The initial proceedings to the taking of testimony, while to a degree
foreshadowing a partisan division in the trial, also demonstrated the
presence of a Republican minority which could not at all times, be
depended upon to register the decrees of the more radical portion of
the body. The first development of this fact came in the defeat of a
proposition to amend the rules in the interest of the prosecution,
and again on the examination of Mr. Burleigh, a delegate from Dakota
Territory in the House of Representatives and a witness brought by the
prosecution on March 31st. Mr. Butler, examining the witness, asked the
question:
Had you on the evening before seen General Thomas? * * * Had you a
communication with him?
Answer. Yes sir.
Mr. Stanbery objected, and the Chief Justice ruled that the testimony
was competent and would be heard "unless the Senate think otherwise."
To this ruling Mr. Drake objected and appealed from the decision of the
Chair to the Senate. It appeared to be not to the ruling per se, that
Mr. Drake objected, but to the right of the Chair to rule at all upon
the admissibility of testimony. Mr. Drake representing the extremists of
the dominant side of the Chamber. There seemed to be apprehension of the
effect upon the Senate of the absolute judicial fairness of the rulings
of the Chief Justice, and the great weight they would naturally have,
coming from so just and eminent a jurist. After discussion, Mr. Wilson
moved that the Senate retire for consultation.
The vote on this motion was a tie, being twenty-five for and twenty-five
against retiring, whereupon the Chief Justice announced the fact of a
tie and voted "yea;" and the Senate retired to its consultation room,
where, after discussion and repeated suggestions of amendment to the
rules, the following resolution was offered by Mr. Henderson:
Resolved, That rule 7 be amended by substituting therefor the following:
The presiding officer of the Senate shall direct all necessary
preparations in the Senate Chamber, and the presiding officer in the
trial shall direct all the forms of proceeding while the Senate are
sitting for the purpose of trying an impeachment, and all forms during
the trial not otherwise provided for. And the presiding officer on the
trial may rule all questions of of evidence and incidental questions,
which ruling shall stand as the judgment of the Senate, unless some
member of the Senate shall ask that a formal vote be taken thereon, in
which case it shall be submitted to the Senate for decision; or he may,
at his option, in the first instance, submit any such question to a vote
of the members of the Senate.
Mr. Morrill, of Maine, moved to amend the proposed rule by striking
out the words "which ruling shall stand as the judgment of the Senate,"
which was rejected without a division.
Mr. Sumner then moved to substitute the following:
That the chief justice of the United States, presiding in the Senate on
the trial of the President of the United States, is not a member of
the Senate, and has no authority under the Constitution to vote on any
question during the trial, and he can pronounce decision only as the
organ of the Senate, with its assent.
It is not insisted here that there was any sinister purpose in this
proposition, yet the possibilities, in case of its adoption, were
very grave. Like the wasp, the sting was in the tail--"he (the chief
justice;) can pronounce decision only as the organ of the Senate, WITH
ITS ASSENT!" Had that rule been adopted, suppose the Senate, with, its
vote of forty-two Republicans and twelve Democrats, upon failure of
conviction by a two-thirds vote had refused or refrained on a party vote
from giving "its assent" to a judgment of acquittal?
The vote upon this proposed amendment was as follows:
For its adoption--Messrs. Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Howard, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Nye,
Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Williams,
Wilson--22--all Republicans.
Against its adoption--Messrs. Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Davis, Dixon,
Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Henderson,
Hendricks, Howe, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Vermont, Norton,
Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sherman,
Sprague, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey--26--15 Republicans and 11
Democrats.
So the resolution was rejected--every aye vote a Republican, and all
but one, Mr. Trumbull, afterwards voting to impeach the President at tHe
close of the trial--eleven Democrats and fifteen Republicans voting nay.
Mr. Drake then offered the following:
It is the judgment of the Senate that under the Constitution the Chief
Justice presiding over the Senate in the pending trial has no privilege
of ruling questions of law arising thereon, but that all such questions
shall be submitted to a decision by the Senate alone.
It would be difficult to formulate a proposition better calculated to
taint the proceedings with a partisan bias than this one by Mr. Drake.
The impeachment movement was in a very large sense, if not entirely, a
partisan enterprise. It had its origin in partisan differences, and was
based mainly on differences as to public policies at issue between the
two great parties of the country--and while it was expected that every
political friend of the President would vote against the impeachment,
it was DEMANDED, and made a test of party fealty, that every Republican
Senator should vote for his conviction. Therefore, and perhaps it
was not illogical from these premises, party leaders of Mr. Drake's
inclination should not relish the influence the legal, unbiased and
non-partisan rulings of the Chief Justice might have upon his more
conservatively inclined fellow partisans of the body.
Mr. Drake called for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and the vote
was yeas 20, nays 30. The personality of this vote was very much the
same as on the previous proposition.
The rule proposed by Mr. Henderson was then adopted. The conference
closed shortly after, and the session of the Senate was resumed.
The next day, April 1st, Mr. Sumner renewed in the Senate his
proposition submitted at the Conference the day before but not acted
upon, to change the rules of the Senate in the following form:
It appearing from the reading of the Journal yesterday that on a
question where the Senate were equally divided, the Chief Justice,
presiding on the trial of the President, gave a casting vote; it is
hereby ordered that, in the judgment of the Senate, such vote was
without authority under the Constitution of the United States.
The proposition was put to vote with the following result:
Yeas--Messrs. Cameron, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Cragin, Drake,
Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Norton, Ramsay, Stewart,
Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Williams, Wilson--21--10 Republicans
and 1 Democrat.
Nays--Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Corbett, Davis, Dixon,
Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes,
Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Vermont,
Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sherman, Sprague, Van Winkle, Vickers,
Willey--26--16 Republicans and 10 Democrats.
So the proposed order was rejected. The trial then proceeded. The
answers to a very large proportion of the interrogatories propounded
to the witnesses, on both sides, were unimportant, having very
little bearing, either way, upon the case. Twenty-eight of those
interrogatories, however, were more or less important, and were
challenged, seven by the defense, and twenty-one by the prosecution. For
convenience of reference, these interrogatories are numbered from one to
twenty-eight, inclusive, with the answers thereto, when permitted to be
answered, as follows:
Question submitted by Mr. Butler, of the prosecution, April 1st,
1868, to Mr. Walter A. Burleigh, witness on the stand, called for the
prosecution:
No. 1.
You said yesterday, in answer to my question, that you had a
conversation with General Lorenzo Thomason the evening of the 21st of
February last. State if he said anything as to the means by which he
intended to obtain or was directed by the President to obtain possession
of the War Department. If so, state all he said, as nearly as you can?
