As Congregational Churches were in theory select Societies, they
shewed great care in the admission of members; and as they believed
that all pastoral authority under Christ was communicated not
through apostolical succession in the ministry itself, but through
the community which invited some Christian teacher to preside over
it, the members, at least in some cases, themselves performed the
service of ordination. Met together in the name of their Divine
Lord, they solemnly elected their Bishop by holding up their hands,
and then by fasting and prayer they appointed him to his work. They
also made a detailed confession of their faith in the doctrines
of Christianity--the chosen minister also on his part doing the
same--after which the representatives of other and neighbouring
Churches who were present, and who were affectionately welcomed on the
occasion, united in approving what had been done, and in giving the
right hand of fellowship to the assembled brethren and to their new
spiritual overseer.[200]
There were officers in these societies of a description not found in
Congregational Churches of the present day. Frequent mention is made
in Nonconformists' records of persons called _Teachers_--who appear to
have assisted the pastor in his pulpit labours and in his spiritual
oversight of the flock, without being exactly on a level with him in
his position as President of the community. Mention also is made of
_Ruling_ Elders, who must have resembled the Presbyterian order so
denominated, and who were distinguished from _Preaching_ Elders by
the circumstance of their not being public teachers, and of their not
administering the Sacraments. Deacons were chosen in the same manner
as were Bishops; and the exercise of gifts, in the way of occasional
exhortation by the former, received encouragement from the latter;
one of whom quaintly said to his people that if this exercise of
prophesying were not maintained, they would be justly regarded by other
Churches as in a state of decline, and the gifts of the Spirit bestowed
upon them "would dry up and prove unprofitable." Deaconesses or widows
also occupied a permanent official position in these communities, and
accounts exist of meetings assembled for choosing Christian helpers of
that kind.
The Churches sought advice of each other, and when important religious
questions agitated the public mind they held convocations for the
interchange of opinion and for the expression of a common judgment. For
example:--that phase of the millenarian controversy which related to
the opinions of the Fifth Monarchists, and which exercised a strange
fascination over minds of a particular cast, secured the greatest
attention, and excited extraordinary interest.[201]
When cases of scandal occurred, they were subjected to careful
investigation. The accused party was summoned to appear before his
fellow-members; the Elders, after giving him notice, read to him the
charges which were brought against him; and upon his failing to offer a
satisfactory explanation, the Church unanimously voted that, according
to Scripture, he should be accounted a heathen man and a publican.[202]
[Sidenote: _Congregational Churches._]
To comprehend clearly the relation in which Congregational pastors
and their flocks stood to the civil government of the country, it
is necessary to study a number of minute and--to the majority of
readers--unimportant, if not uninteresting particulars. Such pastors
were also Rectors, Vicars, City lecturers, and Preachers in Cathedrals.
They are described in municipal records as "town preachers," and as
"our ministers." In some cases there were four persons so united--two
of them being Presbyterians, and the other two Independents. Assistance
was sought from Government for paying these public instructors, and
a salary of one hundred pounds per annum was in some cases voted out
of the impropriation funds. Applications were occasionally made for
Acts of Parliament to authorize the levying of contributions for the
support of such ministers, and for the repair of their churches. When
indeed attempts were made at Yarmouth to impose rates upon the town for
these purposes, the Congregational pastors formally protested against
it, as contrary to the Gospel, and as injurious to the Church; the
members desiring that none of the brethren "might have any hand in the
acting of the same." That this resolution however only referred to the
rating as an objectionable mode of obtaining assistance, and not to the
appropriation of existing revenues for religious purposes, is apparent
from the circumstance, that one of the ministers of that very Church
was at the time receiving a salary from a source of the latter kind.
In numerous cases no scruple existed with regard to the sustenance
derived from tithes; and the extinction of this impost fell under the
strong condemnation of the same persons who deprecated the collection
of municipal rates for the support of the ministry.[203]
Congregational city lecturers preached before civic assemblies at
feasts and fasts and thanksgivings; and it is perhaps worth while to
observe in passing how careful the Puritans and even the Independents
were to maintain, on such occasions, a considerable measure of ancient
pomp: strict injunctions being given at Norwich, when the Corporation
went to public worship, that the aldermen should "be in their scarlet,"
and that the livery should "attend upon the sword in gowns and
tippets." Old formalities, savouring of superstition, were, of course,
carefully dropped, and it was ordered, for instance, in the city just
mentioned, that on guild-day there should be neither any beating of
drums or sounding of trumpets--nor any snap-dragon, or fellows dressed
up in fools' coats and caps--nor any standard carried with the George
thereon--nor any hanging of tapestry or pictures in the streets. But
with these prohibitions, allowance was given for the firing of guns;
and the Corporation wended its way in solemn state down London-lane to
the Dutch Church, where the Independent city lecturer preached to the
municipal magnates, clad in red cloaks, with embroidered scarfs, and
a full complement of lace collar--as may be seen in their portraits,
still hanging in the Guildhall Council Chamber. At Yarmouth, also, the
members of the Corporation marched in state to the Congregational place
of worship, and were liable to a shilling fine, if at the service they
neglected to wear their gowns.
