchres,

for from thence comes the matter of this their supposed resurrection, and

that infinite mass and variety of hieroglyphics, which I have either seen

there, or bought or transcribed elsewhere, may be the argument of another

discourse[29].

[Illustration]

_Of the ~Pyramids~, ~Sphynx~, ~Mummies~, &c. By Father ~Vansleb~ and

others._

In my first voyage to _Egypt_ I had seen the Pyramids, but having another

opportunity offer’d to me, I went thither to view again these rare

monuments of antiquity, to see whether I might not observe something more

than I have taken notice of in my first relation.

On the 27th of _April_ I went thither in the company of the _French_

Consul and many other Merchants, and with almost all his houshold; we had

with us three Janizaries to guard us, so that we were in all about fifty

Cavaliers well mounted upon asses, taking with us provisions sufficient

for three days.

1. When we were come to the Pyramids, and had observed exactly every

thing, I took notice that the place where they stood was a burying-place.

This is plain to any that see the place; and doubtless it was the

burying-place of the old city of _Memphis_; for all the _Arabian_ history

inform us, that this city stood where the Pyramids now are, over-against

old _Cairo_.

2. I took notice, that all the Pyramids have an entrance that leads to

a low alley, which is very long, and at the end is a chamber, where the

ancient _Egyptians_ did place the bodies of those persons for whom the

Pyramids were built. This entrance is not to be seen in every one of the

Pyramids, because the wind hath stopt them with sand. I saw upon some of

them some Hierogliphic characters, but I had not time to write them out.

3. I took notice, that all the Pyramids were built in very good order;

and that each of the three greatest were at the head of ten lesser, which

are not well to be distinguish’d, because of the heaps of sand; one may

yet imagine, to see the place, that in former ages there have been here

one hundred Pyramids little and great.

4. I took notice, that they are all built upon an even rock cover’d

over with white sand; so that it is very probable that the stones have

been taken from the place, and not brought from far, as some travellers

imagine, and old writers, for the greatest is nothing but a rock cut as a

Pyramid, and cover’d over with a wall of stone.

5. I took notice, that of all the stones of the greatest there is scarce

one intire, but either worn out with the weather and time, or broken by

some other accident; so that tho’ one may ascend on all sides to the top,

yet not in all places with the same ease.

6. I have taken notice, that none of the Pyramids are alike, or perfectly

square, but that all have two sides longer than the others. I intended to

measure the greatest; for that purpose I had with me a string of about

thirty land-yards, but because the winds have heaped about it mountains

of sand, I could not possibly draw a line straight from one angle to the

other.

On the 28th of _December_ I went to see the Pyramids the third time with

some strangers. In our way we were mightily troubled with a very thick

mist, which lasted till ten in the morning; and we found a great deal of

mud in the trenches and ditches, which was not yet dry since the retreat

of the river, so that we were carry’d over upon the _Moors_ backs that

were with us.

At this time I went up to the top of the great Pyramid, and I observed

as at the first, that the place where the Pyramids stand is a pure rock,

cover’d over with white sand, which appears sufficiently by the ditches

and caves round about the Pyramids cut in the rock.

2. The rock is to be seen, upon which stands the greatest Pyramid, by a

hole at one of the angles, between the east and the north sides.

3. The Pyramids are not built with marble, as some say, but with a white

sandy stone very hard.

4. The greatest hath but two hundred and six steps; and tho’ Monsieur

_Thevenot_ saith that it hath two hundred and eight, this proceeds from

his not taking notice that two steps are broken into four.

5. On the top of the greatest Pyramid there was anciently a statue or

_Colosse_. This appears, because it is not sharp as the others but plain;

and there are yet to be seen great pits, which were to keep fast the

_Colosse_ from falling.

At present there is nothing on the top but many letters of the names of

persons of all nations, who have left them to witness that they had been

there. There is no sign of the play at _Manacala_, which a _Coptie_ told

me was there imprinted in the days of the _Pharaohs_.

6. The Stones of the biggest Pyramid are not equal, for some of the

undermost are four foot high, some three foot and an half, and five foot

long. The stones of the middle are three foot and five inches high, and

the uppermost stones are but two foot high, and three and an half long.

7. The sides of the Pyramids are not equal; for in the greatest it is

visible, and so in the others, that the north side is longer than that

which stretches from east to west.

8. In all the Pyramids there are very deep wells cut in the rock square;

as I have seen in more than ten.

On the 26th day of _June_ I went the fourth time to see the Pyramids, in

the company of Monsieur _Sabatery_ Vice-consul of _Alexandria_.

In the passage to old _Cairo_, on the other side of the river, I took

notice of one thing very remarkable in it’s channel; the water was

perfectly green, as a cake cover’d over with green grass. This was the

first time that I saw it of this colour; which caused me to ask of the

boatmen what this green colour was; they told me, that the river _Nilus_

did then putrify, that it had continued so fifteen days, and would be so

five more. Some of them said, that there was none could remember to have

seen the river so green as that year, 1672.

To return again to the Pyramids, I went up this time to the top of the

highest Pyramid, I entered into the chamber, but saw no new thing which

could cause me either to change or add to my former observation. It is

needless to speak of it’s dimensions, seeing so many travellers have

already publish’d them, as Monsieur _Thevenot_ in his _Levant_ travels.

From the Pyramids we went to take a view of the caves that are adjoining.

There are many, all cut in the side of a rock; their outsides are out of

order, without any proportion, but their inside very equal and polish’d.

In every one there is a deep square well, cut in the rock, where the

_Egyptians_ did put the body of that person for whom the cave was made;

for it was their sepulchre. The walls of many of these caves are full

of hieroglyphic figures carved in the rock. In some they are but small,

in others very lively. In one I numbered sixteen great figures, that

represented eight men and eight women, holding one another by the hands,

with many other small figures or shapes, on both sides.

The great Pyramid is five hundred and twenty foot high upon a base of six

hundred and eighty two foot square; the platform at top is sixteen foot

and two thirds square, and is composed of twelve large stones, yet this

from below appears to the eye a sharp point. A strong man cannot throw a

stone from the top, so as to make it fall beyond the steps or basis of

the Pyramid.

[Illustration]

_Of the SPHYNX._

We saw next the _Sphynx_, near the Pyramids, on the east side. On the top

stands the head of a woman of an extraordinary bigness and height. The

_Arabians_ call it _Abul-hon_, or _Abul-houl_.

_Pliny_ saith, that it was the tomb of King _Amasis_. I imagine that this

_Sphynx_ was a sepulchre, but we cannot understand that it belonged to

_Amasis_; for all the records and traditions of this _Sphynx_ are lost.

That it is a tomb may appear, first by it’s situation, which is in a

place that was in former ages a burying place; and near the Pyramids and

mortuary caves. Secondly, it is to be imagined that it was a sepulchre

from it’s building. In the hinder part is a cave under ground, of a

bigness answerable to that of the head, into which I have look’d by an

entrance that leads into it, so that it could serve to no other purpose,

but to keep a dead corps.

Some _Franks_ have, out of an excess of curiosity, climb’d up by the

means of rope-ladders, to see whether this head was hollow, or massy, and

they have found it to be hollow, but filled at present with sand.

The neck is worn out round about, which causeth men to imagine that it

will not be able to support the weight of that great head.

[Illustration]

_Of the wells where the ~Mummies~ are._

When we had fully view’d this _Sphynx_, we took the road that leads to

_Saccara_, a village, at four hours travelling from the Pyramids, and

about eight from _Cairo_ towards the south. The burying-place of the

Mummies is near adjoining to this village.

And because it was very late, and that we were to agree with the

_Arabians_ of the village about the price, the number and quality of

the wells that they were to open for us, we stopt there all night, and

the next morning we took with us twelve horsemen, to guard us, of the

_Arabians_; with them we went to this burying place, where the Mummies

are in caves under ground.

The first well that we saw was that of birds embalm’d; when we had

caused the sand that stops the well’s mouth to be removed, through which

we were to go down, and from thence to enter into the cave, we caused

ourselves to be let down one after another, by tying a double rope about

our middles. As soon as we were at the bottom, and that every one had

lighted his taper, and several matches that we had brought, we went into

the cave creeping upon our bellies. The cave is an alley in the rock,

about the height of a man, and about the breadth of a perch, and of an

extraordinary length. We found there many other allies on both hands, cut

in the rock, where were many large stores full of earthen pots, covered

over with coverings of the same substance. In these pots were embalm’d

birds of all kinds, every bird in it’s own pot. And as I thought that the

remembrance of a custom so ancient and superstitious was worthy of our

notice, I brought about half a dozen with me, some I have sent to the

King’s library. We found also some hens-eggs empty, but entire, without

any ill smell or crack.

When we had view’d sufficiently this cave, we returned up in the same

manner that we went down, and found another open’d, called the _Virgin_,

which is that was never opened before. According to our orders to the

_Arabians_, Monsieur _Tiger_ and the others went down in the same manner

as into the former, I alone could not follow them, because of a _quartan_

fever, which had troubled me fourteen months, and took me at that very

moment; but I lost nothing by that; for these gentlemen told me at their

return, that they found an horrid stench and a close air, that put out

their candles and their matches also, every time that they endeavour’d to

light them, which caused them to get up again without entring farther.

They told me that this well was much deeper than the former.

We caused another to be opened, which was not a Virgin-well, as the

former, because it was not so deep. I ventured into that, notwithstanding

my indisposition.

We found there two Mummies, a great one and a little one of a child, both

in coffins; the greatest was of marble, upon the covering it had the

likeness of the person for whom it was made. We caused these biers or

coffins to be open’d, but found nothing extraordinary, therefore we made

no account of them, and left them where we found them.

We went down next into a cave, call’d _The Church_, which was not so

deep as the former. It was nothing but a long alley under ground, well

plaistered, and painted all over with hieroglyphic figures round about

the sides. It was almost all full of sand, which caused us to creep along

upon our knees.

If the reader desires a prospect, and a description of this ancient

burying-place, let him think upon a boundless champain, even and covered

over with sand, where neither trees, nor grass, nor houses, nor any such

thing is to be seen; let him represent to himself the superficies of

this large field full of dry bones of arms, legs, feet, and heads; full

of scattered pieces of wood of coffins, of little idols, some of wood,

others of plaister embolish’d with green, and mark’d before and behind

with hieroglyphic letters. These idols the _Arabians_ have taken from

the broken Mummies, which they have cast away. In some places you may

see great tomb-stones, full of cyphers and enigmatical figures, that

represent something of chymistry, and of other sciences and mysteries,

and full of strange characters that are no Hieroglyphics. Whilst I was

looking upon this spectacle, the _Arabians_ brought me two, whereof I

caused the copies to be drawn as soon as I was returned to _Cairo_.

You have here a description of some relicts of the grandeur and vanity of

the ancient _Egyptians_, and the mournful signs of man’s mortality. The

first sight is able to dash a person newly arrived out of countenance,

and to affright him; I mean the sight of so many bones all scattered up

and down, one would think that here hath been a grievous fight.

