§ XI. “The modern English mind ... intensely desires in all things, the

utmost completion or perfection compatible with their nature. This is a

noble character in the abstract, but becomes ignoble when it causes us

to forget the relative dignities of that nature itself, and to prefer

the perfectness of the lower nature to the imperfection of the higher;

not considering that, as judged by such a rule, all the brute animals

would be preferable to man because more perfect in their functions and

kind, and yet are always held inferior to him, so also in the works of

man, those which are more perfect in their kind are always inferior to

those which are, in their nature, liable to more faults and

shortcomings. For the finer the nature the more flaws it will show

through the clearness of it; and it is a law of this Universe, that the

best things shall be seldomest seen in their best form. The wild grass

grows well and strongly, one year with another; but the wheat is,

according to the greater nobleness of its nature, liable to the bitterer

blight. And therefore, while in all things that we see or do, we are to

desire perfection, and strive for it, we are nevertheless not to set the

meaner thing, in its narrow accomplishment, above the nobler thing, in

its mighty progress; not to esteem smooth minuteness above shattered

majesty, not to prefer mean victory to honourable defeat; not to lower

the level of our aim, that we may the more surely enjoy the complacency

of success. But, above all, in our dealings with the souls of other men,

we are to take care how we check, by severe requirement or narrow

caution, efforts which might otherwise lead to a noble issue; and, still

more, how we withhold our admiration from great excellences, because

they are mingled with rough faults. Now, in the make and nature of every

man, however rude or simple, whom we employ in manual labour, there are

some powers for better things: some tardy imagination, torpid capacity

of emotion, tottering steps of thought, there are, even at the worst;

and in most cases it is all our own fault that they _are_ tardy or

torpid. But they cannot be strengthened, unless we are content to take

them in their feebleness, and unless we prize and honour them in their

imperfection above the best and most perfect manual skill. And this is

what we have to do with all labourers; to look for the thoughtful part

of them, and get that out of them, whatever we lose for it, whatever

faults or errors we are obliged to take with it. For the best that is in

them cannot manifest itself, but in company with much error. Understand

this clearly: You can teach a man to draw a straight line, and to cut

one; to strike a curved line and to carve it; and to copy and carve any

number of given lines or forms, with admirable speed and perfect

precision; and you find his work perfect of its kind: but if you ask him

to think about any of those forms, to consider if he cannot find any

better in his own head, he stops; his execution becomes hesitating; he

thinks, and ten to one he thinks wrong; ten to one he makes a mistake in

the first touch he gives to his work as a thinking being. But you have

made a man of him for all that. He was only a machine before, an

animated tool.”

§ XII. “And observe, you are put to stern choice in this matter. You

must either make a tool of the creature, or a man of him. You cannot

make both. Men were not intended to work with the accuracy of tools, to

be precise and perfect in all their actions. If you will have that

precision out of them, and make their fingers measure degrees like cog

wheels, and their arms strike curves like compasses, you must unhumanize

them. All the energy of their spirits must be given to make cogs and

compasses of themselves. All their attention and strength must go to the

accomplishment of the mean act. The eye of the soul must be bent upon

the finger point, and the soul’s force must fill all the invisible

nerves that guide it, ten hours a day, that it may not err from its

steely precision, and so soul and sight be worn away, and the whole

human being be lost at last--a heap of sawdust, so far as its

intellectual work in this world is concerned; saved only by its Heart,

which cannot go into the form of cogs and compasses, but expands, after

the ten hours are over, into fireside humanity. On the other hand if you

will make a man of the working creature, you cannot make a tool. Let him

but begin to imagine, to think, to try to do anything worth doing; and

the engine-turned precision is lost at once. Out come all his roughness,

all his dulness, all his incapability; shame upon shame, failure upon

failure, pause after pause: but out comes the whole majesty of him also;

and we know the height of it only when we see the clouds settling upon

him. And whether the clouds be bright or dark, there will be

transfiguration behind and within them.”

