The SPEEDWELL was the first vessel procured by the Leyden Pilgrims for
the emigration, and was bought by themselves; as she was the ship of
their historic embarkation at Delfshaven, and that which carried the
originators of the enterprise to Southampton, to join the MAY-FLOWER,--
whose consort she was to be; and as she became a determining factor in
the latter's belated departure for New England, she may justly claim
mention here as indeed an inseparable "part and parcel" of the May-
FLOWER'S voyage.
The name of this vessel of associate historic renown with the MAY-FLOWER
was even longer in finding record in the early literature of the Pilgrim
hegira than that of the larger It first appeared, so far as discovered,
in 1669--nearly fifty years after her memorable service to the Pilgrims
on the fifth page of Nathaniel Morton's "New England's Memorial."
Davis, in his "Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth," makes a singular error for
so competent a writer, when he says: "The agents of the company in
England had hired the SPEEDWELL, of sixty tons, and sent her to
Delfthaven, to convey the colonists to Southampton." In this, however,
he but follows Mather and the "Modern Universal History," though both are
notably unreliable; but he lacks their excuse, for they were without his
access to Bradford's "Historie." That the consort-pinnace was neither
"hired" nor "sent to Delfthaven" duly appears.
Bradford states the fact,--that "a smale ship (of some 60 tune), was
bought and fitted in Holand, which was intended to serve to help to
transport them, so to stay in ye countrie and atend ye fishing and such
other affairs as might be for ye good and benefite of ye colonie when
they come ther." The statements of Bradford and others indicate that she
was bought and refitted with moneys raised in Holland, but it is not easy
to understand the transaction, in view of the understood terms of the
business compact between the Adventurers and the Planters, as hereinafter
outlined. The Merchant Adventurers--who were organized (but not
incorporated) chiefly through the activity of Thomas Weston, a merchant
of London, to "finance" the Pilgrim undertaking--were bound, as part of
their engagement, to provide the necessary shipping,' etc., for the
voyage. The "joint-stock or partnership," as it was called in the
agreement of the Adventurers and Planters, was an equal partnership
between but two parties, the Adventurers, as a body, being one of the
co-partners; the Planter colonists, as a body, the other. It was a
partnership to run for seven years, to whose capital stock the first-
named partner (the Adventurers) was bound to contribute whatever moneys,
or their equivalents,--some subscriptions were paid in goods,--were
necessary to transport, equip, and maintain the colony and provide it the
means of traffic, etc., for the term named. The second-named partner (the
Planter body) was to furnish the men, women, and children,--the colonists
themselves, and their best endeavors, essential to the enterprise,--and
such further contributions of money or provisions, on an agreed basis,
as might be practicable for them. At the expiration of the seven years,
all properties of every kind were to be divided into two equal parts,
of which the Adventurers were to take one and the Planters the other,
in full satisfaction of their respective investments and claims. The
Adventurers' half would of course be divided among themselves, in such
proportion as their individual contributions bore to the sum total
invested. The Planters would divide their half among their number,
according to their respective contributions of persons, money, or
provisions, as per the agreed basis, which was:
[Bradford's Historie, Deane's ed.; Arber, op. cit. p. 305.
The fact that Lyford (Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 217)
recommended that every "particular" (i.e. non-partnership colonist)
sent out by the Adventurers--and they had come to be mostly of that
class--"should come over as an Adventurer, even if only a ser vant,"
and the fact that he recognized that some one would have to pay in
L10 to make each one an Adventurer, would seem to indicate that any
one was eligible and that either L10 was the price of the Merchant
Adventurer's share, or that this was the smallest subscription which
would admit to membership. Such "particular," even although an
Adventurer, had no partnership share in the Planters' half-interest;
had no voice in the government, and no claim for maintenance. He
was, however, amenable to the government, subject to military duty
and to tax. The advantage of being an Adventurer without a voice in
colony affairs would be purely a moral one.]
that every person joining the enterprise, whether man, woman, youth,
maid, or servant, if sixteen years old, should count as a share; that a
share should be reckoned at L10, and hence that L10 worth of money or
provisions should also count as a share. Every man, therefore, would be
entitled to one share for each person (if sixteen years of age) he
contributed, and for each L10 of money or provisions he added thereto,
another share. Two children between ten and sixteen would count as one
and be allowed a share in the division, but children under ten were to
have only fifty acres of wild land. The scheme was admirable for its
equity, simplicity, and elasticity, and was equally so for either
capitalist or colonist.