[Sidenote: _Congregationalism and the State._]
The instances here afforded of the relation then existing between
Church and State refer exclusively to the position occupied by
individual ministers, through their occupancy of certain public
ecclesiastical offices. As Rectors, Vicars, Lecturers, and Town
preachers, they had a political status which did not and could not
pertain to them as Bishops of Congregational communities. It was
in their parish, or public relation, not in their merely pastoral
office--which sometimes bore a very private character--that clerical
Independents obtained recognition from the political authorities of the
land.
Churches frequently met in private houses, although the pastors
were parochial incumbents. Over their proceedings in that capacity
the secular power, according to the principles of the Protectorate
government, could exercise no control so long as the members conducted
themselves like other loyal citizens. The theory evidently was, that
in purely spiritual affairs these churches were not subject to State
interference, because in their Congregational capacity they did not
receive State support.[204]
[Sidenote: _Congregationalism and the State._]
But a difficulty arose. A Congregational pastor, holding an incumbency,
might be regarded by some of his parishioners, who did not adopt his
views, as bound to administer the sacraments to them, as well as to
the members of the select community which he had chosen to organize.
If he refused to do what they demanded, they would be likely to assert
what they considered to be their legal rights. A case of this very
kind was submitted to Justice Wyndham whilst he was conducting the
Derby assizes, in the year 1658. Certain inhabitants in the parish of
Aston-upon-Trent complained that their minister, Thomas Palmer,[205]
would not administer the Holy Sacrament. He at once admitted the
fact, and then there ensued a conversation between the Judge and the
accused, which the latter has happened to leave upon record. And it
is easy to give some colouring and life to the whole of this singular
transaction--which the disinterment of an old paper has brought to
our knowledge--if we exercise our imagination a little so as to
paint his lordship in scarlet and ermine, occupying an ancient kind
of judicial chair, ornamented with the arms of the Commonwealth--and
a number of counsellors, in full costume, arranged before him--the
jury sitting in their box--with a large attendance of people, in
cloth cloaks, or leather jerkins, crowding the space available for
spectators, when the following colloquy took place:--
_Judge._ "But do you not know that you are bound by the law to
administer the sacraments to your parishioners?"
_Palmer._ "No, my Lord. I know no such law in force compelling me
to administer the holy sacraments to my parishioners; neither are
ministers now enjoined any such thing when inducted into any living.
Yet, I humbly suppose if any such law were still unrepealed, it ought
to be repealed, when so much against the law of Jesus Christ."
_Judge._ "Oh, you will teach Parliaments, &c. But if you do not know
there is such a law in force you shall know it. Clerk, read the statute
of the 1st of Edward VI., &c. What say you to this?"
_Palmer._ "My Lord, I will not dispute the law read, but humbly pray
your Lordship to inform me whether ignorant, profane, and scandalous
persons be included in the statute?"
_Judge._ "No."
_Palmer._ "Then I may deny to administer to such."
_Judge._ "What have you to do to exercise an arbitrary power over other
men's consciences? Let a man examine himself, &c."
_Palmer._ "No, my Lord, I have no such sole power in me as a minister,
but I conceive it is in the Church, and that is the reason I have not
administered these holy ordinances, as not having visible godly people
to join with me in approving who are fit and who are not fit."
_Judge._ "But why did you not give the people liberty to get another to
administer the sacrament to them, and when you promised it?"
_Palmer._ "My promise and their desire was (in words) with limitation
of a godly orthodox Divine. But my parishioners nominated and offered
to me such old, malignant ministers, formerly of the King's party, as
I could not approve of, and I would not approve of; and this sorely
displeased."
_Judge._ "You, and such as you are, are the causes of the divisions of
the nation. But I say if I be upon my journey, and coming to an inn, if
the innkeeper refuse to lodge me I have my action against him, and I
know not but the like will hold in this case."