§ XIII. “And, now, reader, look around this English room of yours, about

which you have been proud so often, because the work of it was so good

and strong, and the ornaments so finished. Examine again all those

accurate mouldings, and perfect polishings, and unerring adjustments of

the seasoned wood and tempered steel. Many a time you have exulted over

them, and thought how great England was, because her slightest work was

done so thoroughly. Alas! if read rightly, these perfectnesses are signs

of a slavery in our England a thousand times more bitter and more

degrading than that of the scourged African or helot Greek. Men may be

beaten, chained, tormented, yoked like cattle, slaughtered like summer

flies, and yet remain, in one sense, and the best sense, free. But to

smother their souls within them, to blight and hew into rotting

pollards, the suckling branches of their human intelligence, to make the

flesh and skin, which after the worm’s work on it, is to see God, into

leathern thongs to yoke machinery with--this it is to be slave masters

indeed; and there might be more freedom in England, though her feudal

lords’ lightest words were worth men’s lives, and though the blood of

the vexed husbandman dropped in the furrows of her fields, than there is

while the animation of her multitudes is sent like fuel to feed the

factory smoke, and the strength of them is given daily to be wasted into

the fineness of a web, or racked into the exactness of a line.”

§ XV. ” ...It is not that men are ill fed, but that they have no

pleasure in the work by which they make their bread, and therefore look

to wealth as the only means of pleasure. It is not that men are pained

by the scorn of the upper classes, but they cannot endure their own; for

they feel that the kind of labour to which they are condemned is verily

a degrading one, and makes them less than men.... In all ages and in all

countries reverence has been paid and sacrifice made by men to each

other, not only without complaint but rejoicingly; and famine and peril

and sword and all evil and all shame have been borne willingly in the

causes of masters and kings; for all these gifts of the heart ennobled

the men who gave, not less than the men who received them, and nature

prompted and God rewarded the sacrifice. But to feel their souls

withering within them, unthanked, to find their whole being sunk into an

unrecognized abyss, to be counted off into a heap of mechanism, numbered

with its wheels, and weighted with its hammer strokes--this nature bade

not--this God blesses not--this humanity for no long time is able to

endure.”

§ XVI. “We have much studied, and much perfected, of late, the great

civilized invention of the Division of Labour; only we give it a false

name. It is not, truly speaking, the labour that is divided; but the

men:--Divided into mere segments of men--broken into small fragments and

crumbs of life; so that all the little piece of intelligence that is

left in a man is not enough to make a pin, or a nail, but exhausts

itself in making the point of a pin or the head of a nail. Now it is a

good and desirable thing, truly, to make many pins in a day; but if we

could only see with what crystal sand their points were polished,--sand

of human soul, much to be magnified before it can be discussed what it

is--we should think there might be some loss in it also. And the great

cry that rises from all our manufacturing cities, louder than their

furnace blast, is all in very deed for this--that we manufacture

everything there except men--we blanch cotton and strengthen steel and

refine sugar and shape pottery--but to brighten, to strengthen, to

refine or to reform a single living spirit, never enters into our

estimate of advantages. And all the evil to which that cry is urging our

myriads can be met only ... by a right understanding on the part of all

classes, of what kinds of labour are good for men, raising them, and

making them happy; by a determined sacrifice of such convenience or

beauty or cheapness as is to be got only by the degradation of the

workman, and by equally determined demand for the products and results

of healthy and ennobling labour.”

§ XVII. “And how, it will be asked, are these products to be recognized,

and this demand to be regulated? Easily: by the observance of three

broad and simple rules:

“1. Never encourage the manufacture of any article not absolutely

necessary, in the production of which Invention has no share.

“2. Never demand an exact finish for its own sake, but only for some

practical or noble end.

“3. Never encourage imitation or copying of any kind, except for the

sake of preserving records of great works.”

This magnificent passage, central as to Ruskin’s teaching and very

typical of the literary power with which his spirit was armed, is

probably of more value as a principle than as a specific cure. We can

without great difficulty obey this three precepts, and do some good

thereby. We can avoid mere meretricious glory of finish; we can choose

our purchases so as to favour originality, when we are buying articles

in gold or silver or glass or bronze or leather or porcelain or wood;

but the great mass of the evil remains untouched. How are we to

cultivate invention when we buy a mackintosh, or a pair of boots, or

common crockery, or pens and paper--and even in an article so full of

inventions as a bicycle, the invention is not due to the mechanic who

makes it. We are not really carried much beyond the æsthetic furnishings

of our existence. So far, however, the advice is excellent and human; it

is likely to lead persons of moderate means to prefer the products of

Switzerland or Japan, hand made and invented, to the machine products of

Birmingham.