Goodwin notes, that, "in an edition of Cushman's 'Discourse,' Judge Davis
of Boston advanced the idea that at first the Pilgrims put all their
possessions into a common stock, and until 1623 had no individual
property. In his edition of Morton's 'Memorial' he honorably admits his
error." The same mistake was made by Robertson and Chief Justice
Marshall, and is occasionally repeated in this day. "There was no
community of goods, though there was labor in common, with public
supplies of food and clothing." Neither is there warrant for the
conclusion of Goodwin, that because the holdings of the Planters' half
interest in the undertaking were divided into L10 shares, those of the
Adventurers were also. It is not impossible, but it does not necessarily
follow, and certain known facts indicate the contrary.
Rev. Edward Everett Hale, in "The Pilgrims' Life in Common," says:
"Carver, Winslow, Bradford, Brewster, Standish, Fuller, and Allerton.
were the persons of largest means in the Leyden group of the emigrants.
It seems as if their quota of subscription to the common stock were paid
in 'provisions' for the voyage and the colony, and that by 'provisions'
is meant such articles of food as could be best bought in Holland." The
good Doctor is clearly in error, in the above. Allerton was probably as
"well off" as any of the Leyden contingent, while Francis Cooke and
Degory Priest were probably "better off" than either Brewster or
Standish, who apparently had little of this world's goods. Neither is
there any evidence that any considerable amount of "provision" was bought
in Holland. Quite a large sum of money, which came, apparently, from the
pockets of the Leyden Adventurers (Pickering, Greene, etc.), and some of
the Pilgrims, was requisite to pay for the SPEEDWELL and her refitting,
etc.; but how much came from either is conjectural at best. But aside
from "Hollands cheese," "strong-waters" (schnapps), some few things that
Cushman names; and probably a few others, obtained in Holland, most of
the "provisioning," as repeatedly appears, was done at the English
Southampton. In fact, after clothing and generally "outfitting"
themselves, it is pretty certain that but few of the Leyden party had
much left. There was evidently an understanding between the partners that
there should be four principal agents charged with the preparations for,
and carrying out of, the enterprise,--Thomas Weston and Christopher
Martin representing the Adventurers and the colonists who were recruited
in England (Martin being made treasurer), while Carver and Cushman acted
for the Leyden company. John Pierce seems to have been the especial
representative of the Adventurers in the matter of the obtaining of the
Patent from the (London) Virginia Company, and later from the Council for
New England. Bradford says: "For besides these two formerly mentioned,
sent from Leyden, viz., Master Carver and Robert Cushman, there was one
chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make the provisions for the
Voyage. His name was Master Martin. He came from Billerike in Essexe;
from which parts came sundry others to go with them; as also from London
and other places, and therefore it was thought meet and convenient by
them in Holand, that these strangers that were to goe with them, should
appointe one thus to be joyned with them; not so much from any great need
of their help as to avoid all susspition, or jealosie, of any
partialitie." But neither Weston, Martin, Carver, nor Cushman seems to
have been directly concerned in the purchase of the SPEEDWELL. The most
probable conjecture concerning it is, that in furtherance of the purpose
of the Leyden leaders, stated by Bradford, that there should be a small
vessel for their service in fishing, traffic, etc., wherever they might
plant the colony, they were permitted by the Adventurers to purchase the
SPEEDWELL for that service, and as a consort, "on general account."
It is evident, however, from John Robinson's letter of June 14, 1620, to
John Carver, that Weston ridiculed the transaction, probably on selfish
grounds, but, as events proved, not without some justification.
Robinson says: "Master Weston makes himself merry with our endeavors
about buying a ship," [the SPEEDWELL] "but we have done nothing in this
but with good reason, as I am persuaded." Although bought with funds
raised in Holland,
[Arber (The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 341) arrives at the
conclusion that "The SPEEDWELL had been bought with Leyden money.