In this champain or field here are fifteen Pyramids; three are of an

extraordinary bigness, which seem to have been favoured by time; for

they appear entire without much decay. Here is also an entrance into

every one, that shews a long alley which leads to a chamber; Monsieur _de

Tiger_ went into that which is farthest from the village, commonly named

_The Pyramid of Rodope_, where he found nothing in the chamber.

This Pyramid is built as a pavillion. The _Franks_ say, that _Rodope_,

a famous strumpet, caused it to be built with the money that she had

gotten with the loss of her honour. But this is doubtless an error, if it

be true what _Pliny_ saith, that the Pyramid of _Rodope_ was but small,

though very beautiful; therefore this, which is one of the greatest

in all _Egypt_, cannot be that of _Rodope_. These are the words of

_Pliny_: _Supremumque illud ne quis Regum opes miretur, minimam extitisse

laudatissimam à Rodope meretricula factam. Æsopi fabularum Philosophi

conserva quondam, & contubirnalis hæc fuit, majore miraculo tantas opes

meretricio esse conquisitas quæstu._

For the others that are in the same field, time hath almost worn them

out; for they are but so many heaps of sand, which have scarce the shape

and shadow of what they have been heretofore.

Here is also a square heap of very great hewn stones. The _Arabians_ name

it _Mastabet Faraoun_; for they say, that when the _Pharaohs_, Kings of

_Egypt_, were to declare and give a new law to the people, they stood on

the top of this heap. But these are the traditions of the poor _Arabians_

that have nothing of certainty.

To return to the wells of the Mummies; as soon as the _Franks_ have

visited any, the wind, or the _Arabians_ fill the entry again full of

sand, to get a little money at the second opening: This is the greatest

gain of these wretches. The least they take for to open a Virgin-well is

thirty piasters, because they that cause the well to be opened, have the

liberty to carry away all the curiosities and Mummies that he finds there.

[Illustration]

_A description of an entire body of a ~Mummy~._

This was a long and large body, in a very thick coffin of wood, shut

close on all sides; the timber was not at all rotten, and we found it

to be Sycamore-wood, which in _Egypt_ they call _Pharaoh_’s fig-tree,

that does not rot so soon as other wood. Upon the coffin the face of

him that was within it was cut in embossed work. Some coffins there are

also of stone, with the face of the person within, cut in boss, and

Hieroglyphics all along the length of it. There are two of these stones

in the house of Monsieur _Fouquet_ at St _Mande_, and I had two of them

also, of which one was broken at _Alexandria_, and the other, I brought

home with me very whole, which weighs betwixt seven and eight hundred

weight. Some of these coffins are made of several pieces of cloth pasted

together, which are as strong as the wooden ones. I have one of this

kind in my closet, made of above forty cloths glew’d or pasted together

in thickness, which are not in the least rotten; it is cover’d all over

with Idols and Hieroglyphics, painted on a very thin plaister, with

which the outside cloth is daub’d over, but it is a little spoil’d, the

plaister in some places being rubbed off. Among these figures there is a

compartment at the lower end, two inches broad, and a foot long, being

painted cross-ways over the coffin, wherein may be seen the manner how

the ancient _Egyptians_ embalm’d dead bodies. In the middle of this

compartment there is a long table shaped like a lion, on the back of

which the body that is to be embalm’d is laid at length, and hard by

there is a man with a knife in his hand opening the body; this man hath

on a vizard mask, shaped like the beak of a sparrow-hawk, which without

doubt was the custom of their embalmers, who made use of that kind of

mask, that they might not breathe in the corruption that might evaporate

from the death bodies, as the Physicians of _Italy_ do at present,

who in time of a plague never stir abroad without a mask of this kind,

in the long nose of which they put perfumes; though I make no doubt,

but the mask I speak of is the head of _Osiris_, which the _Egyptians_

represented with the head of a sparrow-hawk, as they did _Anubis_ with

the head of a dog, the _Nile_ with a lion’s head, _&c._ But as a surer

mark that it is an embalming, there are four vessels without handles

upon the aforesaid table, which could be nothing else but the vessels

wherein the necessary drugs were kept not only for embalming, as _Balm_,

_Cedria_, _&c._ but also for the wrapping up and incrustation of the

body, as _Bitumen_ and others; by the sides of the table there are

several persons standing and sitting in divers postures. Within this

coffin is the figure of a naked maid with her arms stretched out.

But to return to my first discourse. This wooden coffin I mention’d being

broken to pieces with hatchets, we found an entire body in it, which

lay in this manner: The face was cover’d, as commonly all the rest are,

with a kind of head-piece of cloth fitted with plaister, on which the

countenance of that person was represented in gold, and when we took off

the helmet, we found nothing of the face remaining, which is commonly

reduced to ashes; I believe it is, because it will not admit of gumming

so well as the other parts of the body. However, I brought to _Paris_

the head of a Mummy whole and entire, but it is all covered with fillets

of cloth, so neatly fitted, that they hinder not, but one may see the

shape of the eyes, nose, and mouth. The rest of the body was swathed with

little bands of cloth very neatly made, but wrapped about with so many

casts and turnings, that I believe there were a thousand ells in it;

and certainly it is so rare a way of swathing and binding, that I think

it cannot be imitated at present, as many Chirurgions have acknowledged

to me. Along the brest and belly there was a band of cloth three good

fingers broad, and a large foot and an half long, it was fastened to

the other bands, and upon it were several Hieroglyphics done in gold. I

took this writing and folded it up, that I might the more conveniently

carry it up with me. I hoped to have found idols in that coffin, knowing

that they interred many with their dead, either of stone, copper, or

green earth, as I have several that have been found in these bodies, but

finding none, I thought there might be some within his body; for after

they had embowel’d them, they often enclosed idols within their bellies;

for that end I had it broken up, but we could find nothing. I considered

then that balm which is now quite lost, it is black, hard, and shines

like pitch, having much such a smell, but more pleasant, that kept bodies

entire, and, I believe, the sand contributed not a little thereto, for

even in the greatest desarts of _Arabia_, sometimes the dead bodies of

men and dogs, are found entire, who falling asleep, and staying behind

the caravans, are covered over with an ocean of sand driven by the high

winds in which the bodies being bury’d, are by the dryness and salt

that is in the sand, which dries up all the humidity of them, preserved

entire, and are afterwards found, when another wind blowing, carries off

the sand again. Many think that the bodies so dry’d are the true Mummy;

it is a mistake, and that which Merchants bring into Christendom, to be

used in medicine, is the Mummy we first described. Near the room I went

into there were several other full of bodies, but seeing the entries into

them were full of sand, I call’d to them above to pull me up again by the

same rope, with which I was let down, being much dissatisfy’d with my

_Moors_, who had open’d so sorry a pit for me. When I was got up I look’d

upon my cloth, whereon were characters of gold, but was much vex’d to

see that all the letters disappeared, and that by my own fault, because

I had folded it together when it was very humid, and so all the gold and

paint stuck to the opposite sides; whereas I should have brought it up

open and dry’d it in the sun. But I have others that are finer, which

are only a little spoiled in the bringing. I brought with me also some

hands of Mummies, which are as entire at present as ever they were. I had

also the good fortune to buy upon the place some idols of the _Moors_,

who come and sell them to the _Franks_ in the city. These idols are of

several sorts, and in many postures, there are of them of copper, of

several sorts of stone, and several sorts of earth also; at least I have

some of all these kinds, all which I am very sure have been taken out of

Mummies, and cannot be said to be counterfeit, for besides that they have

not the art to do it, they sell them at so easy a rate, that the very

materials are worth more. This is all I could observe of the Pyramids

and Mummies; and hence it appears, that the ancient _Egyptians_ spent

more in their tombs than during their whole lives; and one reason they

gave for that was, that their houses were only for living a short time

in, and their tombs the palaces that were to be inhabited by their souls

for many ages. Not far from these Mummies, towards the _Nile_, are some

remains of a large town, which was _Memphis_, the inhabitants whereof

were buried there, the ancients never burying their dead within towns,

for fear of infecting the air, none but Christians, who mind not that,

bury their dead any where. Now, to prove that these great ruins are the

remains of _Memphis_, _Pliny_ affirms it, when he says, that the Pyramids

are betwixt the _Delta_ of _Egypt_ and the city of _Memphis_ on the side

of _Africa_. At length we returned by old _Cairo_, and saw all that is

curious, or worth being seen in it.

[Illustration]

_A Letter from ~Dublin~, concerning the ~Porphyry Pillars~ in ~Egypt~. By

Dr ~Huntingdon~._

_SIR_,

You engage me after a very undeniable manner, as I perceive by the

minutes of your philosophical society, to send you some account of the

porphyry pillars in _Egypt_; and though I could have satisfied your

curiosity much better in this matter, had you thought of it when I was

amongst my papers in _Oxford_, yet rather than hazard your good opinion,

or give the least pretence of disrespect to your worthy company, for

whose persons and designs I have so just an esteem and veneration: I

here send not what’s fit for me to write, or you to read, but what I can

remember upon this subject.

Nor do I intend to speak concerning the nature or composition of stones

in general, or of porphyry more particularly, but meerly as to matter of

fact, so far chiefly as it fell under my own cognizance, _i. e._ if you

please, rather like an Historian than a Philosopher.

In the first place then, I think it may be taken for granted, that there

is no such quarry, or rock of stone rather, in all the lower parts of

_Egypt_; for so far as the _Nile_ overflows is perfect soil. A sample

whereof I hope you still retain, and let me entreat you to be very exact

in weighing it this year, that you may be sure whether it be heavier in

the time of the inundation, as is generally believed, than before or

after: And when, and in what proportion it increases.

The boundaries of this overflow, which are never ten miles from the

channel, that I saw, generally scarce half of it, and in some places but

a mile or two (the _Delta_ still excepted, which is universally covered,

all but the north side to the sea, and a little to the east for some

miles above _Damiata_) are rising hills of sand, beyond which is perfect

desart, upon the _Afric_ side, the _Lybian_. [Higher south I have been

told, there are rocks nearer the river, and in some places straiten

it.] But under those sands is a yielding stone, not much harder than

chalk, though not so white, and very easily managed, as at the _Mummies_

deep spacious vaults, which were the old repositories for the dead. And

the like also may be said of those cells or sepulchres which are hewn

purely out of the rocky earth three quarters of a mile on the south of

_Alexandria_. Albeit nearer the sea there are stones of a harder kind,

and with which they build; but by their mouldering away, as appears by

the remains of houses within the walls of the city, ’tis plain they

can’t endure the weather, which is sufficiently corroding there. The

iron which once plated their thick wooden gates being mostly eaten away,

and the deep characters upon the sides of these very porphyry pillars

exceedingly defaced. Indeed about _Memphis_, _i. e._ by the Pyramids,

they have a milder air, and the hieroglyphics cut in those stones will

last well enough, till they shall be removed into a rougher: But then

they’ll crizle and scale, as I found by sad experience. For having

procured four stones, the best marked with those figures of antiquity I

could meet with, and sent them down to _Alexandria_, in order to their

transportation for _England_, I found them, upon my second voyage into

_Egypt_, very much injured, being put into the custom-house-yard (where

they lie still embargo’d) by the _Aga_, who demanded an intolerable sum

for liberty to ship them, as you may remember I told you the story.