There must be always a measure of tedious soul killing work to be done;

and few entirely escape it. Our professions, as well as our trades, let

alone manual occupations, do us some harm, narrow our outlook, make us

peculiar. I am told that even teachers can be recognized as such, and

the weighty medical manner is well known. You can neither serve behind a

counter nor occupy a pulpit without some of the manner of it becoming

part of yourself. Even so, the day labourer suffers from the lack of

intelligence he is called upon for. We must all find the balance outside

our work. By the reasonable shortening of hours, even the dull routine

labourer may have a chance of exercising his faculties as a man. The

fact that labour is specialized and monotonous constitutes the proper

physiological reason for the eight hour-day or shorter hours still in

some trades. Moreover, to do the dull rough work of the world, there is

no denying that there are annually born a certain number of dull but

strong people, whose gifts lie in the absence of thinking. They are born

into all classes, unfortunately; but born they are. But Ruskin is fully

alive to this solution of the ultimate difficulty, and frequently

alludes to it.

“It is in the wholesome indisposition of the average mind for

intellectual labour that due provision is made for the quantity of dull

work which must be done in stubbing the Thornaby wastes of the

world.”[121]

“I have said ... that the rough and worthless may be set to the roughest

and foulest work, and the finest to the finest; the rough and rude work

being, you will in time perceive, the best of charities to the rough and

rude people.”[122]

Moreover, a measure of routine labour is good, as recreation, for us

all--it is a relief from thinking, planning, inventing. Good spade and

hatchet work, if only one can perspire enough over it, is a condition of

good work in higher ways. Ruskin thinks so too, and set the Oxford

undergraduates to their famous road-making for exercise; surely the

greatest academic triumph a professor ever achieved.

Ruskin’s attack on Machinery, when carefully read, applies only to steam

machinery, with its soot, smoke, sulphurous gases and noise. Wind or

water power he allows and encourages; a vast scheme of mills worked by

tidal water power is outlined in _Fors_.[123] And oddly enough he

prophesies, so long ago, that electricity will supersede steam; and

therefore if we can generate electrical energy with very much less

publicly vomited smoke than we now make for steam power, we shall be on

right lines, and shall have the Master’s goodwill. Not by vain

retrogression, but by determined reforms on possible lines may we some

day get back an England good to live in. At present we are wasteful and

dirty, and we do not care.

Ruskin writes: “What is required of the members of St. George’s Company

is, not that they should never travel by railroads, nor that they

should abjure machinery, but that they should never travel

unnecessarily, or in wanton haste; and that they should never do with a

machine what can be done with hands and arms, while hands and arms are

idle.”[124]

There is no subject which causes more merriment amongst the Philistines

than Ruskin’s objection to railways, combined with the frequent

locomotion indulged in by his most devoted followers. But Ruskin’s

objection to railways was never so absolute as was popularly supposed.

He always approved of them on through main routes, and only objected to

their intrusion into the peace of quiet valleys off the main tracks. He

objected to what appeared to him the excessive provision by which a

lovely valley was spoiled “in order that every fool in Buxton could be

in Bakewell in half an hour.” We must remember that the railway mania of

1844 occurred when Ruskin was five and twenty, at the formative period

of his life, and that he saw all around him rough destruction of that

beauty which affected his soul with a thrill like a lover’s (as he tells

us in the Third Volume of _Modern Painters_, pages 295-298, quoted in

Chapter I). The countryside must have been sadly ruined in the forties,

while the railway embankments were creeping along through the pastures.

Possibly not all of us know the remarkable passage in the _Cestus of

Aglaia_ in praise of a locomotive:[125]

“I cannot express the amazed awe, the crushed humility, with which I

sometimes watch a locomotive take its breath at a railway station, and

think what work there is in its bars and wheels, and what manner of men

they must be who dig brown ironstone out of the ground, and forge it

into that! What assemblage of accurate and mighty faculties in them;

more than fleshly power over melting crag and coiling fire, fettered,

and finessed at last into the precision of watchmaking; Titanian

hammer-strokes beating, out of lava, these glittering cylinders and

timely-respondent valves, and fine ribbed rods, which touch each other

as a serpent writhes, in noiseless gliding, and omnipotence of grasp;

infinitely complex anatomy of active steel, compared with which the

skeleton of a living creature would seem, to a careless observer, clumsy

and vile--a mere morbid secretion and phosphatous drop of flesh! What

would the men who thought out this--who beat it out, who touched it

into its polished calm of power, who set it to its appointed task, and

triumphantly saw it fulfil this task to the utmost of their will, feel

or think about this weak hand of mine, timidly leading a little stain of

shadow of something else--mere failure in every motion, and endless

disappointment; what, I repeat, would these Iron-dominant Genii think of

me? and what ought I to think of them?