_Houlden_ (parishioner). "But, my Lord, what must we do?"
_Judge._ "I know not; but if you will bring it before us we will do you
right."
The Judge advised the complainants to withhold the tithes, because
the incumbent did not administer the sacrament, and they immediately
entered into a combination for that purpose.[206]
[Sidenote: _Congregationalism and the State._]
The facts now related are only such as were likely to occur under a
system intended to unite two things so perfectly incompatible as the
independent position of a Congregational minister and his acceptance of
a parochial cure. What were considered as rights of conscience on the
one hand, necessarily came into collision with what were considered on
the other hand as rights of law.[207]
Churches in some instances consisted of more than one congregation.
For a considerable period the Independents of Norwich and Yarmouth
formed a single community; the members travelling from one place to
the other to celebrate the Lord's Supper, although they had distinct
religious services on other occasions in their respective localities.
It frequently happened that old Churches were requested to assist in
the formation of new ones. Indeed, they sprung one out of another,
like the branches of a banyan tree, covering whole districts with
their shadow and their fruit. This happened especially in Norfolk and
Suffolk; the Church records in those counties containing numerous
passages illustrative of the culture of such off-shoots. But it may be
observed, that this multiplication of fellowships, which was the result
of zeal, also appears to have been under the control of wisdom; a
reverential regard being paid to the customs of primitive Christianity.
The members had a salutary dread of schism; they did not delight in
needless separation, but kept together as long as they could, and were
exceedingly unwilling to break their mutual bonds, and only entered
into new organizations when the increase of their numbers, or some
local circumstances, rendered the step unquestionably desirable. On the
same principle of promoting the greatest good, existing communities
were, under peculiar circumstances, dissolved, that the elements might
enter into more effective combinations.[208]
In London and the suburbs Independent ministers holding parish
preferments formed a small minority. Joseph Caryl, a grave-looking man,
well-known now as the author of an "Exposition of the Book of Job,"
and well-known then as the principal Congregational pastor within
the city walls, occupied the Rectory of St. Mary Magnus. His position
and influence may be inferred from his having been sent to attend upon
Charles I., at Holdenby, and also to assist in the treaty of Newport,
from his accompanying Oliver Cromwell in his expedition to Scotland,
and from his afterwards becoming one of the ministerial triers under
the Protectorate. A friend, who knew him well, observed, that his
labours were great, and his studies incessant; and that his sincerity,
faith, zeal, and wisdom, imparted fragrancy to his name amongst the
Churches and servants of Jesus Christ.
[Sidenote: _Nye--Greenhill._]
Philip Nye, who has been repeatedly mentioned in these volumes, held,
together with the living of Acton, the rectory of St. Bartholomew by
the Exchange; and William Greenhill, who wrote a volume on the prophecy
of Ezekiel, was incumbent of the village of Stepney. He had been
chaplain to the King's children--the Dukes of York and Gloucester, and
the Lady Henrietta Maria--and was, in this respect, like Philip Nye,
one of the members of the Westminster Assembly. His faithfulness as a
preacher, his rebukes of prevalent iniquity, and above all his intense
appeals to the citizens of London respecting their immoralities, remind
us of Chrysostom; not, however, as to his golden eloquence, but as
it regards his faithful ministrations at Antioch and Constantinople.
"Let our great city and citizens look to it," exclaims Greenhill,
"there is scum in the city, and not a little. Is it gone out or boiled
in? Was not the sword lately at your gates? Was there not yesterday
great sickliness within your walls? Is not trading diminished? Have
there not been strange murders amongst you? Have not many sad fires
been kindled, broke out, and consumed your habitations? Was there not
a plot, which hath cost some their lives, to fire your city? God
hath been warning you by these judiciary dispensations, and are you
bettered by them? Have all you have seen, feared, or felt, caused your
scum to depart from you? If so, it is well; well will it be with you,
well with your city, and well with your undertakings, and well with
your posterity; but if it be boiled in, and you are the worse for all
the boiling judgments and providences you have been in and under,
know that some dreadful calamity, if not destruction itself, hastens,
and will certainly take hold of you and your city, without speedy
repentance."[209]
Matthew Mead, who, after the death of Jeremiah Burroughs, became
associated with Greenhill in the parish of Stepney as morning Lecturer,
may be numbered amongst the Independent clergymen in the neighbourhood
of London. He was distinguished by a large-hearted catholicity, which
induced him to reject any conditions of ecclesiastical fellowship
beyond such as consist in the maintenance of a pure and holy life. "He
took little pleasure," as we are informed by his congenial friend, John
Howe, "in embroiling himself or his hearers in needless and fruitless
controversies. The great, substantial doctrines of the Gospel were his
principal study and delight; such as lay nearest the vitals and heart
of religion and godliness." The subjects which he insisted upon in the
course of his ministry indicated this to be his spirit and design.