Mr. Stanbery objected.
Mr. Drake called for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and the vote
was as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling,
Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler,
Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of
Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Pomeroy, Ramsay, Ross, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer,
Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, Williams, Wilson--39--all
Republicans.
Nays-Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Hendricks, Johnson,
McCreery, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Vickers--11--all Democrats.
So, the Senate decided that the question should be answered.
General Butler repeated the interrogatory, and Mr. Burleigh's answer was
as follows:
On the evening of February 21st last, I learned that General Thomas
had been appointed Secretary of War ad interim, I think while at the
Metropolitan Hotel. I invited Mr. Leonard Smith, of Leavenworth, Kas.,
to go with me up to his house and see him. We took a carriage and went
up. I found the General there ready to go out with his daughters to
spend the evening at some place of amusement. I told him I would not
detain him if he was going out; but he insisted on my sitting down and
I sat down for a few moments. I told him I had learned he had been
appointed Secretary of War. He said he had; that he had been appointed
that day, I think; that after receiving his appointment from the
President he went to the War Office to show his authority, or his
appointment, to Secretary Stanton, and also his order to take possession
of the office; that the Secretary remarked to him that he supposed
he would give him time to remove his personal effects, or his private
papers, or something to that effect; and the answer was "certainly." He
said that in a short time the Secretary asked him if he would give him
a copy of his order, and he replied "certainly," and gave it to him.
He said that it was no more than right to give him time to take out his
personal effects. I asked him when he was going to assume the duties of
the office. He remarked that he should take possession the next morning
at ten o'clock, which would be the 22nd; and I think in that connection
he stated that he had issued some order in regard to the observance of
the day; but of that I am not sure. I remarked to him that I should be
up at that end of the avenue the next day, and he asked me to come
in and see him. I asked him where I could find him and he said in the
Secretary's room up stairs. I told him I would be there. Said he,
"be there punctually at 10 o'clock." Said I, "you are going to take
possession to-morrow?" "Yes." Said he, "suppose Stanton objects to
it--resists?" "Well," said he, "I expect to meet force by force. Or use
force."
Mr. Conkling: "Repeat that."
The witness. I asked him what he would do if Stanton objected, or
resisted. He said he would use force, or resort to force. Said I,
"Suppose he bars the doors?" His reply was. "I will break them down."
I think that was about all the conversation that we had there in that
connection.
No. 2.
The next disputed interrogatory put by General Butler to the witness
was:
Shortly after this conversation about which you have testified, and
after the President restored Major General Thomas to the office of
Adjutant General, if you know the fact that he was so restored, were
you present in the War Department, and did you hear Thomas make any
statements to the officers and clerks, or either of them, belonging to
the War Office, as to the rules and orders of Mr. Stanton or of the War
Office which he, Thomas, would make, revoke, relax, or rescind, in favor
of such officers or employes when he had control of the affairs therein?
If so, state as near as you can when it was such conversation occurred,
and state all he said, as near as you can.
Mr. Howard demanded the yeas and nays and they were ordered and were as
follows:
Yeas--Anthony Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Henderson Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of
Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Ross,
Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Wilson--28--all
Republicans.
Nays--Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry,
Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery,
Morrill of Maine, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Sherman, Van Winkle,
Vickers, Willey, Wilson--22--11 Republicans, 11 Democrats.
So the Senate decided that the question should be answered.
Mr. Butler: With the leave of the President, I will put this question by
portions.
Did you hear Thomas make any statement to the officers or clerks, or
either of them, belonging to the War Office, as to the rules and orders
of Mr. Stanton, or of the office, which he, Thomas, would revoke, relax,
or rescind, in favor of such officers and employes when he had control
therein?
Answer: The General remarked to me that he had made an arrangement to
have all the heads, or officers in charge of the different departments
of the office come in with their clerks that morning, as he wanted to
address them. He stated that the rules which had been adopted for the
government of the clerks by his predecessor were of a very arbitrary
character, and he proposed to relax them. I suggested to him that
perhaps I had better go. He said, "no, not at all--remain," and I sat
down and he had some three or four officers--four or five, perhaps--come
in, and each one brought in a roomful of clerks, and he made an address
to each company as they came in, stating to them that he did not propose
to hold them strictly to the letter of the instructions; but when they
wanted to go out they could go out, and when they wanted to come in they
could come in; that he regarded them all as gentlemen, and supposed they
would do their duty, and he should require them to do their duty; but so
far as their little indulgences were concerned--I suppose such as going
out across the street or something of that kind--he did not intend to
interfere with them; all he expected was that they would do their duty.
I waited until he concluded, and we took a walk, and I came away.
Mr. Samuel Wilkinson testified in response to an interrogatory by Mr.
Butler:
I asked him (Thomas) to tell me what had occurred that morning between
him and the Secretary of War in his endeavor to take possession of the
War Department. He hesitated to do so till I told him that the town was
filled with rumors of the change that had been made, of the removal of
Mr. Stanton and the appointment of himself. He then said that since the
affair had become public he felt relieved to speak to me with freedom
about it. He drew from his pocket a copy, or rather the original, of
the order of the President of the United States, directing him to take
possession of the War Department immediately. He told me that he had
taken as a witness of his action General Williams, and had gone up into
the War Department and had shown to Edwin M. Stanton the order of the
President, and had demanded by virtue of that order the possession of
the War Department and its books and papers. He told me that Edwin M.
Stanton, after reading the order, had asked him if he would allow him
sufficient time for him to get together his books, papers, and other
personal property and take away with him; that he told him that he would
allow to him all necessary time to do so, and had then withdrawn from
Mr. Stanton's room. He further told me, that day being Friday, that the
next day would be what he called a dies non, being the holiday of the
anniversary of Washington's birthday, when he had directed that the War
Department should be closed, that the day thereafter would be Sunday,
and that on Monday morning he should demand possession of the War
Department and of its property, and if that demand was refused or
resisted he should apply to the General-in-Chief of the Army for a force
sufficient to enable him to take possession of the War Department; and
he added that he did not see how the General of the Army could refuse to
obey his demand for that force. He then added that under the order that
the President had given to him he had no election to pursue any other
course than the one that he indicated; that he was a subordinate officer
directed by an order from a superior officer, and that he must pursue
that course.
Hon. T. W. Ferry, called by the Prosecution, testified from memoranda
taken down at the time of the demand of General Thomas for possession of
the War Office (Mr. Ferry being present), as follows:
War Department Washington, Feb. 22, 1867.