But yet farther in the country there are mountains of harder stone: In

the _Nitrian_, now the desart of St _Macarius_, and not far from the

lake where the latroon or true nitre incrustates upon the top of the

water, there are many, and some of them not utterly unlike porphyry. That

which nearest resembles it’s colour, though not it’s consistence, is

the vein that produces the eagle-stone, of which there are many in the

_Bahr Batama_, a great sandy valley: But these stones are of a different

complexion from porphyry, as you may perceive by those I sent you, which

also will assist your conjectures of their original.

However, I can’t pronounce that there is no porphyry hereabouts; for

in the chief monastery of the four now remaining (of 366, as many as

are days in the longest year) dedicated to the Blessed Virgin; the two

stones which secure their entrance are of the like, if not the very

same substance; which I more particularly observed upon the account of

their ingenious contrivance; for these poor people, lying otherwise at

the mercy of the roving _Arabs_, with these two mill-stones (for that’s

their make) thus make good their gate against them, (or rather their

passage) into which they run them, and then drive a great wooden wedge

between them on the inside, which so fastens them, that they cannot be

loosed, but upon the inside neither. And of such a sort of porphyry is

the noted _Sphynx_ (a mighty head and shoulders one hundred and ten feet

in compass) yet standing by the northern Pyramids.

I have indeed been told of the place upon mount _Sinai_, whence this

porphyry came, but so they shew the very rock where the two excellent

double rows of pillars in the church of _Bethlehem_ were hewn; though

I went away satisfy’d that it was a quite different sort of stone.

Another tells of a pillar of the same make yet lying there; and if this

be certain you need seek no farther. Albeit, I must tell you, that the

stones brought thence with the representation of a buck (it must needs be

call’d) upon them, some of which you had, though reddish, are of a much

finer and more even texture.

_Wansleben_ writes of a great many more southerly; but I know him to well

to believe all that he says for Gospel. And a more sober man, Father

_Carlo Francisco d’Orleans_, now superior of the _Capucines_ at _Cairo_,

who went three hundred leagues up the _Nile_ in the year 1569, told me of

many temples, statues, and pillars at that distance; though I cannot be

sure he said there were any of porphyry. But since it was in _Thebais_,

why may we not suppose them of that black, white, and red speckled

_Thebaic_ marble, famous in the world, and wherewith the lesser Pyramid

perhaps was crusted, yet to be seen upon the ground about it, and when

polish’d looks finely.

Those which I have myself seen, are one of them at the _Matarea_, three

or four miles east of Grand _Cairo_, and two at _Alexandria_, just within

the wall upon the north side of the city; for _Pompey_’s Pillar, as they

call it, half a mile without the gate to the south, is quite of another

make and matter; one of these is thrown down and broken into pieces, but

was of the same dimensions for breadth and thickness with the other. The

_Franks_ call them _Aguglia_’s, the _English_ particularly _Cleopatra_’s

needles, but the inhabitants content themselves with the general name

of Pillars. They have no Basis nor Pedestals above ground; and if they

never had, they must needs be very deep in the earth. The draughts I here

send you will excuse all farther description. One of them was very well

taken by Monsieur _Brute_ a _French Druggerman_, the other by a _Dutch_

Painter, who, you will see, has but little commended his art.

If you have a fancy, upon the sight of them, to sift out the Hieroglyphic

character with which they are engraven, perhaps you will find it to

be the ab-original _Egyptian_ letter, long since worn out of common

use in the country, as the _Samaritan_ (so it is now generally call’d)

was amongst the Jews; and that it bears proportion with the _China_

now in use, where each note represents a word, or rather an entire

signification. And moreover, that it is wrought the same way too, from

the top to the bottom; as you have seen in the board I brought from a

door in the village _Succara_, which is next to the Mummies, the largest

piece of _Egyptian_ writing, perhaps at this day in _Europe_. I confess

that in the vaults or Priests chambers cut out of the rock, close by the

second Pyramid, the whole walls are inscribed therewith, but I speak of

an original. And if all that is there written were but exactly copy’d, it

might be then lawful to hope, that the language so long since dead and

bury’d in the house of bondage, might have it’s resurrection in the land

of liberty.

That such vast monuments might be removed from place to place, is

difficult indeed, but not impossible. And if one _Archimedes_ (as

_Athenæus_ preserves the story for us) could launch the vast ship of

_Hiero_, which all the strength of _Syracuse_ was not able to bring to

sea; what might not many great masters in the same art perform, and

upon their own dunghill too? For I may call _Egypt_ the mother of the

Mathematics.

Besides, some of these mountains are near the Red Sea, and _Suss_ from

_Cairo_ but two or three days, from _Nile_ less; and how possible it is

to convey mighty weights by water, let the Obelisks at _Rome_ declare;

which were all of them brought from this very country; and that such

things may be done by land too, tho’ not by every one, is plain enough,

because we see they have been done. At _Baalbec_, which is fourteen hours

from _Damascus_, for thence I went, accompany’d with Mr _Anth. Balam_ and

Mr. _Jo. Verney_, both now in _England_, whom I thought fit to name for

my Compurgators, if you should question the credit of the story; there is

a stone about sixty six foot long on the north side of the castle-wall,

and two more of sixty each; and I believe we saw the way they travel’d,

having left one of their company, tho’ not quite so big in the road, as a

monument thereof to this very day.

If you have got the piece of this _Aguglia_, (for I have nothing here)

you will thereby best discern it’s colour and composition. It is

something more lively than the Porphyry of St _John_’s font (for by that

name it is known) at _Ephesus_, much more vived than those four tall

square pillars at _Tadmore_ (in it’s middle age _Palmyra_) which are each

of them but of, I think, one piece, whilst all the rest, exceeding many,

of another sort of stone, are of several pieces, and round. If you will

attribute the clearness of their complexion in part to the air, which

corrodes them especially upon the north and east; I impose not upon the

liberty of your reason.

If the _Ichnography_ of them (which I desire you to reserve for me) won’t

excuse me from any farther description, I beg your pardon that I have

said thus much, and hazarded my judgment to demonstrate my affection, how

much I am, and endeavour to be,

_Your faithful Friend_,

_And humble Servant_,

R. H.

_The cuts of these pillars are not prefixt to this paper, because

engraven and publish’d elsewhere. See ~Philosophical Transactions, Nᵒ

178. p. 1252~._

‘Monsieur _Cuper_, in his letter to _l’Abbe Nicaise_, informs the

world, that he had received letters from _Aleppo_, which say, that some

_English_ Gentlemen, out of curiosity, going to visit the ruins of

_Palmyra_, had found four hundred marble columns, of a sort of Porphyry,

and also observed some temples, yet entire with tombs, monuments, _Greek_

and _Latin_ inscriptions, of all which he hopes to get copies. _Journal

des Sçavans_, Nᵒ 25, _Anno 1692_.’

[Illustration]

_A journey from ~Grand Cairo~ to ~Mecca~._

The day that the _Emir-Adge_ parted from _Cairo_, he encamped in tents,

close by the city, and a few days after he encamped at the _Birque_,

which is a great pond about twelve miles from _Cairo_, near to which they

encamp. This place is the rendezvouz of all the Caravans. The _Emir-Adge_

parted from thence with the whole Caravan, Wednesday the eighth of

_August_, it being the custom for the Caravan of _Cairo_ to set out

fifty seven days after the beginning of the _Ramadam_, that so it may be

there punctually at the time. It is very pretty to see them encamped in

the night time, because of the infinite number of lamps that are in the

tents and pavilions. Next day, the ninth of _August_, the Caravan of the

_Magrebins_ parted also from the _Birque_, and there all of _Barbary_,

who intend to make the journey, meet, and make a distinct Caravan; which

depends not on the _Emir-Adge_ of _Cairo_, but have a chief of their own.

That Caravan never sets out, but a day after the Caravan of _Cairo_; they

travel commonly by night, and rest in the day time, as all other Caravans

do, that go to other places, that so they may avoid the heat, which is

almost insupportable; and when the moon does not shine, there are men who

carry links before the Caravan. In all Caravans, the camels are ty’d tail

to tail, so that let them but go, and there is no trouble of leading them.

Here I will give the reader an account, how many stages there are betwixt

_Cairo_ and _Mecca_, how many days they stay in them, how many hours

travelling there is betwixt them, and at what stages the waters are sweet

or bitter, all along the way. This little itinerary I had from a Prince

of _Tunis_, who made that journey whilst I was at _Cairo_. From _Cairo_

to the _Birque_ it is reckon’d four hours journey; there is fresh water

there. From the _Birque_ to _Misana_, that is to say _Cistern_, ten

hours; no water there. From _Misana_ to _Kalaat Aadgeroud_, which, is to

say, the _Castle of Sand-pits_, twelve hours and an half; there is bitter

water there. From the _Castle of Aadgeroud_ to _Navatir_, seven hours

and an half, no water there. From _Navatir_ to _Rastagara_, ten hours;

no water there, and the way bad. From _Rastagara_ to _Kalaat el Nahhal_,

that is to say, the _Castel of Palmes_, fifteen hours; there they stay a

day, and have fresh water. From the _Castle of Nahhal_ to _Abiar Alaina_,

fourteen hours; only bitter water there. From _Abiar Alaina_ to _Sath

el Acaba_, that is to say, the _Plain of the Hill_, fifteen hours; no

water there. From _Sath el Acaba_ to _Kalaat el Acaba_, that is to say,

the _Castle of the Hill_, (that is upon the side of the Red Sea) sixteen

hours, there they stay two days and an half, the way is very bad, but

they have fresh water. From the _Castle el Akabe_ to _Dar el Hhamar_,

six hours and an half; no water there, (_Dar el Hhamar_ signifies

_Asses Back_, and it is like the mountain in _Italy_, where there is

an inn call’d _Scarga l’asino_.) From _Dar el Hhamar_ to _Scharafe

Benigateie_, fourteen hours; no water there. From _Scharafe Benigateie_

to _Magare Chouaib_, that is to say, the _Grott of Jethro_, fourteen

hours; fresh water there; that is the country of the _Midionites_. From

_Magare Chouaib_ to _Eyoun el Kaseb_, fourteen hours and an half; fresh

water there. It was in that place where _Jethro_’s daughters going to

water their cattel, and the shepherds offering to hinder them, _Moses_

protected and defended them against those who would have hindred them to

draw water. From _Eyoun el Kaseb_ to _Kalaat el Moilah_, which is by the

sea side, fifteen hours; there they rest two days and a half, and have

fresh water. From _Kalaat el Moilah_ to _Castel_, eleven hours; bitter

water there. From _Castel_ to _Kalaat Ezlem_, fifteen hours and an half;

bitter water there. From _Kalaat Ezlem_ to _Istanbel antir_, fourteen

hours; fresh water there. From _Istanbel antir_ to _Kalaat el Voudge_,

that is to say, the _Castle of the Face_, thirteen hours and an half;

fresh water there. From _Kalaat el Voudge_ to _Ekre_, sixteen hours;

no water there but what is bitter. From _Ekre_ to _Hank Krue_, that is

to say, _Gulph_, twelve hours and an half; no water there. From _Hank

Krue_ (going to _Hhawre_, they enter into the territory of _Mecca_) to

_Hhawre_, it is thirteen hours; only bitter water there. From _Hhawre_

to _Nabte_, fifteen hours; fresh water there. From thence come the

_Nabathean Arabs_, _Eurus ad auroram Nabathæaque regna recessit_. From

_Nabte_ to _Hazire_, thirteen hours and an half; no water there. From

_Hazire_ to _Yanbouh_, that is to say _Fountain_, fourteen hours and an

half; there they stay two days and an half, and have fresh water. From

_Yanbouh_ to _Soucaif_, thirteen hours; no water there. From _Soucaif_

to _Bedar Hunein_, that is to say, the moon of _Hunein_, eight hours;

fresh water there. _Hunein_ was a man that shew’d the moon in his well.