The proceeds of her sale, after her return to London, would, of
course, go to the credit of the common joint-Stock there." This
inference seems warranted by Robinson's letter of June 16/26 to
Carver, in which he clearly indicates that the Leyden brethren
collected the "Adventurers" subscriptions of Pickering and his
partner (Greene), which were evidently considerable.]
it was evidently upon "joint-account," and she was doubtless so sold, as
alleged, on her arrival in September, at London, having proved
unseaworthy. In fact, the only view of this transaction that harmonizes
with the known facts and the respective rights and relations of the
parties is, that permission was obtained (perhaps through Edward
Pickering, one of the Adventurers, a merchant of Leyden, and others that
the Leyden leaders should buy and refit the consort, and in so doing
might expend the funds which certain of the Leyden Pilgrims were to pay
into the enterprise, which it appears they did,--and for which they would
receive, as shown, extra shares in the Planters' half-interest. It was
very possibly further permitted by the Adventurers, that Mr. Pickering's
and his partners' subscriptions to their capital stock should be applied
to the purchase of the SPEEDWELL, as they were collected by the Leyden
leaders, as Pastor Robinson's letter of June 14/24 to John Carver,
previously noted, clearly shows.
She was obviously bought some little time before May 31, 1620,--probably
in the early part of the month,--from the fact that in their letter of
May 31st to Carver and Cushman, then in London, Messrs. Fuller, Winslow,
Bradford, and Allerton state that "we received divers letters at the
coming of Master Nash and our Pilott," etc. From this it is clear that
time enough had elapsed, since their purchase of the pinnace, for their
messenger (Master Nash) to go to London,--evidently with a request to
Carver and Cushman that they would send over a competent "pilott" to
refit her, and for Nash to return with him, while the letter announcing
their arrival does not seem to have been immediately written.
The writers of the above-mentioned letter use the words "we received,"--
using the past tense, as if some days before, instead of "we have your
letters," or "we have just received your letters," which would rather
indicate present, or recent, time. Probably some days elapsed after the
"pilott's" arrival, before this letter of acknowledgment was sent. It is
hence fair to assume that the pinnace was bought early in May, and that
no time was lost by the Leyden party in preparing for the exodus, after
their negotiations with the Dutch were "broken off" and they had "struck
hands" with Weston, sometime between February 2/12, 1619/20, and April
1/11, 1620,--probably in March.
The consort was a pinnace--as vessels of her class were then and for many
years called--of sixty tons burden, as already stated, having two masts,
which were put in--as we are informed by Bradford, and are not allowed by
Professor Arber to forget--as apart of her refitting in Holland. That
she was "square-rigged," and generally of the then prevalent style of
vessels of her size and class, is altogether probable. The name pinnace
was applied to vessels having a wide range in tonnage, etc., from a craft
of hardly more than ten or fifteen tons to one of sixty or eighty. It
was a term of pretty loose and indefinite adaptation and covered most of
the smaller craft above a shallop or ketch, from such as could be
propelled by oars, and were so fitted, to a small ship of the SPEEDWELL'S
class, carrying an armament.
None of the many representations of the SPEEDWELL which appear in
historical pictures are authentic, though some doubtless give correct
ideas of her type. Weir's painting of the "Embarkation of the Pilgrims,"
in the Capitol at Washington (and Parker's copy of the same in Pilgrim
Hall, Plymouth); Lucy's painting of the "Departure of the Pilgrims," in
Pilgrim Hall; Copes great painting in the corridor of the British Houses
of Parliament, and others of lesser note, all depict the vessel on much
the same lines, but nothing can be claimed for any of them, except
fidelity to a type of vessel of that day and class. Perhaps the best
illustration now known of a craft of this type is given in the painting
by the Cuyps, father and son, of the "Departure of the Pilgrims from
Delfshaven," as reproduced by Dr. W. E. Griffis, as the frontispiece to
his little monograph, "The Pilgrims in their Three Homes." No reliable
description of the pinnace herself is known to exist, and but few facts
concerning her have been gleaned. That she was fairly "roomy" for a
small number of passengers, and had decent accommodations, is inferable
from the fact that so many as thirty were assigned to her at Southampton,
for the Atlantic voyage (while the MAY-FLOWER, three times her tonnage,
but of greater proportionate capacity, had but ninety), as also from the
fact that "the chief [i.e. principal people] of them that came from
Leyden went in this ship, to give Master Reynolds content." That she
mounted at least "three pieces of ordnance" appears by the testimony of
Edward Winslow, and they probably comprised her armament.