In the presence of Secretary Stanton, Judge Kelley, Morehead, Dodge, Van
Wyck, Van Horn, Delano, and Freeman Clarke, at 25 minutes past 12 m.,
General Thomas, Adjutant-General, came into the Secretary of War Office,
saying, "Good morning," the Secretary replying "Good morning, sir." Thomas
looked around and said, "I do not wish to disturb you gentlemen, and
will wait." Stanton said, "Nothing private here; what do you want?"
Thomas demanded of Secretary Stanton the surrender of the Secretary of
War Office. Stanton denied it to him, and ordered him back to his own
office as Adjutant-General. Thomas refused to go. "I claim the office of
Secretary of War, and demand it by order of the President."
Stanton: "I deny your authority to act, and order you back to your own
office."
Thomas: "I will stand here. I want no unpleasantness in the presence of
these gentlemen."
Stanton: "You can stand there if you please, but you can not act as
Secretary of War. I am Secretary of War. I order you out of this office
and to your own." Thomas: "I refuse to go, and will stand here."
Stanton: "How are you to get possession? Do you intend to use force?"
Thomas: "I do not care to use force, but my mind is made up as to what I
shall do. I want no unpleasantness, though. I shall stay here and act as
Secretary of War."
Stanton: "You shall not, and I order you, as your superior, back to your
own office."
Thomas: "I will not obey you, but will stand here and remain here."
Stanton: "You call stand there if you please. I order you out of this
office to your own. I am Secretary of War, and your superior."
Thomas then went into opposite room across hall (General Schriver's)
and commenced ordering General Schriver and General Townsend. Stanton
entered, followed by Moorhead and Ferry, and ordered those generals not
to obey or pay any attention to General Thomas' orders; that he denied
his assumed authority as Secretary of War ad interim, and forbade their
obedience of his directions. "I am Secretary of War, and I now order
you, General Thomas out of this place to your own quarters."
Thomas: "I will not go, I shall discharge the functions of Secretary of
War."
Stanton: "You will not."
Thomas: "I shall require the mails of the War Department to be delivered
to me and shall transact the business of the office."
Stanton: "You shall not have them, and I order you to your room."
No. 3.
On Tuesday, April 2nd, the prosecution put in evidence a letter from
the President to Gen. Grant, dated Feb. 10, 1868, in answer to a prior
letter front the General. The President's letter, as introduced in
evidence, purported to contain certain enclosures relating to the
subject matter of the President's letter. The following is that portion
of the President's letter which speaks of the enclosures accompanying
and included therein:
GENERAL: The extraordinary character of your letter of the 3rd instant
would seem to preclude any reply on my part; but the manner in which
publicity has been given to the correspondence of which that letter
forms a part, and the grave questions which are involved, induce me to
take this mode of giving, as a proper sequel to the communications
which have passed between us, the statements of the five members of the
cabinet who were present on the occasion of our conversation on the 14th
ultimo. Copies of the letters which they have addressed to me upon the
subject are accordingly herewith enclosed.
Counsel for the President objected that the letter introduced by the
prosecution was not evidence in the case unless the managers should also
produce the enclosures therein referred to and made a part of the same.
The following was the vote on sustaining the objection:
Yeas--Bayard, Conkling, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fowler, Grimes,
Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Vermont Norton,
Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sprague, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers and
Willey--20--10 Republicans and 10 Democrats.
Nays--Anthony, Buckalew, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen,
Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, and
Wilson--29--28 Republicans and 1 Democrat.
So the evidence offered by the prosecution was admitted as offered,
without the enclosures referred to, the objection by the defense not
being sustained. (For these rejected enclosures see appendix.)
No. 4.
The prosecution offered to prove (Mr. Geo. A. Wallace, of the Treasury
Department, on the stand):
That after the President had determined on the removal of Mr. Stanton,
Secretary of War, in spite of the action of the Senate, there being
no vacancy in the office of Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, the
President unlawfully appointed his friend and theretofore private
secretary, Edmund Cooper, to that position, as one of the means by which
he intended to defeat the tenure of civil office act and other laws of
Congress.
After debate and Mr. Wallace's answer in explanation of the usages of
the department in the disbursement of moneys, during which it was shown
that no moneys could be drawn out of the treasury on the order of the
assistant secretary except when authorized by the Secretary of the
Treasury to draw warrants therefor, a vote was taken, and resulted as
follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Corbett,
Cragin, Drake, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Pomeroy,
Ramsey, Ross, Sprague, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton and Wilson---22--all
Republicans.
Nays--Bayard, Buckalew, Conness, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds,
Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks,
Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Patterson of Tennessee, Sherman, Stewart, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers,
Willey and Williams--27--16 Republicans, 11 Democrats.
So the testimony was not received, as it was shown in the debate thereon
that it would prove nothing against the President which the prosecution
had expected to prove.
No. 5.
Friday April 3rd, the Prosecution offered two telegraphic messages, one
from Lewis E. Parsons to Andrew Johnson, and the other Mr. Johnson's
answer, as follows:
Montgomery, Ala., Jan. 17, 1867.
Legislature in session. Efforts making to reconsider vote on
Constitutional Amendment. Report from Washington says it is probable an
enabling act will pass. We do not know what to believe. I find nothing
here.
(The State Legislature had previously rejected the Constitutional
Amendment.)
The response is:
U. S. Military Telegraph. Executive Office, Washington D. C., Jan. 17,
1867.
What possible good can be obtained by reconsidering the Constitutional
Amendment? I know of none in the present posture of affairs; and I do
not believe that the people of the whole country will sustain any set of
individuals in attempts to change the whole character of our Government
by enabling acts or otherwise. I believe, on the contrary, that they
will eventually uphold all who have patriotism and courage to stand by
the Constitution, and who place their confidence in the people. There
should be no faltering on the part of those who are honest in their
determination to sustain the several co-ordinate Departments of the
Government in accordance with its original design. Andrew Johnson. Hon.
L. E. Parsons, Montgomery, Alabama.
The yeas and nays were demanded by Mr. Drake, and were as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Cameron. Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Henderson, Howard, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont,
Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Ross, Sherman,
Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Willey, Wilson--27--all
Republicans.
Nays--Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden,
Fowler, Frelinghuysen, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Norton, Patterson of
Tennessee, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Williams--17--8 Democrats and
9 Republicans.
So the testimony was decided admissible, and was claimed by Mr. Manager
Boutwell to be in substantiation of the charges contained in the
eleventh article.
No. 6.
The prosecution offered in evidence a copy of the Cleveland Leader, a
newspaper purporting to contain a speech delivered by Mr. Johnson at the
City of Cleveland, Ohio, on September 30th, 1866, as evidence against
the President. It was objected to by the defense, and on the call by Mr.