“But as I reach this point of reverence, the unreasonable thing is sure

to give a shriek as of a thousand unanimous vultures, which leaves me

shuddering in real physical pain for some half minute following; and

assures me, during slow recovery, that a people which can endure such

fluting and piping among them is not likely soon to have its modest ear

pleased by aught of oaten stop, or pastoral song. Perhaps I am then led

on into meditation respecting the spiritual nature of the Tenth Muse,

who invented this gracious instrument, and guides its modulation by

stokers’ fingers; meditation, also, as to the influence of her invention

amidst the other parts of the Parnassian melody of English education.”

He further concedes that “steam, or any mode of heat power, may only be

employed, justifiably, under extreme or special conditions of need; and

for speed on main lines of communication, and raising water from great

depths, or other such work beyond human strength.” This is a very large

concession, and may be received with large gratitude. He even permits

steam machinery for such purposes as “the deepening of large river

channels; changing the surfaces of mountainous districts; irrigating

tracts of desert in the torrid zone; breaking up and thus rendering

capable of quicker fusion, edges of ice in the northern and southern

Arctic seas, etc., so rendering parts of the earth habitable, which

hitherto have been lifeless.”[126]

The teaching of Ruskin is not really revolutionary in immediate

practice; he advises a manufacturer to go on using his machinery; he

merely wants us to set our faces towards the restoration of nature’s

gifts of beauty and peace to the lives of toilers; and for ceasing to

uproot sentiments of cleanliness, reverence and order by unnatural,

foul, crowded and vulgar surroundings. His tastes and instincts are

vehemently against machinery; but his actual requirings are moderate.

It is the machine-made society we live in that distresses him, and

distresses us; its occasional rough coarseness, its physical ill-health.

There are, of course, scattered through _Fors_ many outbursts against

machinery in general, not so carefully limited as his more weighty

pronouncements. In Letter V, pp. 10, 11, for instance, the assertion is

made that a man and his family can, by their own labour, given land,

feed and clothe themselves without machinery; and that therefore all

labour-saving appliances are so many aids to idleness. I do not know

where is the proof or disproof of the assertion. All we know is that

savage tribes do so live, but no others, and that it is in the time and

strength saved from labour for sheer food and clothing that the best

activities of humanity find room: and that civilization began with the

existence of a leisured class.

And now, turning to the human product of industrialism, we will take a

sober view, not debiting to the factory system the evils which are

inherent in human nature, but only those due to crowded town life and to

employment in large rooms full of noisy machinery. If we have cured the

smoke evil, and reduced hours to their present reasonable length, what

remains to be done, and will it be on Ruskin’s lines?

South Lancashire is often taken as the type of industrial England. There

I was born and brought up, and I have lived there for the greater part

of my life. I have known very intimately a great many of the working

people. They are far more pale and undersized than they ought to be.

Their beauty has been taken from them. The half-time system, now

perishing, has interfered with their education. The damp atmosphere in

the hot rooms is bad for their lungs, and minding machines is utterly

monotonous. But they are excellent people--they will stand comparison

with the upper classes. There is every type, of course, they are as

varied as are men at the Universities, or as the ladies who go to any

Church. But, speaking as we must, in general, there is a level of

conduct and intelligence in those mean streets, not different except in

manner from that of the suburbs. The degeneracy is, I believe, only

physical, so far as it is to be debited to the conditions of their work.

This bad physique is a real evil. The lack of room for cricket and

football, the remoteness of the fields and woods, the ugliness of the

grey streets, the lack of quiet, added to the humid factories and the

smoke, have produced this. Parks and playgrounds and all sorts of open

spaces, including extensive fields and woods and ponds accessible on a

half-holiday, should be provided far more than they have been, and

should be less doctored by parks’ superintendents.