We have seen that Bradford notes the purchase and refitting of this
"smale ship of 60 tune" in Holland. The story of her several sailings,
her "leakiness," her final return, and her abandonment as unseaworthy,
is familiar. We find, too, that Bradford also states in his "Historie,"
that "the leakiness of this ship was partly by her being overmasted and
too much pressed with sails." It will, however, amaze the readers of
Professor Arber's generally excellent "Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," so
often referred to herein, to find him sharply arraigning "those members
of the Leyden church who were responsible for the fitting of the
SPEEDWELL," alleging that "they were the proximate causes of most of the
troubles on the voyage [of the MAY-FLOWER] out; and of many of the deaths
at Plymouth in New England in the course of the following Spring; for
they overmasted the vessel, and by so doing strained her hull while
sailing." To this straining, Arber wholly ascribes the "leakiness" of
the SPEEDWELL and the delay in the final departure of the MAYFLOWER, to
which last he attributes the disastrous results he specifies. It would
seem that the historian, unduly elated at what he thought the discovery
of another "turning-point of modern history," endeavors to establish it
by such assertions and such partial references to Bradford as would
support the imaginary "find." Briefly stated, this alleged discovery,
which he so zealously announces, is that if the SPEEDWELL had not been
overmasted, both she and the MAY-FLOWER would have arrived early in the
fall at the mouth of the Hudson River, and the whole course of New
England history would have been entirely different. Ergo, the
"overmasting" of the SPEEDWELL was a "pivotal point in modern history."
With the idea apparently of giving eclat to this announcement and of
attracting attention to it, he surprisingly charges the responsibility
for the "overmasting" and its alleged dire results upon the leaders of
the Leyden church, "who were," he repeatedly asserts, "alone
responsible." As a matter of fact, however, Bradford expressly states
(in the same paragraph as that upon which Professor Arber must wholly
base his sweeping assertions) that the "overmasting" was but "partly"
responsible for the SPEEDWELL'S leakiness, and directly shows that the
"stratagem" of her master and crew, "afterwards," he adds, "known, and by
some confessed," was the chief cause of her leakiness.
Cushman also shows, by his letter,--written after the ships had put back
into Dartmouth,--a part of which Professor Arber uses, but the most
important part suppresses, that what he evidently considers the principal
leak was caused by a very "loose board" (plank), which was clearly not
the result of the straining due to "crowding sail," or of "overmasting."
(See Appendix.)
Moreover, as the Leyden chiefs were careful to employ a presumably
competent man ("pilott," afterwards "Master" Reynolds) to take charge of
refitting the consort, they were hence clearly, both legally and morally,
exempt from responsibility as to any alterations made. Even though the
"overmasting" had been the sole cause of the SPEEDWELL'S leakiness, and
the delays and vicissitudes which resulted to the MAY-FLOWER and her
company, the leaders of the Leyden church--whom Professor Arber arraigns
--(themselves chiefly the sufferers) were in no wise at fault! It is
clear, however, that the "overmasting" cut but small figure in the case;
"confessed" rascality in making a leak otherwise, being the chief
trouble, and this, as well as the "overmasting," lay at the door of
Master Reynolds.
Even if the MAY-FLOWER had not been delayed by the SPEEDWELL'S condition,
and both had sailed for "Hudson's River" in midsummer, it is by no means
certain that they would have reached there, as Arber so confidently
asserts. The treachery of Captain Jones, in league with Gorges, would as
readily have landed them, by some pretext, on Cape Cod in October, as in
December. But even though they had landed at the mouth of the Hudson,
there is no good reason why the Pilgrim influence should not have worked
north and east, as well as it did west and south, and with the
Massachusetts Bay Puritans there, Roger Williams in Rhode Island, and the
younger Winthrop in Connecticut, would doubtless have made New England
history very much what it has been, and not, as Professor Arber asserts,
"entirely different."
The cruel indictment fails, and the imaginary "turning point in modern
history," to announce which Professor Arber seems to have sacrificed so
much, falls with it.