From _Bedar Hunein_ to _Ssbil el Mouhsin_, that is to say, the _way of

Benefaction_, or _Benefit_, fourteen hours; fresh water there. _Rabii_

is a sacred place, that is to say, not to be entered into, without being

well prepared and purged from all sin. Hence it is that there are two

places which are call’d _Haramein_, _Sacred Places_, to wit, _Mecca_ and

_Medina_, that is to say, which are two holy places, where one should

take heed not to set his foot, unless he be well wash’d from all sin.

From _Rabii_ to _Kawdire_, fifteen hours, no water there. From _Kawdire_

to _Bir el fan_, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From _Bir el fan_ to

_Vadi fatima_, fourteen hours, fresh water there. From _Vadi fatima_ to

_Mecca_ six hours.

_Of the ~Aga~ sent to meet the Caravan upon their return._

About six weeks after the setting out of the Caravan of _Cairo_, when

they know that it is ready to return from _Mecca_, an _Aga_ goes from

_Cairo_ to guard the fresh provisions that the people of the country

send to their friends and relations in the Caravan, every one sending

according to their abilities and friendship, all which are well sealed

up, and delivered to those they belong unto. For this effect the _Aga_

has many camels with him, and gets considerably by the Caravan, which

he meets half way. This year it returned on Tuesday the thirteenth of

_November_, and encamped at the _Birque_, where the Caravan of the

_Magrebins_ arrived the day before. Several come to _Cairo_ the same day,

and their friends go as far as the _Birque_ to welcome them; whereupon

meeting, they kiss again and again five or six times, and all who know

them salute and kiss them in the same manner; and indeed, for some days

after there is nothing to be seen in the city, but people kissing one

another, or lamenting their relations who dy’d in the journey, men, women

and children, who howl and make fearful gestures, when they hear the

news from the first of the Caravan whom they meet. These Pilgrims are

forty five days in going, and as much in coming back to _Cairo_, besides

some days they stay there; but they make but easy journeys, it being

impossible that so great a body should march fast, for they must often

stop to load the camels whose loads have fallen off, to unload those that

fall or die, or to bury their dead, and a thousand such other accidents;

and when one camel stops, all the rest must wait. They travel commonly,

as I said, in the night time with links, that they may avoid the heat.

In this journey they find but little water, and that exceeding bad too;

as for fresh provisions, they find none, and eat only what they carry

along with them; but the worst thing they meet with in the journey, are

certain hot winds, which stifle the breath, and in a short time kill a

great many people. The Prince of _Tunis_ told me, that in one day several

hundreds died of that wind, and that he himself was much afraid, that he

should have been one of the number. In fine, in this expedition there

died six thousand, what of fatigue, thirst, and these hot winds. In that

journey people are to be seen riding on camels, and singing verses of the

_Koran_, who suddenly fall down dead. Those who return with life are so

altered and extenuated, that they can hardly be known; and nevertheless

vast numbers of people from all parts yearly perform that pilgrimage,

and there passes not a year wherein women and little children do not

make it. They who have performed that journey are call’d _Adgi_, that is

to say, Pilgrims, meaning tho’ only the pilgrimage of the _Kiaabe_, and

they are much respected by all as long as they live, and highly credited.

The _Emir-Adge_ gains much by this journey, for the goods of all that

die belong to him, besides a vast deal of other profits that he makes on

several occasions; and it is thought, that every expedition he gets above

an hundred thousand piasters, but this year he got above three hundred

thousand, for many people died. The greatest prerogative of this office

is, that during the whole expedition he is absolute master of the field,

and administers justice as he thinks fit.

Having in my hands an exact description of _Mecca_, and considering that

few or no travellers have spoken of it with any certainty, I thought it

would not be amiss to add it, and make a particular chapter thereof.

_Of ~Mecca~ and ~Medina~._

_Mecca_ is thirty seven days journey from _Cairo_, and all over desarts;

it is a days journey from the Red sea; the port of it is call’d _Gidde_,

which is a little town, wherein are two castles on the two sides of the

port, one on each side, and the _Turks_ say that _Eve_ lies bury’d there;

they shew her sepulchre, which is in length thirty eight or forty steps

of a man’s walk, and hath no other ornament but a stone at each end.

_Mecca_ is about the bigness of _Marseilles_, in the middle whereof is

the _Kiaabe_ or _Beytullah_, that is to say, the _House of God_, which

the _Turks_ say, was first built by the Patriarch _Abraham_. This house

is about fifteen foot in length, eleven or twelve in breadth, and about

five fathom high. The threshold of the door is as high from the ground as

a man can reach his hand, being within filled up even with the threshold.

The door is about a fathom and an half high, and a fathom wide, and is in

the corner to the left hand, when one faces the house. This door is of

beaten silver, and opens with two leaves; they go up to it by a ladder

supported by four wheels, two whereof are fastened to the lower end of

the ladder; and the other two to two wooden posts about the middle of it,

by means of which wheels the ladder is run to the wall, when any body is

to enter into the _Beytullah_.

This house has a flat roof, supported by three pillars of an octagon

figure, which are of Aloës-wood, as big as the body of a man, and about

three fathom and a half long; they are of one entire piece each, and yet

run in a straight line the length of the building, which is hung with red

and white stuff, having here and there these words upon them, _La Illah

Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah_.

At the same corner where the door is (but on the other side of the wall)

is the black stone, which they call _Hadgiar Asuad_, and is had in

veneration by them, because (as they say) _Abraham_ stood upon it when he

built that house, and that it served him for a scaffold, to the end he

might make no hole in the wall, it rising higher or lower as he pleased,

and being for that purpose brought him by the angel _Gabriel_.

There is a court about this house, which the _Turks_ call _Haram_, and

it is encompassed with walls, with three rows of pillars, and arches on

the inside of it. The four sects of _Mahometanism_ have their places of

prayer in this court, which are the _Hanifi_, _Chafii_, _Maliki_, and

_Hambeli_, each in one of the four parts of the court, with their faces

turned always towards the _Beytullah_, or _House of God_.

This house is begirt with two belts of gold, one below, and the other on

high. On one side of the terrass that covers the _Beytullah_ there is a

spout of beaten gold, about a fathom long, that jets out, to carry off

the rain-water that falls upon the terrass.

The same house is covered on the outside with hangings of black silk,

which is a kind of damask, and every year there are new ones sent from

_Cairo_, at the charge of the Grand Signior.

Ten days journey from _Mecca_, upon the road to _Damascus_, is the city

of _Medina_, three days journey from the Red Sea; the port of it is

call’d _Iambo_, which is a little town of the same shape and bigness as

_Gidde_.

_Medina_ is about half as big as _Mecca_, but it hath a suburb as

big as the town itself; much about the middle of that town there is

a Mosque, in a corner whereof is the sepulchre of _Mahomet_, covered

in the same manner as the monuments of the _Turkish_ Emperors are at

_Constantinople_. The sepulchre is in a little tower, or round building,

covered with a dome, which the _Turks_ call _Turbe_. This building is

quite open, from the middle up to the dome, and all round it there is

a little gallery, of which the out-side wall has several windows with

silver grates to them, and the in-side wall, which is that of the little

tower, is adorned with a great number of precious stones, and that place

which answers to the head of the tomb. There are rich things there also,

of an inestimable value, sent by the _Mahometan_ Kings, during so many

ages, which are fasten’d within this gallery, all round the said turret.

Among others, at the place which answers to the head of the tomb, there

is a great diamond, half as long as ones fore finger, and two fingers

broad, over which is the diamond which Sultan _Osman_, the son of Sultan

_Ashmet_, sent thither, and is equal to that which the _Ottoman_ Emperors

wear on their finger. These two diamonds were heretofore but one, which

Sultan _Osman_ caused to be saw’d in two in the middle. Lower down there

is a half moon of gold, set with diamonds of great worth.

The Pilgrims see not _Mahomet_’s tomb, because that turret wherein it is

enclosed hath no windows, being only open above, as hath been said; but

such as make any stay at _Medina_ have liberty and leisure to enter into

the _Turbe_, and see it, when there is no clutter of strangers there,

that is to say, three or four months after the departure of the Pilgrims,

who see no more but the aforesaid gallery, and the riches that are within

it, thro’ the silver grates of the windows, which we mention’d before.

Those then who enter into the _Turbe_, see that the tomb hangs not in

the air, as many have falsly written, and (which is more) never did hang

so, but is upon the flat ground raised and cover’d like the tombs of

_Turkish_ Emperors and Bashaws.

The _Turbe_ is hung all round with hangings of red and white silk, like

damask, which cover all the wall, except at the place where the great

diamonds are, for there they are tuck’d aside, that the diamonds may not

be cover’d. Round all these hangings are the aforemention’d words in

characters of gold, _La Illah Illallah, Mouhammed Resoul allah_. These

hangings are renew’d every seven years by the _Ottoman_ Emperors, unless

when a new Emperor succeeds, before the seven years be accomplish’d, for

in that case the Emperor renews them so soon as he comes to the throne.

The door by which they enter into the gallery is of silver, and so is the

other that goes out of the gallery into the _Turbe_.

When the Pilgrims (to the number of two hundred thousand souls) are come

to _Mecca_ at the usual time, which is a short while before the little

_Bairam_, and that it is the day before the vigil of the said _Bairam_,

they go and lie at a place call’d _Myne_, half a league from _Mecca_,

and next day being the vigil of _Bairam_, they go half a league farther

off, to another place call’d _Arafa_, which is a great plain, in the

middle whereof there is a rock, or rising hillock, and on the top of it

a _Member_, or place for preaching in, into which steps a _Scheikh_, who

preaches to all the people about in the plain.