Conness and Mr. Sumner the yeas and nays were ordered, and the vote was
as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Cameron, Cattell. Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen,
Henderson, Howard, Johnson, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of
Vermont, Norton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Ross,
Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Van Winkle, Willey,
Williams--35--33 Republicans and 2 Democrats.
Nays--Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fowler, Hendricks, Howe,
McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee, Trumbull, Vickers--11--8 Democrats and
3 Republicans.
So the evidence was received. It related to the tenth article, and was
based on a certain speech delivered by Mr. Johnson at Cleveland, Ohio.
No. 7.
Saturday, April 10th, 1868, General Lorenzo Thomas on the stand, called
by the Defense. Mr. Stanbery asked him, with reference to certain
interviews with the President: What occurred between the President and
yourself at that second interview on the 21st (February)?
Mr. Drake demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered and were as
follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cattell, Cole, Conkling, Corbett,
Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler,
Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Howe, Johnson, McCreery,
Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Norton, Patterson
of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennessee, Pomeroy, Ross, Sherman,
Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey,
Williams, Wilson, Yates--42-31 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Drake, Harlan, Howard, Nye,
Ramsay, Thayer--10--all Republicans.
So the testimony was received, and General Thomas' answer was:
I stated to the President that I had delivered the communication, and
that Mr. Stanton gave this answer: "Do you wish me to vacate at once,
or will you give me time to take away my private property?" and that I
replied, "At your pleasure." I then said that after delivering the copy
of the letter to him, he said: "I do not know whether I will obey your
instructions or resist them." This I mentioned to the President and his
answer was: "Very well, go and take charge of the office and perform the
duties." * * *
Question by Mr. Stanbery: What first happened to you the next morning?
Answer: The first thing that happened to me the next morning was the
appearance at my house of the marshal of the district, with an assistant
marshal and a constable, and he arrested me.
Question: What time in the morning was that?
Answer: About 8 o'clock, before I had my breakfast. The command was to
appear forthwith. I asked if he would permit me to see the President. *
* * He went with me to the President's and went into the room where the
President was. I stated that I had been arrested, at whose suit I
did not know. He said, "very well, that is the place I want it in the
courts." * * * I was required to give bail in $5,000. I asked the judge
what it meant. He said it was simply to present myself there at half
past ten the following Wednesday. I asked him if it suspended me from
any of my functions. He said, "no, it has nothing to do with them." * *
* I went immediately from there, first stopping at the President's on my
way, and stating that I had given bail. He made the same answer, "very
well, we want it in the courts."
Question: Did the President at any time prior to or including the 9th of
March, authorize or direct you to use force, intimidation or threats, to
get possession of the War Office?
Answer: He did not.
No. 8.
April 11, Gen. Sherman was called by the defense. In the course of his
examination Mr. Stanbery asked him the following question:
In that interview, (referring to a previously mentioned interview
between the General and the President in the presence of Gen. Grant)
what conversation took place between the President and you in regard to
the removal of Mr. Stanton?
Mr. Butler objected and the yeas and nays were ordered.
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle,
Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morgan, Norton,
Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sprague, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers, and Willey--23--22 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin,
Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Henderson, Howard, Morrill
of Maine, Morrill of Vermont. Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson and
Yates--28--all Republicans.
So the proffered testimony was refused.
No. 9.
Counsel for defense put the following question to Gen. Sherman:
At the first interview at which the tender of the duties of the
Secretary of War ad interim was made to you by the President, did
anything further pass between you and the President in reference to the
tender or your acceptance of it?
Mr. Drake demanded the yeas and nays, and they were as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle,
Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morgan, Norton,
Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sprague, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers, and Willey--23--12 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin,
Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinhuysen, Harlan, Henderson, Howard, Howe,
Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New
Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams,
Wilson and Yates--29--all Republicans.
So the proffered testimony was refused.
No. 10.
The next question put to Gen. Sherman by the Defense was:
In either of these conversations did the President say to you that his
object in appointing you was that he might thus get the question of Mr.
Stanton's right to the office before the Supreme Court?
Objected to by Prosecution, and yeas and nays were taken:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Fowler, McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross,
and Vickers--7--4 Democrats, 3 Republicans.
Nays--Buckalew, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness,
Corbett, Cragin, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry,
Fessenden, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Harlan, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard,
Howe, Johnson, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton,
Norton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman,
Sprague, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey,
Williams, Wilson, and Yates--44--37 Republicans and 7 Democrats.
So this proffered testimony was refused.
No. 11.
Mr. Stanbery, for Defense, suggested that the question had undoubtedly
been overruled upon matter of form, at least, and put it again in this
form.
Was anything said at either of those interviews by the President, as to
any purpose of getting the question of Mr. Stanton's right to the office
before the courts?
This was put and determined in the negative without a division, when Mr.
Henderson offered it again in this form: Did the President, in tendering
you the appointment of Secretary of War ad interim. express the object
or purpose of so doing?
Prosecution again objected, and the yeas and nays were taken:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of
Maine, Morton, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sherman, Sprague,
Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, and Willey-25--14 Republicans and
11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe,
Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy,
Ramsey, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, and Yates--27--all
Republicans.
So the proffered evidence was refused.
No. 12.
April 13, 1868--General Sherman's examination continued:
Question: After the restoration of Mr. Stanton to office, did you form
an opinion whether the good of the service required a Secretary of War
other than Mr. Stanton; and if so, did you communicate that opinion to
the President?
Mr. Conness called for the yeas and nays and they were ordered, and
resulted:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Dixon, Doolittle. Fowler, Grimes,
Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery Patterson, of Tennessee, Ross, Trumbull,
Van Winkle and Vickers--15--6 Republicans and 9 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Davis, Drake, Edmunds, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen, Harlan,
Henderson, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont,
Morton, Norton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay,
Sherman, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Willey, Williams, Wilson and
Yates--35--33 Republicans and 2 Democrats.
So the proffered testimony was refused.
No. 13.
The next question asked of Gen. Sherman was by Senator Johnson:
Question: Did you at any time, and when, before the President gave the
order for the removal of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, advise the
President to appoint some other person than Mr. Stanton?
Mr. Drake demanded the yeas and nays, which were as following:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson of
Tennessee, Ross, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers--18-9--Republicans and 9
Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Dixon, Drake, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe,
Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Norton, Nye,
Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Stewart, Thayer,
Tipton, Willey Williams, Wilson, Yates--33--30 Republicans and 2
Democrats.
So the proffered testimony was refused.
No. 14.
Counsel for defense offered:
A warrant of arrest of Gen. Thomas, dated February 22, 1868, and the
affidavit on which the warrant issued.
