But it was on the economic side of the Treaty and in its interpretation
that the statesmen of the Allies seemed to be stricken with insanity,
which infected many of their peoples until recent months. Germany, they
insisted, had to pay all the costs of the war, for the damage she had
inflicted and the ruin she had caused. Theoretically, that was just if
one took the view that every German peasant, every German mother in a
cheap tenement, every German worker on starvation wages, every little
sempstress, or University student, ten or twelve years old when the war
began, shares the responsibility of those war lords and militarists who
challenged the world in 1914.
Practically it was not only unjust but idiotic, because it was
impossible, as everybody now acknowledges. It is almost beyond the
scope of mathematics to calculate the losses of the Allies in the war.
The British Government spent more in four and a half years of war
than in two and a half centuries previously. Could Germany pay that
back? England advanced two thousand million sterling to her Allies,
and borrowed nearly a thousand millions from the United States on
behalf of her Allies. Could Germany pay all that? France had borrowed
vast sums from her peasants and shopkeepers which she debited against
Germany; she owed Great Britain nine hundred millions sterling, she
had to restore the great track of ruin, with all its destroyed homes,
churches, farmsteads, châteaux—thousands of villages wiped off the map
so that hardly one stone remained upon another—at a price which has
loaded her with increased burdens of debt far in excess of actual cost
because French contractors desired enormous profits. It was right and
just that Germany should repair that damage in the war zone, every
brick of it and every stone. But could she do so in money payments, in
addition to all those other claims? Could she pay also for war damage
in Belgium, in Poland, on the high seas, wherever her guns had reached?
Italy had great claims against Austria. Could Austria, brought to the
edge of ruin, amputated, lopped of all sources of wealth, pay that
bill of costs? Could Germany, the chief debtor, pay for the British
unemployed in the “devastated districts” of England and Scotland, whose
ruined trade was due to the war? All that, and then the pensions of
wounded soldiers and the widows of dead men and orphan children? It
would have been splendid if that were so. It might have been just even
to bleed the working folk of Germany, the younger generation, the old
women, the wounded and cripples even, the victims and heirs of their
war lords, to the last pfennig in their purses, if it is justice that
the individuals in a nation and their children and children’s children
are responsible for the guilt of their Governments. But, justice or
injustice apart, the absurdity, the wild impossibility, of extracting
all that vast tribute from the defeated enemy in terms of transferable
wealth, ought to have been manifest to the most ignorant schoolboy of
thirteen or fourteen years of age. Yet it was the illusion passionately
professed by many great statesmen, by sharp-witted business men, by
bankers and financiers, and by the gullible public who took their word
for it, in France, Great Britain, and the United States.