The Pilgrims being return’d to _Mecca_, divide themselves in several

Caravans, because of the different countries they come from, and are to

go back to them again. The Caravan that met at _Damascus_, upon their

return pass by _Medina_, and visit _Mahomet_’s tomb, seeing it is upon

their road. Of the rest, those who are prompted by devotion go thither,

but a great part return back to their several countries, without turning

out of their way to visit the said sepulchre, their law not obliging them

to that, as it does to visit the other places above mention’d; so that

they are grosly mistaken, who have affirm’d, that the pilgramage of the

_Turks_ is to the sepulchre of _Mahomet_, who oblig’d them to it. For

that false Prophet told his followers, when he drew near his death, that

if any one returning from _Mecca_, had the curiosity to come and see his

sepulchre, he should say a _Fatha_ for his soul (which is a prayer taken

out of the _Koran_, resembling in some manner our _Pater Noster_) and be

gone. _Mecca_ is the place of _Mahomet_’s birth, _Medina_ of his burial.

_An Extract of a Journey thro’ part of ~Arabia Felix~, from the copy in

~Ramusio~’s collection._

We travell’d in most places of _Arabia_ by the help of a compass, and

were forty days and forty nights in going between _Damascus_ and _Mecca_;

port _Ziden_ is forty miles distant from _Mecca_, from whence it receives

the greatest part of it’s provisions by the Red Sea, from _Egypt_,

_Æthiopia_, and _Arabia Felix_, the numbers of Pilgrims and camels being

incredible, and fresh water very scarce, and as dear as wine in _Europe_.

I stole away secretly from _Mecca_ in the disguise of a _Mammaluck_, to

_Ziden_, in order to pass round _Arabia_ by sea into _Persia_. _Ziden_

contains about 500 houses; there lay at anchor almost 100 brigantines and

foysts, with divers barks of sundry sorts, both with and without oars.

After six days sailing we came to _Gezan_, a fair commodious port full

of vessels; the soil is very fruitful and delicious, abounding with many

rare fruits and flowers; the inhabitants for the most part go naked.

Leaving _Gezan_, in the space of five or six days, we reach’d an island

named _Camaran_, ten miles in circuit; in it is a town of 200 houses,

the inhabitants are _Mahometans_; it hath great store of flesh and fresh

water; the haven is eight miles from the continent, and is subject to the

Sultan of _Arabia Felix_. In two days sailing we came to the mouth of the

Red Sea.

The day after our arrival at _Aden_, I being suspected for a _Portuguese_

spy, was cast into heavy chains, and thrown into Prison: After fifty five

days Imprisonment, I was set upon a camel with my shackles, and in eight

days journey came to _Rhada_, a city where the Sultan then lay with 30000

men, to make war against the Sultan of _Sana_ three days distant from

_Rhada_. The Sultan’s guard were _Æthiopians_, with short broad swords,

painted targets and darts, slings and ropes made of cotton. Having

obtained my liberty, I pass’d through _Almacaran_ and _Laghi_, to _Aden_,

where I embark’d for _Persia_.

In this journey I observed many monkeys, lyons, sheep with prodigious

great tails; variety of spices, sugars, and a sort of grape without

stones, very delicious; many strange gum-trees, as the Balsam, the

Myrrhe, Frankincense, Coffee, Cocoes, _&c._

[Illustration]

_Some observations made by Sir ~Henry Middleton~ and other ~Englishmen~,

in ~Arabia Felix~, when they were most treacherously seized, and led

prisoners from ~Moha~ and ~Aden~ up to ~Zenan~. Also Captain ~Payton~’s

and Captain ~Heyn~’s observations in some parts of ~Arabia Felix~._

We were fifteen days in going from _Moha_ to _Zenan_, which is about 180

miles distant N. N. W. it lies in 16 degrees and 15 min. Lat. We were

carried about our Christmass-time, and were almost starved with cold,

there being hoary frosts and ice at _Zenan_; some of our men got furrs,

this was wonderful in such a latitude; we fed much upon _Dates_ and

_Plantanes_.

_Zenan_ appeared to me bigger than _Bristol_, it’s situation is in a

stony valley, encompass’d with high hills, with many gardens and places

of pleasure. The buildings are of good stone and lime.

_February_ the seventeenth, we obtain’d our liberty, and began on the

eighteenth our journey from _Zenan_ to _Moha_; that night we came to

_Siam_, 16 miles, some on asses, others on camels; on the nineteenth

to _Surage_, 18 miles; on the twentieth to the city _Damare_, in a

plentiful country 20 miles from _Surage_; on the twenty first we arrived

at _Ermin_, 15 miles, here we staid the twenty second; on the twenty

third we came to _Nagual Samare_; the twenty fourth to _Mohader_, 13

miles from _Nackelsamar_; on the twenty fifth to _Rabattamain_, 16 miles

from _Mohader_; here they make opium of a poppy, but it is not good.

The twenty sixth we came to _Coughe_, call’d _Meisadine_, 16 miles from

_Rabattamain_. On the twenty seventh we were at _Tayes_, half as large

as _Zenan_, here they make _Indigo_ out of an herb. _March_ the first,

we travell’d from _Tayes_ to _Eufras_, 16 miles distant; the second

to _Assambine_ 11 miles; on the third to _Accomoth_; on the fourth to

_Mousa_, 17 miles; here we observed them steeping the _Indigo_ plant; on

the fifth we got to _Moha_.

_Moha_ is less than _Tayes_, but very populous, it stands close by the

sea in a salt and sandy soil, unwall’d; yet it hath platforms and forts;

abundance of shipping resort thither from _India_, and great Caravans by

land from _Syria_ and _Mecca_, to trade and exchange commodities.

_Aden_ is the greatest port of _Arabia Felix_, it is situated at the foot

of vast high mountains, which rise up with pikes, and run with great

promontories into the sea; these hills were call’d _Cabubarre_, according

to the journal of Don _John_ of _Castro_ the _Portuguese_. Captain

_Dunton_, of Sir _Henry Middleton_’s fleet, observed _Aden_ to lie in

12° 35′ of N. Lat. The variation westerly was 12° 40′. It flows upright

between 6 and 7 foot water on the change day. The canoes came about the

_English_ ships with _Indigo_, _Olibanum_, and _Myrrhe_, but none trade

with them by reason of their treachery. _Aden_ has been a great city of

above 6000 houses, but Captain _Dunton_ found the buildings much decay’d,

and many of them sunk. Captain _Sharpeigh_ was the first _Englishman_

that ever landed at _Aden_, he had been there 16 months before, in the

year 1610.

The afore-mention’d parts of _Arabia Felix_ were at that time under

the subjection of the _Turks_, who had got possession of them from the

_Arabians_, by tricks and treachery, whom they kept in awe by many

castles built on hills and passes, and by the many captives they always

kept as pledges. Sir _Henry Middleton_ observed many of the mountainous

parts to be under the dominion of the _Arabians_, who are very populous

in all the places where he passed, and are at frequent wars with the

insolent _Turks_, who pretended secret orders from the Grand Signior,

to destroy all Christians that came ashore, lest they should go up to

_Mecca_ and _Medina_, to ransack and burn them.

Capt. _Walter Payton_, in the year 1613, found great hospitality and

ingenuity in some parts of _Arabia Felix_, nearer the _Persian_ gulph,

especially at _Doffar_, a very good road for ships, and a fair city,

where the _Arabians_ presented his crew with bullocks, sheep, hens,

goats, sugar-canes, plantanes and cocoes. This _Cape_ stands in 16° 38′

of N. Lat. and is free from the _Turkish_ yoke.

Capt. _Edward Heyns_ anchored before _Moha_ or _Mocha_, in _Arabia

Felix_, _An. Dom. 1618_, the governor sent him, as presents, a young

bullock, two goats, mangoes, limes, cucumbers, water-melons, quinces,

rack made of rice, _&c._ He went freely ashore, and found it a very

neat, populous and flourishing town, built of brick and stone, curiously

plaister’d over like _Paris_, two stories high with flat roofs and

terrasses on the top, whereon they build summer-houses with canes and

matts, wherein they sleep and receive the fresh breezes in the great

heats. They excus’d the cruelty to Sir _H. Middleton_, laying it on the

cruel governor at that time.

_Of the ways and roads between ~Egypt~ and ~Ethiopia~._

In the month of _October_ an embassador of _Ethiopia_ came to _Cairo_,

with several presents for the Grand Signior, and among others an ass

that had a most delicate skin, if it was natural, for I will not vouch

for that, since I did not examine it. This ass had a black list down

the back, and the rest of it’s body was all begirt with white and tawny

streaks, a finger broad a piece; the head of it was extraordinary long,

striped and partly colour’d as the rest of the body; it’s ears like a

buffle’s, were very wide at the end, and black, yellow, and white; it’s

legs streaked just like the body, not long ways, but round the leg, in

fashion of a garter, down to the foot, and all in so good proportion and

simetry, that no lynx could be more exactly spotted, nor any skin of a

tyger so pretty, this may be the _Zembra_. The embassador had two more

such asses, which dy’d by the way, but he brought their skin with him,

to be presented to the Grand Signior, with the live one. He had also

several little black slaves of _Nubia_, and other countries, confining

on _Ethiopia_, _Civet_, and other costly things for his present. These

little blacks serve to look after the women in the Seraglio, after that

they are gelded. The embassador was an old man, and had the end of

his nose, part of the upper and under lip cut off, but was otherwise

a shapely man, and of a very good presence; he was cloathed after the

_Coptish_ fashion, wearing a turban like them, and spoke very good

_Italian_, which gave me the opportunity of conversing with him; he

told me his name was _Michael_, that he was a native of _Tripoly_ in

_Syria_, and that he had made three or four voyages into Christendom;

that eighteen months before he had parted from _Gontar_, the capital

city of _Ethiopia_, and was so long retarded by the way, because of the

contrary winds he met with on the Red Sea, by which he came. That of an

hundred persons whom he had brought along with him, of his own servants,

and the slaves he was to present to the Grand Signior, thirty or forty

were dead. If he had come by land, he had not been so long by the way;

for from _Gontar_ to _Schouaquen_ it is about six weeks journey, and from

_Schouaquen_ to _Cairo_ forty or fifty days by camels; but he could not

take that way because of his train. He told me many things relating to

the kingdom of _Ethiopia_, which I shall here give the reader an account

of.