(This warrant had been issued on the affidavit of Mr. Stanton.)
The yeas and nays were as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cattell, Cole, Corbett, Cragin, Davis,
Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson,
Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont,
Morton, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennessee,
Pomeroy, Ross, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey,
Williams, Yates--34--24 Republicans and 10 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Conkling, Chandler, Conness, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry,
Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Nye, Ramsay, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton,
Wilson--17--all Republicans.
So the warrant was received in evidence.
That warrant was issued by Judge Carter, Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court of the District of Columbia, upon the complaint of Edwin M.
Stanton, and charged Thomas with attempting forcibly to seize and take
possession of the War Office, in violation of the fifth section of the
Tenure-of-Office Act. The warrant was as follows:
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
To David S. Gooding, United States Marshal for the District of Columbia:
I, David K. Carter, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for the District
of Columbia, hereby command you to arrest Lorenzo Thomas, of said
District, forthwith, and that you have the said Lorenzo before me at the
chambers of the said Supreme Court in the City of Washington, forthwith,
to answer to the charge of a high misdemeanor in this, that on the 21st
day of February, 1868, in the District of Columbia, he did unlawfully
accept the appointment of the office of Secretary of War ad interim, and
did then and there unlawfully hold and exercise and attempt to hold and
exercise the said office contrary to the provisions of the act entitled
"An Act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices, passed March 2,
1867, and hereof fail not, but make due return.
Given under my hand and seal of said court this 22nd day of February,
1868,
D. K. Carter. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the District of
Columbia.
Attest: R. J. Meigs, Clerk. (Marshal's Return). Washington, D. C.,
February 22, 1868.
The within writ came to hand at 7 o'clock a.m. and was served by me on
the said Lorenzo Thomas at 8 o'clock a.m, and I now return this writ and
bring him before Chief Justice Carter at 9 o'clock a. m. of to-day.
David S. Gooding, U. S. Marshal, D. C.
No. 15.
Mr. Johnson, (of the Court,) asked this question of General Sherman,
witness on the stand: When the President tendered to you the office of
Secretary of War, ad interim, on the 27th of January, 1868, and on the
31st of the same month and year, did he, at the very time of making such
tender, state to you what his purpose in so doing was?
Counsel for Prosecution objected, and Mr. Drake called for the yeas and
nays, which were taken, as follows:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle,
Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Johnson, McCreery,
Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Norton, Patterson of
Tennessee, Ross, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers,
Willey--16--16 Republicans and 10 Democrats.
Nays-Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake,
Edmunds, Ferry, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsay,
Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, Yates--22--all Republicans.
The question was decided to be admissible, and the answer was "yes."
No. 16.
The next question, in immediate connection with the last, was:
If he did, state what he said his purpose was?
The yeas and nays were ordered and the vote was:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Cobertt, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle,
Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson,
McCreery, Morton, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sherman,
Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey--26--15 Republicans and 11
Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Cragin, Drake,
Edmunds, Ferry, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill
of Vermont, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart,
Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, Yates--25--all Republicans.
So the question was permitted to be answered, and General Sherman said:
The President told me that the relations between himself and Mr.
Stanton, and between Mr. Stanton and the other members of the Cabinet,
were such that he could not execute the office which he filled as
President of the United States without making provision ad interim for
that office; that he had the right under the law; he claimed to have
the right, and his purpose was to have the office administered in the
interest of the Army and of the Country; and he offered me the office in
that view. He did not state to me then that his purpose was to bring
it to the Courts directly; but for the purpose of having the office
administered properly in the interest of the Army and the whole Country.
I asked him why lawyers could not make a case, and not bring me, or
any officer of the Army, into the controversy. His answer was that it was
found impossible, or a case could not be made up; but, said he "if we
can bring the case to the Courts, it would not stand half an hour."
Mr. Butler, of the Prosecution, objected, and after debate, General
Sherman continued:
The question first asked me seemed to restrict me so close to the
purpose that I endeavored to confine myself to that point alone. On the
first day, or first interview, in which the President offered me the
appointment ad interim, he confined himself to very general terms, and
I gave him no definite answer. The second interview, which was on the
afternoon of the 30th, was the interview during which he made the
points which I have testified to. In speaking he referred to the
constitutionality of the bill known as the civil tenure-of-office
bill, I think, or the tenure of civil office bill; and it was the
constitutionality of that bill which he seemed desirous of having
tested, and which, he said, if it could be brought before the Supreme
Court properly, would not stand half an hour. We also spoke of force.
I first stated that if Mr. Stanton would simply retire, although it was
against my interest, against my desire, against my personal wishes,
and against my official wishes, I might be willing to undertake to
administer the office ad interim. Then he supposed the point was
yielded; and I made this point? "Suppose Mr. Stanton do not yield?" he
answered, "Oh! he will make no objection; you present the order and he
will retire." I expressed my doubt, and he remarked. "I know him better
than you do: he is cowardly." I then begged to be excused from giving
him an answer to give the subject more reflection, and I gave him my
final answer in writing. I think that letter, if you insist on knowing
my views, should come into evidence, and not parol testimony taken up;
but my reasons for declining the office were mostly personal in their
nature.
Mr. Henderson (of the Court) asked this question:
Did the President, on either of the occasions alluded to, express to you
a fixed purpose or determination to remove Mr. Stanton from his office?
General Sherman answered:
If by removal is meant a removal by force, he never conveyed to my mind
such an impression; but he did most unmistakably say that he could have
no more intercourse with him in the relation of President and Secretary
of War.
Mr. Howard (of the Court) asked the General:
You say the President spoke of force. What did he say about force?
General Sherman answered:
I enquired, "Suppose Mr. Stanton do not yield? What then shall be done?"
"Oh," said he, "there is no necessity of considering that question. Upon
the presentation of an order he will simply go away, or retire."
Mr. Henderson (of the Court) asked the question:
Did you give any opinion, or advice to the President on either of
those occasions in regard to the legality or propriety of an ad interim
appointment; and if so, what advice did you give, or what opinion did
you express to him?
Mr. Bingham of the prosecution, objected, and the Chair put the question
to the Senate whether it should be answered. The Senate, without a
division, refused answer to the question, and the examination of Gen.
Sherman closed for that day.
No. 17.
Wednesday, April 15th. The defense offered several extracts from records
of the Navy Department, to prove the practice of the Government in cases
of removal from office by different Presidents prior to Mr. Johnson, of
which the following are samples:
NAVY AGENCY AT NEW YORK.
1861. June 20. Isaac Henderson was, by direction of the President,
removed from the office of Navy agent at New York, and instructed to
transfer to Paymaster John D. Gibson, of United States Navy, all
the public funds and other property in his charge. Navy Agency at
Philadelphia.