Then there is a great sphere of service open to the familiar agencies

for good. The Drink traffic should be curtailed, and put out of the

reach of private profit, and better opportunities for sociability, music

and dancing, provided, not as part of the bait of the drink seller, but

by a democratic municipality. The usefulness of picture galleries will

not be fully reached till oral teaching about the pictures is added, and

the great educational value of comparatively cheap coloured

reproductions is perceived. Into the work of founding the Art Museum in

Ancoats, a working class district of Manchester, on exactly these lines,

Mr. Ruskin threw himself heartily. It was indeed an inspiration derived

from his writings by Mr. T. C. Horsfall which caused that Museum to be

founded. It has recently been taken over by the Corporation.

Solemnly, then, and with due fear and doubt, considering the horror and

difficulty of the case, let us resolutely set ourselves to see if, under

the world of machinery, we can live good and healthy lives. The present

products of our civilization are far from satisfactory to any of us. Are

the crowds of girls who rush forth from the factory when the hour of

freedom strikes, having pieced threads in a hot damp atmosphere, and

shouted across the whirl of wheels all day to one another--are they on

the way to make fit, self-respecting and physically strong wives and

mothers and trainers of children? There are some three hundred thousand

of these girls in the Lancashire factories, who will be mothers of a

million English babies. Or take the young men. Go by a football train on

a Saturday afternoon, when holiday is written on every bloomless and

vulgar and swaggering young face:--what do you hear and see as you crowd

fifteen to a carriage? Bets, ribaldry, ill nature, the carriage floor a

mess, the whole scene an explosion of pent-up spirits of self-assertion

and banal hilarity.[127]

These young people are undoubtedly products of the age of machinery; but

for machine production they would never have been born, nor their

surroundings formed; but the question is, cannot their tastes and

characters be reformed even while they remain machine-hands? Are not

excellent lives possible, and healthy surroundings obtainable, in

industrial England? For factory life we can confidently point to such.

Bournville, New Earswick, Port Sunlight, and of an earlier date,

Saltaire, Bessbrook, and some other centres which have not a special

local name, show that the thing can be done. For colliers the case is

harder. There are colliery villages on the Tyne which once ran extension

lectures; but the villages themselves are horrible. There are good

colliery villages near Doncaster, one built round a private Park.

Collieries have special difficulties. The coal mine will not last for

ever; and when it is worked out the houses may become useless. They are

therefore built to last only for from thirty to fifty years. They are

erected all at one time; and large rows of houses exactly alike are the

cheapest. They are often outside any municipality with its possibly

watchful surveyor and inspectors. They are completely owned by the

colliery company, which has no competitor as landlord. It is the classic

case in England of the failure of pure competition to care for human

welfare.

_EPILOGUE_

I am kindly permitted by the Council of the Society for Psychical

Research to reprint here the beautiful tribute by F. W. H. Myers, which

appeared in their _Journal_ for March, 1900; and has been reprinted in

Mr. Myers’s _Fragments of Prose and Poetry_, pp. 89-94.

Ω οὗτος, οὗτος, Οίδίπους, τί μέλλομεν

χωρείν; πάλαι δἠ τάπὀ σοῦ βραδύνεται

Ruskin, then, has sunk to rest. The bracken and bilberries of the

Lake-land which he loved so well have hidden the mortal shape of the

greatest man of letters, the loftiest influence which earth still

retained;--have enwrapped “the man dear to the Muses, and by the Nymphs

not unbeloved"--

τὀν Μώσαις ϕίλον ἀνδρα, τὀν οὐ Νὐμϕαίσιν ἀπεϰθῆ

We may rejoice that the long waiting is over; but memory all the more

“goes slipping back to that delightful time” when he was with us in his

force and fire; when it was still granted to hearken to his utterance;

to feel the germ of virtue quickened by his benignant soul. For those

who had the privilege of knowing Ruskin, the author came second to the

man; and in this brief notice of his Honorary Membership of our Society

I may perhaps be pardoned if I dwell in reminiscence, without attempting

any formal review.

I met him first in my own earliest home, beneath the spurs of

Skiddaw,--its long slopes “bronzed with deepest radiance,” as the boy

Wordsworth had seen them long since in even such an evening’s glow.

Since early morning Ruskin had lain and wandered in the folds and

hollows of the hill; and he came back grave as from a solemn service

from day-long gazing on the heather and the blue. Later came many

another scene;--pacings in the Old Court of Trinity with Edmund Gurney,

who met those generous paradoxes with humorous play; graver hours at

Oxford, in the sick-room of the Duke of Albany, who, coming back to

earth-life from perilous illness, found nowhere a guidance fitter than

Ruskin’s for eager and royal youth.

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