But first, of the ways of passing out of _Egypt_ into _Ethiopia_. The

Merchants setting out from Grand _Cairo_, are carry’d up the _Nile_

against the stream, as far as _Monfallot_, and thence travelling in

Caravans, first come to _Siint_, and so in order to the following towns:

_Wack_ three days journey; _Meks_ two days; _Scheb_ three; _Sellim_

three; _Moschu_ five; _Dungala_ five, accounted to be the Metropolis of

_Nubia_, then they come into the kingdom of _Sennar_; from _Dungala_

they travel to _Kshabi_, three days journey; _Korti_ three more; _Trere_

three; _Gerry_ one; _Helfage_ one; _Arbatg_ three; _Sennar_ four; from

_Sennar_ in fourteen days they arrive at the confines of _Habessinia_,

the entrance is call’d _Tshelga_. The passage by sea is various, for the

Merchants embark in several ports on the Red Sea, as _Suesso_, _Gidda_,

_Alcossir_, and so coast it to _Suaquena_ and _Matzua_. The safest way of

travelling into the kingdom of _Prester John_, is with some metropolitan

or embassador. Some land at _Baylar_, a port belonging to the King of

_Dengala_, in amity with the _Habessins_, but the journey thence by land

is tedious, and infested by the _Gallons_. ’Tis but three months travel

by land from Grand _Cairo_ to _Gontar_, the chief city of _Ethiopia_.

_Of ~Ethiopia~: By ~Michael~ of ~Tripoly~, Embassador from the

~Habessine~ Emperor to the Grand Signior._

_Ethiopia_, or the country of the _Abyssins_, called in _Arabic Abesch_,

from whence comes the word _Abyssin_, is a great empire, being above

seven months travel in circuit: On the east side it is bordered by the

Red Sea, and _Zanguebar_, on the south with _Zeila_, _Avousa_, _Naria_,

_&c._ On the west by the country of the _Negroes_ and _Nubia_, and on

the north, with the country of _Nubia_ and _Bugia_, because to come from

_Ethiopia_ into _Egypt_, one must cross _Nubia_ down the _Nile_. About

an hundred years ago, _Greyu Mahomet_, King of _Zeila_, of which the

inhabitants are all _Moors_, invaded _Ethiopia_, and forced the King to

save himself on a mountain, from whence he sent to demand assistance of

the King of _Portugal_, who immediately sent it him, but hardly was he

who commanded these auxiliaries enter’d the country, when he resolved

to return back again, finding that they eat raw flesh there: However,

his brother Don _Christopher_ had more courage, and would not return

without doing some exploit: He marched up into the country with about

three hundred musqueteers, fought, vanquished, and killed the _Moorish_

King, and then re-established the lawful King of _Ethiopia_: For reward

of which service, the King of _Ethiopia_ gave lands and estates to all

the _Portuguese_ that staid within his dominions, and their offspring are

still in that country. The father of this present King was a Catholic,

but he dying about thirty odd years ago, the Queen his wife, who was

a great enemy to the _Jesuits_, and no Catholic, and who suffered

impatiently, that they should govern, as they pleased, the late King her

husband, wrought upon her son that succeeded him, to persecute all the

_Roman_ Catholics, in such a manner, that the _Jesuits_ were obliged to

make their escape, and he put to death all the Capuchins whom he found.

Since that time, three Capuchins more were put to death at _Schouaken_;

for the King of _Ethiopia_ knowing that they had a mind to come into

his kingdom, sent to the Governor of _Schouaken_ praying him to put to

death those three religious _Franks_. The Governor of _Schouaken_, caused

their heads to be immediately struck off, and sent them to the King of

_Ethiopia_, who, as a reward, made him a present of three bags of gold

dust, promising him as many bags of gold dust, as he should send him

heads of _Franks_. And fifteen or sixteen years since, two others have

been put to death in the province of _Oinadaga_, whose names were Father

_Fioravanti_, and Father _Francesco_. In short, this King is a declared

enemy to all _Franks_, whom he accuses of being heretics, and of having

conspired to put the crown upon the head of one of his enemies: So that

a _Frank_ who would go into that country, must pass for an _Armenian_ or

_Cophte_, for the King and his people are of the _Cophtish_ Religion.

They believe but one nature in _Jesus Christ_. At the end of eight days

they circumcise as the _Jews_ do, and baptize a fortnight after. Before

the _Jesuits_ went thither, they baptized none before they were thirty

or forty years of age. They say mass as the _Cophtes_ do, but their

church books are in the _Ethiopic_ language. Their Patriarch depends on

the Patriarch of _Alexandria_, and when the Patriarch of the _Abyssines_

dies, they send deputies to _Alexandria_, to entreat the Patriarch to

send them another, and he convocating his Clergy, chuses out the fittest

among them, whom he sends, but is never any more heard of in _Egypt_,

till he be dead.

There are four Kings that pay tribute to the King of _Ethiopia_, to wit,

the King of _Sennar_, who pays his tribute in horses. _Sennar_ is a very

hot country. The King of _Naria_, who pays his tribute in gold. The King

of _Bugia_, and King of _Dangala_. _Naria_ is a good country, and in

that country are the mines out of which they have the gold that passes

on the coasts of _Soffala_ and _Guiney_. These mines are not deep, as in

many other countries. From that country also comes the civet. I think

it will not be amiss here to say somewhat of Civets, which so rare in

our country, as that they deserve to be taken notice of where one can

find them. They are called Civet Cats, come from _Naria_, (as I just now

said) and are taken in snares. The _Jews_ in _Cairo_ keep many of them

in their houses, where for buying a few drachms of civet one may see

them. It is a beast almost as big as a good Dog: It hath a sharp snout,

small eyes, little ears, and mustachios like a Cat: The skin of it is

all spotted black and white, with some yellowish specks, and hath a long

bushy tail, almost like a Fox. It is a very wild creature, and I believe

the bite of it would put a body to no small pain. The _Jews_ keep them

in great square wooden cages, where they feed them with raw mutton and

beef, cut into small pieces. When they would get from them that which is

called civet, and is the sweat of this beast that smells so sweet, they

make him go back with a stick, which they thrust in betwixt the bars of

the cage, and catch hold of his tail; when they have that fast, they

take hold also of his two hind legs, pulling him half out of the cage

by the door, which falls down upon his back, and keeps him fast there,

then another opens a certain cod of flesh that these beasts have, which

is shaped like a split gyserne, and with an iron spatula scrapes all the

sweat off it within. The males have that piece of flesh betwixt their

stones and yard, which is like a Cat’s. The females have it betwixt

their fundament and privities, and it is emptied of the sweat but twice

a week, each beast yielding about a drachm at a time, by what I could

discern. When that sweat, or excrement is taken out, it is of whitish

grey, but by little and little, in some short space, it turns to a very

brown colour. It smells very sweat at a distance, but near hand it stinks

and causes a head-ach. There are as many kinds of civet sweat, as there

are of Civet Cats, for it is more whitish, greyish, or yellowish, and

drier in some than in others, and yet they mingle all together. After

all, it is in vain to think to have pure civet, for the _Jews_ falsify

it; and if a man imagine it to be pure, because he has seen it taken

from the beast, he is mistaken, for before people come to their houses,

they rub the inside of that piece of flesh, with a little oil, or some

such stuff, that so the sweat and it together may make more weight, but

when nobody is present, they take it out pure, and mingle it afterwards.

To find out the truth of this, I went one day to the house of a _Jew_

that kept Civet Cats, without giving him notice before, (for because I

had bought a little of him, and promised to come again another time,

he asked me as often as he saw me, what day I would come) and having

desired him to get me some fresh civet, he told me, that it was not the

day he used to take it out; and having returned without acquainting him

before, upon one of the days when he said he was accustomed to gather

it, he refused then also to do it, pretending business, which confirmed

all that had been told me of that matter. In the mean time they hold

these beasts very dear; for having asked that _Jew_, and others also,

how much they would have of me for a Civet Cat, they all told me, an

hundred chequins. _Dangala_ is the capital city of _Nubia_, the King of

_Dangala_ is King of the _Barberins_, who are a kind of blacks, of the

Musulman religion, that came in crowds to _Cairo_, to get services; they

are somewhat silly, but very faithful, and serve for a small matter,

for two maidins a day, or a maidin and their diet: You may make them do

whatsoever you please. They wear a blew shirt, plat all their hair in

tresses, and then rub it over with a certain oil, to keep their head from

being lousy. At _Cairo_, when they have any falling out, they go before

the _Scheiks_ of their own nation, who make them friends, and if they

think it convenient, adjudge them to pay a fine, with which they feast

and make merry together. They are great lovers of Crocodiles flesh; and

when any _Frank_ has got one for the skin, they come and beg the flesh,

which they dress with a pretty good sauce. When these blades have scraped

together ten or twelve piastres, they return home again wealthy to their

own country, provided they escape being robbed by the _Arabs_ upon the

way, who many times serve them so, therefore they commonly return in

companies, as they came. The King of _Dangala_ pays his tribute to the

King of _Ethiopia_ in cloth. The provinces of _Ethiopia_ are _Gouyan_,

(where the King keeps a Viceroy) _Beghandir_, _Dambia_, _Amara_ (which

is a great province, full of mountains and good castles) _Damoud Tegre_,

and _Barnegas_. Besides, there are several provinces governed by Princes,

who are vassals to the King of _Ethiopia_. In short, the kingdom of

_Ethiopia_ comprehends twenty-four _Tambours_, or Vice-roys. The capital

city is called _Gonthar_, and is in the province of _Dambia_. _Ethiopia_

(as the Embassador told me) is as cold as _Aleppo_ or _Damascus_, only

the countries near the Red Sea, and the country of _Sennar_ are hot. The

King of _Ethiopia_ has above an hundred wives, and keeps no Eunuchs to

look after them, because they look upon it as a sin to geld a man; so

that the women have the same liberty there as in _Christendom_. He is a

King of very easy access, and the poorest have the freedom to come and

speak to him when they please. He keeps all his children on a mountain,

called _Ouhhni_, in the province of _Oinadaga_, which is a mountain two

days journey distant from _Gonthar_; there is a place like a cistern on

the top of the mountain, into which they are let down every night, and

taken up again in the day-time, and suffered to play and walk about.

When the King dies, they chuse out one of the wittiest of them, and

make him King, without any regard to birthright; and when he comes to

have children, he sends his brothers prisoners to some other place, and

places his children at _Ouhhni_. The place where the Kings are buried,

is called _Ayesus_, and is a kind of grott, where the aged are laid in

one side, and the young in the other. Heretofore there was a church there

of the same name, in time of the Jesuits; and in the same place there is

a library. The Embassador assured me, that he had been in that library,

and I fancy it is the old library of the ancient _Ethiopians_. _Ethiopia_

is a good and fertile country, producing wheat, barley, _&c._ The

greatest desarts of it are not above three or four days journey over; and

nevertheless, when the King makes any progress, he lodges in tents. The

houses of the great lords are like those of _Cairo_, that is to say, very

mean, in respect of the houses of _Europe_, and the rest are only of mud.