Dec. 26, 1851. James S. Chambers was removed from the office of Navy
Agent at Philadelphia and instructed to transfer to Paymaster A. E.
Watson, U. S. Navy, all the public funds and other property in his
charge.
The prosecution objected and the yeas and nays were ordered.
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Conkling, Corbett, Davis, Dixon,
Doolittle, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes,
Henderson, Hendricks, Howe, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Morrill
of Vermont, Morton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennessee,
Ross, Saulsbery, Sherman, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers, Willey, Wilson, Yates--36--25 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Drake, Harlan,
Howard, Morgan, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Thayer, Tipton, Williams--15--all
Republicans.
So the evidence was admitted.
No. 18.
Thursday, April 16, Mr. Walter S. Cox on the stand. The defense offered
to prove:
That Mr. Cox was employed professionally by the President, in the
presence of General Thomas, to take such legal proceedings in the case
that had been commenced against General Thomas as would be effectual to
raise judicially the question of Mr. Stanton's legal right to continue
to hold the office of Secretary for the Department of War against the
authority of the President, and also in reference to obtaining a writ of
quo warranto for the same purpose; and we shall expect to follow up this
proof by evidence of what was done by the witness in pursuance of the
above employment.
Mr. Drake demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Corbett, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle,
Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Hendricks, Howe, Johnson,
McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner,
Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey--29--17 Republicans and 12
Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds,
Ferry, Harlan, Howard, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsay,
Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, Yates--21--all Republicans.
So the testimony was received, and the witness proceeded to detail the
steps he had taken by direction of the President to procure a judicial
determination of General Thomas' right to the office of Secretary of War
and to put him in possession, till the following question was asked.
No. 19.
What did you do toward getting out a writ of habeas corpus under the
employment of the President.
Prosecution objected, and the yeas and nays were ordered:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill
of Maine, Morgan, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of
Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Trumbull, Van
Winkle, Vickers, Willey--27--15 Republicans and 12 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Cragin, Drake,
Edmunds, Ferry, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont,
Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson,
Yates--23--all Republicans.
The Senate having decided the evidence to be admissible,
Mr. Cox proceeded:
When the Chief Justice announced that he would proceed as an examining
Judge to investigate the case of General Thomas, and not as holding
Court, our first application to him was to adjourn the investigation
into the Criminal Court then in session, in order to have the action of
that Court. After some little discussion this request was refused. Our
next effort was to have General Thomas committed to prison, in order
that we might apply to that Court for a habeas corpus, and upon his
being remanded by that Court; if that should be done, we might follow up
the application by one to the Supreme Court of the United States. * *
* The Chief Justice having indicated an intention to postpone the
examination, we directed General Thomas to decline giving any bail for
further appearance, and to surrender himself into custody, and announce
to the Judge that he was in custody, and then present to the Criminal
Court an application for a writ of habeas corpus. The Counsel on the
other side objected that General Thomas could not put himself into
custody, and they did not desire that he should be detained in custody.
The Chief Judge also declared that he would not restrain General Thomas
of his liberty, and would not hold him or allow him to be held
in custody. Supposing that he must be either committed or finally
discharged, we then claimed that he be discharged, not supposing that
the Counsel on the other side would consent to it, and supposing that
would bring about his commitment, and that we should then have an
opportunity of getting a habeas corpus. They made no objection, however,
to his final discharge, and accordingly the Chief Justice did discharge
him.
No. 20.
The witness, Mr. Cox, was asked by counsel for defense:
After you had reported to the President the result of your efforts to
obtain a writ of habeas corpus, did you do any other act in pursuance
of the original instructions you had received from the President on
Saturday to test the right of Mr. Stanton to continue in the office; and
if so, state what the acts were?
The yeas and nays were ordered on the demand of Mr. Howard.
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Howe, Johnson, McCreery, Morrill of Maine,
Morton, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennessee,
Ross, Saulsbery, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers, Willey--27--15 Republicans and 12 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Cragin, Drake,
Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Morgan, Morrill of
Vermont, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams,
Wilson, Yates--23--all Republicans.
So the evidence was admitted, and Mr. Cox continued.
On the same day or the next, I prepared an information in the nature
of a quo warranto. I think a delay of one day occurred in the effort to
procure certified copies of Gen. Thomas' commission as Secretary of
War ad interim, and of the order to Mr. Stanton. I then applied to
the District Attorney to sign the information in the nature of a quo
warranto, and he declined to do so without instructions or a request
from the President or the Attorney General. This fact was communicated
to the Attorney General and the papers were sent to him. Nothing was
done after this time by me.
No. 21.
The defense offered to prove:
That the President then stated that he had issued an order for the
removal of Mr. Stanton and the employment of Mr. Thomas to perform
the duties ad interim; that thereupon Mr. Perrin said, "Supposing Mr.
Stanton should oppose the order." The President replied: "There is no
danger of that, for General Thomas is already in the office." He then
added: "It is only a temporary arrangement; I shall send in to the
Senate at once a good name for the office."
Mr. Butler, for prosecution, objected, and the vote was:
Yeas--Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Hendricks, McCreery,
Patterson of Tennessee, and Vickers--9--all Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin,
Drake, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Harlan, Howard,
Howe, Johnson, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton,
Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Ross, Sherman,
Sprague, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey,
Williams, Wilson, and Yates---37--36 Republicans and 1 Democrat.
So this testimony was rejected.
No. 22.
Friday, April 17. The defense offered to prove:
That on this occasion (a Cabinet meeting previously mentioned), the
President communicated to Mr. Welles, and the other members of his
Cabinet, before the meeting broke up, that he had removed Mr. Stanton
and appointed General Thomas Secretary of War ad interim; and that, upon
the inquiry by Mr. Welles whether General Thomas was in possession of
the office, the President replied that he was, and on further question
of Welles, whether Mr. Stanton acquiesced, the President replied that he
did; all that he required was time to remove his papers.
Mr. Butler objected and the yeas and nays were ordered.
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Cole, Conkling, Corbett, Davis, Dixon,
Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery,
Morton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbery, Sherman, Sprague,
Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Willey--26--15 Republicans and 11
Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Conness, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry,
Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill
of Vermont, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart,
Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, Yates--2-3-all Republicans.
So the testimony was received, and the following proceeding was had Mr.
Evarts, of Counsel for the President. Mr. Welles on the stand:
Please state, Mr. Welles, what communication was made by the President
to the Cabinet on the subject of the removal of Mr. Stanton and the
appointment of General Thomas, and what passed at the time?