The Rev. Dr. Griffis ("The Pilgrims in their Three Homes," p. 158) seems
to give ear to Professor Arber's untenable allegations as to the Pilgrim
leaders' responsibility for any error made in the "overmasting" of the
SPEEDWELL, although he destroys his case by saying of the "overmasting:"
"Whether it was done in England or Holland is not certain." He says,
unhappily chiming in with Arber's indictment: "In their eagerness to get
away promptly, they [the Leyden men] made the mistake of ordering for the
SPEEDWELL heavier and taller masts and larger spars than her hull had
been built to receive, thus altering most unwisely and disastrously her
trim." He adds still more unhappily: "We do not hear of these inveterate
landsmen and townsfolk [of whom he says, 'possibly there was not one man
familiar with ships or sea life'] who were about to venture on the
Atlantic, taking counsel of Dutch builders or mariners as to the
proportion of their craft." Why so discredit the capacity and
intelligence of these nation-builders? Was their sagacity ever found
unequal to the problems they met? Were the men who commanded confidence
and respect in every avenue of affairs they entered; who talked with
kings and dealt with statesmen; these diplomats, merchants, students,
artisans, and manufacturers; these men who learned law, politics, state
craft, town building, navigation, husbandry, boat-building, and medicine,
likely to deal negligently or presumptuously with matters upon which they
were not informed? Their first act, after buying the SPEEDWELL, was to
send to England for an "expert" to take charge of all technical matters
of her "outfitting," which was done, beyond all question, in Holland.
What need had they, having done this (very probably upon the advice of
those experienced ship-merchants, their own "Adventurers" and townsmen,
Edward Pickering and William Greene), to consult Dutch ship-builders or
mariners? She was to be an English ship, under the English flag, with
English owners, and an English captain; why: should they defer to Dutch
seamen or put other than an English "expert" in charge of her
alterations, especially when England rightfully boasted the best? But
not only were these Leyden leaders not guilty of any laches as indicted
by Arber and too readily convicted by Griffis, but the "overmasting" was
of small account as compared with the deliberate rascality of captain and
crew, in the disabling of the consort, as expressly certified by
Bradford, who certainly, as an eye-witness, knew whereof he affirmed.
Having bought a vessel, it was necessary to fit her for the severe
service in which she was to be employed; to provision her for the voyage,
etc.; and this could be done properly only by experienced hands. The
Pilgrim leaders at Leyden seem, therefore, as noted, to have sent to
their agents at London for a competent man to take charge of this work,
and were sent a "pilott" (or "mate"), doubtless presumed to be equal to
the task. Goodwin mistakenly says: "As Spring waned, Thomas Nash went
from Leyden to confer with the agents at London. He soon returned with a
pilot (doubtless [sic] Robert Coppin), who was to conduct the Continental
party to England." This is both wild and remarkable "guessing" for the
usually careful compiler of the "Pilgrim Republic." There is no warrant
whatever for this assumption, and everything contra-indicates it,
although two such excellent authorities as Dr. Dexter and Goodwin
coincide--the latter undoubtedly copying the former--concerning Coppin;
both being doubtless in error, as hereafter shown. Dexter says "My
impression is that Coppin was originally hired to go in the SPEEDWELL,
and that he was the 'pilott' whose coming was 'a great incouragement' to
the Leyden expectants, in the last of May, or first of June, 1620 [before
May 31, as shown]; that he sailed with them in the SPEEDWELL, but on her
final putting back was transferred to the MAY-FLOWER." All the direct
light any one has upon the matter comes from the letter of the Leyden
brethren of May 31 [O.S.], 1620, previously cited, to Carver and Cushman,
and the reply of the latter thereto, of Sunday, June 11, 1620. The
former as noted, say: "We received diverse letters at the coming of
Master Nash [probably Thomas] and our pilott, which is a great
incouragement unto us . . . and indeed had you not sente him [the
'pilott,' presumably] many would have been ready to fainte and goe
backe." Neither here nor in any other relation is there the faintest
suggestion of Coppin, except as what he was, "the second mate," or
"pilott," of the MAY-FLOWER. It is not reasonable to suppose that, for
so small a craft but just purchased, and with the expedition yet
uncertain, the Leyden leaders or their London agents had by June 11,
employed both a "Master" and a "pilott" for the SPEEDWELL, as must have
been the case if this "pilott" was, as Goodwin so confidently assumes,
"doubtless Robert Coppin." For in Robert Cushman's letter of Sunday,
June 11, as if proposing (now that the larger vessel would be at once
obtained, and would, as he thought, be "ready in fourteen days") that the
"pilott" sent over to "refit" the SPEEDWELL should be further utilized,
he says: "Let Master Reynolds tarrie there [inferentially, not return
here when his work is done, as we originally arranged] and bring the ship
[the SPEEDWELL], to Southampton." The latter service we know he
performed.