The country affords men of all trades, except watch-makers. They have no

camels there, but mules, asses, oxen, and horses. All the people of this

country eat raw flesh, except the King, who has it dress’d, and drinks

wine of grapes; the rest drink only wine made of millet, or sarasin

wheat, but as strong as ours, and brandy made of the same grain. They

are cloathed after the fashion of the _Franks_, and wear cloth, velvet,

and other stuffs imported to them by the Red Sea. They have harquebusses

from the _Turks_, and of those people there are not above three or four

hundred who serve in the wars with harquebusses. In trading, they make no

use of coined money, as the _Europeans_ do, but their money are pieces of

fifteen or twenty _Pics_ of cloth, gold, which they give by weight, and

a kind of salt, which they reduce into little square pieces like pieces

of soap, and these pass for money. They cut out that salt upon the side

of the Red Sea, five or six days journeys from _Dangala_, as you go from

_Cairo_, and the places where they make it are called _Arbo_. Among them

is the nation of the _Gauls_, whom in _Ethiopic_ they call _Chava_, and

are a vagabond people in _Ethiopia_, as the _Arabs_ are in _Egypt_. These

_Gauls_ are rich in cattle, and are always at wars with the _Ethiopians_.

They have no harquebusses, nor other fire arms, but make use of lances

and targets. After all, they speak so many different languages in

_Ethiopia_, that the Embassador said to me, _If God hath made seventy-two

languages, they are all spoken in ~Ethiopia~_. I asked his Excellency if

he knew any thing of the source of the _Nile_, and this he told me,

concerning it: The head of _Nile_ is a well that springs out of the

ground in a large plain, where many trees grow; this fountain is called

_Ouembromma_, and is in a province called _Ago_. It makes that a very

delightful place, casting up water very high in several places: And this

Embassador of _Ethiopia_ assured me, that he had been above twelve times

with the King of _Ethiopia_ to spend several days about that fountain,

which is twelve days journey from _Gonthar_.

_More Observations of ~Ethiopia~, by Father ~Lobo~, Father ~Alvarez~,

Father ~Tellez~, and others; extracted from their ~Portuguese~ voyages._

The rains begin to fall in _June_, and continue _July_, _August_, and

part of _September_, which make the _Nile_ swell and overflow in those

months. Father _Tellez_ says, the mountains of _Habessimia_ are much

higher than our _Alps_ and _Pyrenean_ hills; these render the country

more temperate and healthful, and make that torrid climate tolerable

to the _European_ bodies: There is plenty of good springs and herbage.

In the midst of the plains there rise up many steep rocks of wonderful

figures and shapes, on the tops whereof are woods, meadows, fountains,

fish-ponds, and other conveniences of life: The natives get up to them

by ropes, and crane up their cattle: These are like so many fortresses,

which defend the natives against the sudden incursions of barbarous

nations on all sides.

This kingdom abounds with metals, but they neglect to work them, lest

_Turkish_ or other invasions would follow, if such baits were discovered.

Their winter is from _May_ to _September_, the sun then passing and

repassing perpendicular over their heads. During this season, once every

day it rains torrents, and thunders most violently, which are accompanied

sometimes with sudden and furious hurricanes.

The Jesuits residing in the province of _Zambea_, observ’d both the

poles, the antartic higher with his cross stars: In this tract of heaven,

there is, as it were, a cloud, or blot full of little stars, as our _Via

Lactea_.

The animals of this vast kingdom are, the _Hippopotamus_, or river-horse,

which makes great devastation in their plantations, Crocodiles,

_Rhinocerots_, Elephants, Lyons, Tygers, Panthers, _Camelopardalus_,

_Gazels_, _Zembra_’s, Civet Cats; great varieties of Monkeys, Apes, and

Baboons; Ostriches, _Cassowars_, Turtles, Locusts in prodigious numbers.

The ordinary trees are, the Date, Coco, Tamarind, _Cassia_, Oranges,

_Musa_, or Plantane, Cotton trees, with many others peculiar to the

climate and region.

In one year they will have three several crops of rice, millet, tef-seed,

(their common food, ten times less than mustard seed) of wheat, and other

_European_ grain, yet the locusts often devour all, and bring on famines.

They make a drink of honey, burnt rice, water, and a wood call’d _Sardo_.

They have no mills, but grind all their grain with the hand.

Great caravans pass up and down the country, to and from the sea ports,

with merchandise. In many places the towns and villages are extremely

thick, and very populous.

Snow sometimes lies on the high mountains of _Ethiopia_, especially those

called _Semain_ and _Sallent_, or the _Jews_ hills. This part of _Afric_

called _Habessinia_, is much the highest of that quarter of the world,

the great rivers running east, north, and west, as _Hawas_, _Hanazo_, the

_Nile_, _Niger_ or _Gambia_, the _Zaire_, _&c._ taking their rise in it.

_Ludolfus_ in his late learned Commentaries on his _Ethiopic_ History,

figures several animals proper to these _African_ regions; as, 1. _Tygris

orbiculis minutis variegata._ 2. _Tigris maculis virgatis._ 3. _Pardus

maculis seu scutulis varius._

The _Habessine_ ports towards the Red Sea are very ill guarded, therefore

the _Turks_ are in possession of _Arkiko_ and _Matzua_. The _Habessines_

are not addicted to navigation, they trade only with the _Arabians_, and

carry their goods to _Suoquena_, _Arkiko_, and _Matzua_: The _Arminians_

often get entrance into the country, where they are very well received.

The _Arabians_ come in their barks cross the Red Sea, from _Mocha_,

_Aden_, _Ziden_, _Cameron_, and other ports. Few of the _Habessines_ pass

over into _Arabia_, and when they do, they dissemble their religion, and

disguise themselves in the habits of Musulmans. This comes from _Hubert

Klock_, in his letters to the _Dutch East India_ Company. _Anno 1685._

Father _Hyeronymo Lobo_ observ’d the Red Sea to be navigable only in the

middle, in which are some small islands and rocks above water, of little

danger in clear weather: The two shoars of _Arabia_ and _Ethiopia_ are

of very bad passage, full of shoals, rocks, and corals. The entrance of

this sea is the clearest and deepest on the side of _Arabia_, and is

the ordinary passage for ships of burthen, the other part of the mouth

towards _Ethiopia_, is full of flats and shoals, so that none ventures

through but little vessels: The pearl-fishing is near the island of

_Daleca_. On several parts of this sea we observed abundance of reddish

spots made by a weed resembling _Cargaco_ (or _Sargosso_) rooted in the

bottom, and floating in some places. Upon strict examination it proved to

be that which we found the _Ethiopians_ call _Sufo_, us’d up and down for

dying their stuffs and cloths of a red colour, (perhaps this may be one

of the _Rocoella_’s _in Imperati_, _a fucus_ or _Alga tinctoria_.)

_FINIS._

[Illustration]

FOOTNOTES

[1] _~I~ guess them rather to have been ~Cormorants~; no ~Eagles~ having

long Necks._

[2] _Rauwolff_ was here too credulous and facil to suffer himself to

be abused and imposed upon by these relaters; for that there neither

are, nor ever were any animals with more heads than one naturally, I do

confidently affirm.

[3] Too soon, for that there are no such creatures in the world as

either _Unicorn_ or _Griffin_, I am as sure as I can be of a Negative.

Nay, Dr. _Brown_ hath well demonstrated, that there cannot be such a

creature as the common pictures of him represent the _Unicorn_. I cannot

again but wonder at the credulity of so curious and inquisitive a man as

_Rauwolff_, in believing the idle stories of such a vain and lying fellow.

[4] Though _Jerusalem_ might be situate in the highest part of _Judæa_,

yet are not the following places of the Scripture a sufficient proof

of it. For because it was the capital, and supreme town, in regard

of greatness, multitude of people, strength, jurisdiction, and other

privileges, though it’s site was not higher than that of other towns,

yet might people well enough be said to go up thither, it being highest

in respect of dignity, though not of place. So we make no scruple to

say in common speech, that whosoever travels up to _London_, goes up

thither; and whosoever travels from thence, goes down into the country,

let his habitation be never so much higher situate than _London_. Yet

was _Jerusalem_ situate on a hill, which is enough to verify all those

expressions, though that hill were not the highest in _Judæa_.

[5] _James_ the Son of _Alpheus_, one of the Apostles, was usually called

_James_ the _Less_; but it was not he that was elected first bishop of

_Jerusalem_, but _James_ the _Just_, who was called the Lord’s brother,

and was none of the Apostles.

[6] Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν. So the Emperor _Constantine_ in a

letter to _Eusebius_, _de Vita Constantini, lib. 4. cap. 39. & apud

Theodoritum Histor. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16. v. etiam Socrat. Scholast.

Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16._

[7] V. _Socratem ibidem._ _Et Theophanem in Chronographia_ XXV. _anno

Constantini_.

[8] The Italian word _Rione_ is a manifest corruption of the Latin word.

[9] _In Panegyrico, quem Romæ dixit Anthenio Augusto, his consuli._

[10] _Hæresi_ lxix _quæ est Arianorum. Sect. 2._ where he says a sad

dismal fire was kindled by _Arius_: πῦρ οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ὃ κατείληφε παρὰ τὴν

Ῥωμανίαν σχεδὸν, μάλιστα τῆς ἀνατολῆς τὰ μέρη, which seized almost upon

all _Romania_, or _Universum Romanorum Imperium_, as _Petavius_ renders

it, but especially the eastern parts of it.

[11] Pag. 144, 152, 155.

[12] Pag. 139.

[13] _Vid._ _Gillium de Bosp. Thracii_, l. III c. 12. &c.

[14] Pag. 169. Num. 3.

[15] Pag. 121.

[16] Vid. _Historiam Politicam Constantinopoleos apud Crusium in

Turco-Græcia_, pag. 9.

[17] This was an old error: for thus writes _Dionysius Byzantinus_ in his

little book of the _Bosphorus_, Τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ μὲν πλεῖον κατιόντος ἐστὶ

δὲ ὅτε κατ’ ἐπικράτειαν ἀναστρέφοντος·

[18] _Les voyages de Seign. Villamont._

[19] _Sands_’s Travels.

[20] The air of _Egypt_ is confessed by the ancients to be often full of

vapours; which appears both by the great dews that happened after the

deluge of _Nilus_ for several months; as also in that I have discovered

at _Alexandria_, in the winter time, several obscure stars in the

constellation of _Ursa major_, not visible in _England_; the which could

not be discerned there, were there not a greater refraction at that time

than with us, and consequently a greater condensation of the _medium_ or

air, as the optics demonstrate.