Mr. Welles: As I remarked, after the Departmental business had been
disposed of, the President remarked, as usual when he had anything to
communicate himself, that before they separated it would be proper for
him to say that he had removed Mr. Stanton and appointed the Adjutant
General Lorenzo Thomas, Secretary ad interim. I asked whether General
Thomas was in possession. The President said he was; that Mr. Stanton
required some little time to remove his writings, his papers; I said,
perhaps, or I asked, "Mr. Stanton, then, acquiesces?" He said he did, as
he considered it. * * *
Question: Now, sir, one moment to a matter which you spoke of
incidentally. You were there the next morning about noon?
Answer: I was.
Question: Did you then see the appointment of Mr. Ewing?
Answer: I did.
Question: Was it made out before you came there, or after, or while you
were there?
Answer: While I was there.
Question: And you then saw it?
Answer: I saw it.
Question by Mr. Johnson (of the Court): What time of the day was that?
Answer: It was about twelve.
* * * Question by Mr. Evarts: Did you become aware of the
Tenure-of-office bill, as it is called, at or about the time that it
passed Congress?
Answer: I was aware of it.
Question: Were you present at any Cabinet meeting at which, after the
passage of that Act, it became the subject of consideration?
Answer: Yes, on two occasions. The first occasion when it was brought
before the Cabinet was on the 26th of February, 1867.
Question: Who were present?
Answer: All the Cabinet were present.
Question: Was Mr. Stanton there?
Answer: Mr. Stanton was there, I think, on that occasion.
Question: This civil tenure act was the subject of consideration there?
Answer: It was submitted.
Question: As a matter of consideration in the Cabinet?
Answer: For consultation for the advice and opinion of members.
Question: How did he submit the matter to your consideration?
Mr. Butler objected and demanded that the offer be put in writing.
No. 23.
That the President at a meeting of the Cabinet, while the bill was
before the President for his approval, laid before the Cabinet the
tenure-of-civil-office bill for their consideration and advice to the
President respecting his approval of the bill: and thereupon the members
of the Cabinet then present gave their advice to the President that the
bill was unconstitutional and should be returned to Congress with his
objections, and that the duty of preparing a message, setting forth the
objections to the constitutionality of the bill, was devolved on Mr.
Seward and Mr. Stanton; to be followed by proof as to what was done by
the President and Cabinet up to the time of sending in the message.
After argument the yeas and nays were taken:
Yeas--Anthony Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson
of Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, and
Willey--20--9 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe,
Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New
Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton,
Williams, Wilson, and Yates--29--all Republicans.
So this testimony was rejected.
No. 21.
Counsel for Defense offered to prove:
That at the meetings of the Cabinet at which Mr. Stanton was present,
held while the tenure-of-civil-office bill was before the President for
approval, the advice of the Cabinet in regard to the same was asked
by the President and given by the Cabinet, and thereupon the question
whether Mr. Stanton and the other Secretaries who had received their
appointment from Mr. Lincoln were within the restrictions upon the
President's power of removal from office created by said act was
considered, and the opinion expressed that the Secretaries appointed by
Mr. Lincoln were not within such restrictions.
The yeas and nays were ordered, and the vote was:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson of
Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers, and Willey--22--11 Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole. Conness. Corbett, Cragin, Drake,
Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghusen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of
Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy,
Ramsay, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, and Yates--26--all
Republicans.
So this testimony was rejected.
No. 25.
Counsel for defense offered to prove:
That at the Cabinet meetings between the passage of the tenure-of-civil
office bill and the order of the 21st of February, 1868, for the removal
of Mr. Stanton upon occasions when the condition of the public service,
as affected by the operation of that bill, came up for the consideration
and advice of the Cabinet, it was considered by the President and
Cabinet that a proper regard to the public service made it
desirable that upon some proper case a judicial determination of the
constitutionality of the law should be obtained.
The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson of
Tennessee, Ross, Saulsbury Trumbull, Van Winkle, and Vickers--19--8
Republicans and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe,
Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New
Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton,
Willey, Williams, Wilson and Yates--30--all Republicans.
So the proffered testimony was rejected.
No. 26.
Counsel for defense put this question to witness, (Mr. Welles, then
Secretary of the Navy.)
Was there, within the period embraced in the inquiry in the last
question, and at any discussions or deliberations of the Cabinet
concerning the operation of the tenure-of-civil-office act and the
requirements of the public service in regard to the service, any
suggestion or intimation whatever touching or looking to the vacation of
any office by force or getting possession of the same by force?
Counsel for prosecution objected, and the vote was:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Edmunds, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee,
Ross, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Van Winkle, and Vickers--18--8 Republicans
and 10 Democrats.
Nays-Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin,
Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine,
Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsay,
Sherman, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and
Yates--26--all Republicans.
So the proffered testimony was rejected.
No. 27.
Defense offered to prove:
That at the meetings of the Cabinet at which Stanton was present, held
while the tenure-of-civil-office bill was before the President for
approval, the advice of the Cabinet in regard to the same was asked by
the President, and given the Cabinet, and thereupon the question
whether Mr. Stanton and the other Secretaries who had received their
appointments from Mr. Lincoln were within the restrictions upon the
President's power of removal from office created by said act, was
considered and the opinion expressed that the Secretaries appointed by
Mr. Lincoln were not within such restrictions.
Mr. Johnson: I ask that the question propounded by the Senator from Ohio
(Mr. Sherman) shall now be read.
The Secretary read the question as follows:
State if, after the 2d of March, 1867, the date of the passage of the
tenure-of-office act, the question whether the Secretaries appointed by
President Lincoln were included within the provisions of that act came
before the Cabinet for discussion; and if so, what opinion was given on
this question by members of the Cabinet to the President.
The yeas and nays were ordered; and being taken resulted:
Yeas--Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee,
Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, and
Willey--20--9 Republican and 11 Democrats.
Nays--Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan,
Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New Hampshire,
Pomeroy, Ramsay, Stewart, Thayer, Tipton, Williams, Wilson, and
Yates--26--all Republicans.
So the proffered testimony was rejected.
No. 28.
The Prosecution proposed to put in evidence the nomination of Lieutenant
General Sherman, to be General by brevet, sent to the Senate on the 13th
of February, 1868, also the nomination of Major General George H. Thomas
to be Lieutenant General by brevet, and to be General by brevet, sent to
the Senate on the 21st of February, 1868.
The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted: Yeas--Anthony,
Cole, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Morton, Ross, Sumner,
Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, and Yates--14--all Republicans.
Nays--Buckalew, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Conkling, Conness, Corbett,
Cragin, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen,
Harlan, Hendricks, Howard, Howe, Johnson, McCreery, Morgan, Morrill
of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of
Tennessee, Pomeroy, Ramsay, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Thayer, Vickers,
Williams, and Wilson--35--26 Republicans and 9 Democrats.
So the proffered testimony was refused.
GENERAL EMORY'S TESTIMONY.
The Ninth Article of the Impeachment was based upon alleged military
changes in the City of Washington whereby the number of troops on duty
there was rumored to have been largely increased, with a view to their
use in the controversy between the President and Congress, and more
especially for the expulsion of Mr. Stanton from the War Office in case
of his resistance to the order of the President for his retirement. The
wildest rumors of that character prevailed--that Mr. Johnson proposed
to throw off all disguise and assume direct military control and the
establishment of practically a military dictatorship. Congress had some
months previously enacted that all military orders from the President
should be issued through the General of the Army--the Congress thereby
assuming to practically abrogate a constitutional function of the Chief
Executive.
There was considerable confidence among the supporters of the
impeachment that they would be able to prove these allegations by
General Emory, then in local command of the troops and Department
of Washington. General Emory was called by the prosecution, and the
following was his testimony.
Examined by Mr. Butler:
Question: Will you have the kindness to state, as nearly as you can what
took place then? (Referring to an interview with the President at the
Executive Mansion.)
Answer: I will try and state the substance of it, but the words I can
not undertake to state exactly. The President asked me if I recollected
a conversation he had had with me when I first took command of the
department. I told him that I recollected the facts of the conversation
distinctly. He then asked me what changes had been made. I told him no
material changes, but such as had been made I could state at once. I
went on to state that in the fall six companies of the 29th infantry
had been brought to this City to winter; but as an offset to that, four
companies of the 12th infantry had been detached to South Carolina on
the request of the Commander of that District; that two companies of
artillery had been detached by my predecessor, one of them for the
purpose of siding in putting down the Fenian difficulties, had been
returned to the command, that although the number of companies head been
increased, the numerical strength of the command was very much the same,
growing out of an order reducing the artillery and infantry companies
from the maximum of the war establishment to the minimum of the peace
establishment. The President said: "I do not refer to those changes." I
replied that if he would state what changes he referred to, or who made
the report of the changes, perhaps I could be more, explicit. He said,
"I refer to recent changes within a day or two," or something to that
effect. I told him I thought I could assure him that no changes had been
made; that under a recent order issued for the government of the armies
of the United States, founded upon a law of Congress, all orders had to
be transmitted through General Grant to the army, and in like manner all
orders coming from General Grant to any of his subordinate officers must
necessarily come, if in my department, through me; that if by chance an
order had been given to any junior officer of mine it was his duty at
once to report that fact. The President asked me. "What order do you
refer to?" I replied, "To order number 17 of the series of 1867." He
said, "I would like to see the order," and a messenger was dispatched
for it. At this time a gentleman came in who I supposed had business in
no way connected with the business I had in hand, and I withdrew to the
farther end of the room, and while there, the messenger came in with
the book of orders and handed it to me. As soon as the gentleman had
withdrawn, I returned to the President with the book in my hand, and
said I would take it as a favor if he would permit me to call his
attention to that order; that it had been passed in an appropriation
bill, and I thought it not unlikely that it had escaped his attention.
He took the order and read it, and observed, "This is not in
conformity with the Constitution of the United States, that makes me
Commander-in-Chief, or with the terns of your commission." I replied,
"That is the order which you approved and issued to the army for our
government," or something to that effect. I can not recollect the exact
words, nor do I intend to quote the exact words of the President. He
said, "Am I to understand that the President of the United States can
not give an order except through the General of the Army? Or General
Grant?" I said in reply, that that was my impression--that that was the
opinion that the Army entertain, and I thought upon that subject they
were a unit. I also said, "I think it is fair, Mr. President, to say to
you that when this order came out, there was considerable discussion
on the subject as to what were the obligations of an officer under
that order, and some eminent lawyers were consulted. I myself consulted
one--and the opinion was given to me decidedly and unequivocally that
we were bound by the order, Constitutional or not Constitutional." The
President observed that "the object of the law was evident."
The following is that portion of the act referred to:
"Section 2. Be it further enacted: That the headquarters of the General
of the Army of the United States shall be at the City of Washington, and
all orders and instructions relating to military operations issued by
the President and Secretary of War shall be issued through the General
of the Army, and in case of his inability, through the next in rank. The
General of the Army shall not be removed, suspended, or relieved from
command or assigned to duty elsewhere than at said headquarters except
at his own request WITHOUT THE PREVIOUS APPROVAL OF THE SENATE; and any
orders or instructions relating to Military operations issued contrary
to the requirements of this section, shall be null and void. And
any officer who shall issue orders or instructions, contrary to the
provisions of this section, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in
office; and any officer of the Army who shall transmit, convey or obey
any orders or instructions so issued contrary to the provisions of this
section, knowing that such orders were so issued shall be liable to
imprisonment for not less than two nor more than twenty years upon
conviction thereof in any Court of competent jurisdiction."
By turning to the Congressional Record of that day, it will be found
that Mr. Johnson was perfectly aware of the existence of the foregoing
provision of the Act of Congress in the bill referred to, at the time
he returned the bill to the House with his signature. His reasons for
so signing it are set out in the following communication to the House
accompanying the bill.
The act entitled "An act making appropriations for the support of
the Army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,"
contains provisions to which I must call attention. There are
propositions contained in the second section which in certain cases
deprives the President of his Constitutional functions of Commander in
Chief of the Army, and in the sixth section, which denies to ten States
of the Union their Constitutional right to protect themselves in any
emergency, by means of their own militia. These provisions are out
of place in an appropriation act, but I am compelled to defeat these
necessary appropriations if I withhold my signature from the act.
Pressed by these considerations, I feel constrained to return the bill
with my signature, but to accompany it with my earnest protest against
the section which I have indicated.
Andrew Johnson. Washington, D. C., March 2, 1868.
That Congress was to expire by limitation at 12 o'clock on the 4th,
thirty-six hours later. If Mr. Johnson had vetoed the bill, as under
ordinary conditions it would have been his duty to the Constitution and
to himself to do, its re-passage through the two Houses in that limited
time would have been impossible, and the appropriations carried by the
bill for the support of the Army would have been lost. To save them Mr.
Johnson submitted to the indignity put upon him by Congress in denying
him a guaranteed and manifest Constitutional right and power. In that
act Mr. Johnson illustrated a magnanimity and a consciousness of public
responsibility that was most creditable to himself, and in marked
contrast to the action of Congress toward him.