[21] These proportions of the chamber, and those which follow of the

length and breadth of the hollow part of the tomb, were taken by me with

as much exactness as it was possible to do; which I did so much the more

diligently, as judging this to be the fittest place for the fixing of

measures for posterity. A thing which hath been much desired by learned

men, but the manner how it might be exactly done, hath been thought of

by none. I am of opinion, that as this Pyramid hath stood three thousand

years almost, and is in no whit decayed within, so it may continue many

thousand years longer: And therefore that after-times measuring these

places by me assigned, may hereby not only find out the just dimensions

of the _English_ foot, but also the feet of several nations in these

times, which in my travels abroad I have taken from the originals, and

have compared them at home with the _English_ standard. Had some of the

ancient Mathematicians thought of this way, these times would not have

been so much perplexed, in discovering the measures of the _Hebrews_,

_Babylonians_, _Egyptians_, _Greeks_, and other nations. Such parts as

the _English_ foot contains a thousand, the _Roman_ foot on _Cossutia_’s

monument (commonly called by writers _Pes Colotianus_) contains nine

hundred sixty seven. The _Paris_ foot a thousand sixty eight. The

_Spanish_ foot nine hundred and twenty. The _Venetian_ foot one thousand

and sixty two. The _Rhinland_ foot, or that of _Snellius_, one thousand

and thirty three. The _Bracio_ at _Florence_ one thousand nine hundred

and thirteen. The _Bracio_ at _Naples_ two thousand one hundred. The

_Deran_ at _Cairo_ one thousand eight hundred and twenty four. The

greater _Turkish Dike_ at _Constantinople_, two thousand two hundred.

[22] As appears by a fair and ancient monument brought from _Smyrna_ to

my very worthy friend Mr _Rolt_, which stands in his Park at _Woolwich_.

[23] _Plin._ lib. 36. cap. 7.

[24] Which may also be confirmed by _Bellonius_’s observations, who

describing the rock out of which, upon _Moses_’s striking it, there

gushed out waters, makes it to be such a speckled kind of _Thebaic_

marble: _Est une grosse pierre massive droicte de mesme grain & de la

couleur qu’est la pierre Thebaique._

[25] The compass of the _Scapus_ of this column at _Alexandria_ near the

_Tarus_ is 24 _English_ feet: The compass of the _Scapus_ of those at

_Rome_ is fifteen _English_ feet, and three inches. By these proportions,

and by those rules which are expressed in _Vitruvius_, and in other books

of Architecture, the ingenious reader may compute the true dimensions of

those before the _Pantheon_, and of this at _Alexandria_, being in my

calculation the most magnificent column that ever was made of one entire

stone.

[26] Six feet ⁴⁸⁸⁄₁₀₀₀.

[27] Two feet ²¹⁸⁄₁₀₀₀. In the reiteration of these numbers, if any shall

be offended either with the novelty or tediousness of expressing them

so often. I must justify my self by the example of _Ulug. Beg._ nephew

to _Timurlane_ the great (for so is his name, and not _Tamerlane_) an

Emperor of the _Moguls_ or _Tartars_, (whom we term amiss the _Tartars_)

for I find in his astronomical tables (the most accurate of any in the

east) made about 200 years since, the same course observed by him,

when he writes of the _Grecian_, _Arabian_, _Persian_, and _Gelalean_

Epocha’s, as also of those of _Catæa_ and _Turkistan_. He expresseth

the numbers at large, as I have done, then in figures such as we call

_Arabian_, because we first learned these from them; but the _Arabians_

themselves fetch them higher, acknowledging that they received this

useful invention from the _Indians_, and therefore from their authors

they name them _Indian_ figures. _Lastly_, He renders them again in

particular tables. Which manner I judge worthy the imitation, in all

such numbers as are radical, and of more than ordinary use: For if they

be only twice expressed, if any difference shall happen by the neglect

of Scribes, or Printers, it may often so fall out, that we shall not

know which to make choice of, whereas if they be thrice expressed, it

will be a rare chance, but that two of them will agree; which two we may

generally presume to be the truth.

[28] _Sands_ in his Travels writes _That they are seen to rise on Good

Friday._ A _Frenchman_ at _Grand Cairo_, who had been present at the

resurrection shewed me an arm which he brought from thence; the flesh

shriveled and dryed like that of the Mummies. He observed the miracle to

have been always behind him: once casually looking back, he discovered

some Bones, carried privately by an _Egyptian_ under his Vest, whereby he

understood the Mystery.

[29] An argument intended by me and for which I made a collection of

several Antiquities, in my Travels abroad, but these (and I wish only

these) have unfortunately perished at home amidst the sad distractions of

the time.

STIRPIUM ORIENTALIUM.

RARIORUM

CATALOGI TRES.

_Stirpium Orientalium rariorum Catalogus, præsertim Græciæ, & Syriæ,

provinciis nascentium._

A.

Abrotanum fœmina verum Dioscoridis _Zanoni_ _v._ Heliochrysum Abrotani

fœminæ facie.

Acaciæ foliis frutex Mesapotamicus _Col. Annot._ in Res medicas _Novæ

Hisp. Recchi_. Acaciæ similis Mesopotamica, minutissimis foliis, siliqua

integra contorta, crassa & obtusa, seu siliquæ Nabathæa _Breyn. prod.

2._ Juxta Tigridem fluvium in Mesopotamia, & Euphratem in Arabia deserta.

Ageratum Persicum _Breyn. Prod. 2._

Alhagi Maurorum _Rauwolf._ Genista spartium spinosum foliis Polygoni

_C. B._ Spinosum Syriacum _Park._ Agul & Alhagi Arabibus, planta spinoso

Mannam resipiens _J. B._ Manna in hac arbuscula invenitur _Tereniabin_

aut _Trungibin_ Arabibus dicta. In Persia & circa Halepum. _Rauw._ p. 84.

152. 206.

Alcea Indica parvo flore _C. B._ Ægyptia _Clus._ Ægyptiaca _Ger. emac._

Bamia _J. B._ Bamia seu Alcea Ægyptia _Park. parad._ Trionum Theophrasti

_Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Non in Ægypto tantum sed etiam in Syria invenitur.

_Rauwolf_, p. 167.

Alcea arborescens Syriaca _C. B._ Althæa arborescens glabra, Ketmia dicta

_J. B._ Althæa frutex 2 _Clus._ Frutex flore albo vel purpureo _Park._

_Rauwolf._ p. 54. Circa Tripolin Syriæ observavit.

Androsæmum Constantinopolitanum fore maximo _Wheeler._ Flore & theca

quinque capsulari omnium maximis _Maris. Hist._ p. 473. Non est hoc

Ascyron magno flore _C. B. prod._ Notæ enim non conveniunt. Circa

Constantinopolin, eundo inde ad Pontum Euxinum, secus vias, & alibi

copiosè.

Anemone maxima Chalcedonica _Park._ Latifolia maxima versicolor _C. B._

Maxima Chalcedonica polyanthos _Ger._ Latifolia pleno flore 1 _Clus._

Anetho similis planta semine lato laciniato _J. B._ Gingidium folio

Fœniculi _C. B._ Verum, sive Syriacum _Park._ Dioscoridis _Rauwolf.

Lugd. app._ In monte Libano, locis præruptis, p. 234.

Anonis lutea annua siliqua glabra breviore _Moris. Hist._ Halepo

transmisit D. _Rob. Huntington_.

Apocynum folio subrotundo _C. B._ Folio rotundo, flore ex albo

pallescente _J. B._ Latifolium non repens _Park._ Periploca latifolia

_Ger._ Syriæ & calidiorum regionum incola esse dicitur.

Apocynum repens & scandens _Rauwolf._ Monte Libano observavit Autor Itin.

p. 233. Arbores tegit ut Ephedra.

Arbutus (Κόμαρος) Dioscoridis vera _Wheeleri_. Folio non serrato _C. B._

Adrachne _Park._ Adrach. Theophrasti _J. B._ Ἀδράκλα Græcis modernis,

_Bellonius_ multis locis in sua peregrinatione observavit. D. _Wheelerus_

in Achaia prope montem Pentelicum.

Arisarum angustifolium _Wheeleri_ itiner. p. 309. Caule folioso pingitur.

Propè Panthæam inter Amphissam & Naupactum.

Aristolochia Maurorum _C. B._ Peregrina Rauwolfii _Clus._ Rhasut & Rumigi

à Mauris nominata _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._ Aristolochiis similis _Rhasut_

& _Rumigi_ Maurorum _J. B._

Aristolochia clematitis Attica, foliis in summo bifidis seu crenatis

_Wheeleri_. Θερώκαλο Græcis. In monte Hymetto.

Arum auriculis longis, Ovidne dictum, Chalepense _Rauwolf._ p. 104.

Aster luteus angustifolius _Park._ _J. B._ Luteus Linariæ rigido glabro

folio _C. B._ 6 Clusii _Ger._ In monte Olympo Asiæ. _Wheel._

Astragalus Syriacus hirsutus _C. B._ Syriacus _Lob._ _Ger._ _Park._ _J.

B._ Astrag. Dioscoridis, vulgò Christiana radix _Rauwolf. Lugd. app._

p. 105. D. _Wheelerus_ Itin. p. 435. Astragalum quendam describit &

depingit, quem in Græcia propè Megaram invenit, & argenteum vocat. Qu. An

Syriacus sit?

Atractylis Cypria _Ang. Lugd._ Purpurea _C. B._ Purpurea Cypria _Park._

Atractylis vera Antiquarum, cujus caulibus profusis utuntur

mulieres Græcæ D. _Covel._ An Atractylidi & Cnico sylvestri similis

_C. B._ Calochierny carduus Cretensibus _J. B._ In Thracia prope

Constantinopolin. V. Hist. nost. p. 304.

Avellana Byzantina _J. B._ Pumila Byzantina _Clus._ _Ger. emac._

Peregrina humilis _C. B._ Nux Avellana Macedonica seu Byzantina _Park._

Azadirachta foliis ramosis majoribus Syriaca, seu vulgaris flore majore

cœruleo _Breyn._ Azedareth arbor, Fraxini folio, flore cœruleo _C.

B._ Azadaracheni arbor _J. B._ Azadarach. Avicennæ _Park._ Zizipha

alba _Ger._ Fructus hujus arboris venenatus est, & canes interficit.

_Rauwolf._ p. 51. In Syriâ & Palestinâ.

B.

Baccharis Dioscoridis Rauwolfio _Park._ Gnaphalio montano affinis

Ægyptiaca _C. B._ Rauwolfius in Syria observavit, & Monte Libano, _Itin._

p. 233.

Balsamum verum _J. B._ Genuinum Antiquorum _Park._ Rutæ folio, Syriacum

_C. B._ Balsamum Alpini _Ger. emac._ Bellonius & Alpinus Arabiam

Fælicem Balsami locum patrium semper fuisse, nunquam Judæam aut Ægyptum,

comtendunt.

Behmen abiad, i. e. Ben album _Rauwolffii_ _Park._ Serratulæ affinis

capitulo squamoso luteo, ut & flore _C. B._ Ad pedem montis Libani humido

& umbroso loco, p. 235.

Bellis Chalepensis præcox _Kusan_ & _Surugen_ dicta _Rauwolf._ p. 109.

Borago variegata Cretica _Wheel._ Muralis variegata flore odorato Cretica

_Zanoni_. In monte Hymotto Atticæ. Folia maculis albis variegata sunt:

flores (qui candidi) maculis & striis purpureis cæruleisve.