Being constantly moderate and unexceptionably sound he continued ever
remote from rigorous and indefensible extremities, and drove at his
mark without diversion; not so much aiming to proselyte souls to a
party as to win his fellow-men to the service of Christ.[210]
In the provinces perhaps there might be a much larger proportion of
Independent Rectors, Vicars, and Lecturers than there was in London,
since nothing is clearer than the fact of a general increase of
Independency during the Protectorate.
[Sidenote: _Mead--Bridge._]
William Bridge filled the office of town lecturer at Yarmouth, and,
whilst he was absent from home during the sittings of the Westminster
Assembly, the Corporation allowed him fifty pounds a year. At the same
time he continued pastor of the Congregational Church in the Norfolk
sea-port; frequently returning to his charge, and constantly attending
to their affairs. We also find him preaching in the Metropolis and its
neighbourhood, and also before the House of Commons. So acceptable were
his services, that the Council of State in November, 1649, unanimously
elected him to be their chaplain, promising two hundred pounds per
annum for his discharge of the duties of the office. The prospect of
a doubled salary and of enlarged influence would have been a strong
temptation to a man of mercenary or ambitious views; but Bridge's only
question seems to have been how he could best accomplish his Divine
Master's will. He consulted his congregation upon the subject, and
they, with a disinterestedness akin to his own, recommended him to
confer with the Council of State, and then to act as the finger of
Providence might seem to direct. The conference ended in his declining
the chaplainship; a decision which bound him still closer than ever to
the hearts of his people.
John Flavel, the author of "Spiritual Husbandry," and Joseph Alleine,
the author of "The Alarm to the Unconverted," were so moderately
Presbyterian in their views, and were, from the circumstances in
which they were placed, so unable to carry out a Presbyterian form
of Church polity, that in point of fact they may be reckoned as
Congregationalists. But we must pass by these to notice particularly
another person, superior in intellect and learning to these
excellent men, and one who, though he cannot be numbered with rigid
Congregationalists any more than they, certainly adopted Congregational
opinions.
[Sidenote: _John Howe._]
John Howe was a man of such comprehensive mind, and of such
all-embracing affection, that he instinctively shrank from every form
of ecclesiastical division except such as is required by Christian
conscientiousness. He held schism in the utmost abhorrence, and panted
for the realization of the broadest possible union; and whilst parish
minister of Torrington, in Devonshire, he promoted meetings with
neighbouring pastors for mutual edification and fellowship, which
formed a miniature of that more extensive scheme which Baxter was,
throughout his life, toiling in vain to carry into execution. In the
little town just mentioned "some of the happiest years of his life
were spent; here his labours were rendered signally useful, and here
he preached those discourses, the substance of which was afterwards
embodied in two of his most useful and impressive treatises: his
'Delighting in God,' and his 'Blessedness of the Righteous.' Though
when he first went to Great Torrington he could have been little more
than twenty-four years of age, his persuasive style of preaching, and
his still more persuasive example, soon secured him the esteem and
affection of his people. A striking proof of his influence over them,
is afforded in the fact (incidentally mentioned in one of the letters
extracted from the Baxter MSS.) that though, at his first coming to
Torrington, he found the Church divided into two parties, he succeeded,
'through God's blessing on his endeavours,' in restoring union.[211]
Howe came up from Torrington to London in the winter of 1656, and went
to hear a certain preacher at Whitehall, on the Sunday before the day
on which he intended to return home. His noble figure and expressive
face struck the Protector, who already had Milton for a secretary,
and Hale for a judge, and he wished to listen to the proclamation of
the Gospel from a young man of such remarkable promise. After having
heard a sermon from Howe, Cromwell would not allow of his returning
to his country cure, but insisted upon his becoming a court chaplain,
and undertook to provide a suitable minister for the Church which he
had left in Devonshire. Howe unwillingly acceded to the request, and
remained in office until after the Protector's death. It will throw
light upon the relative position of Independents and Episcopalians
at that time; upon the intimacies existing amongst them, and the
friendly services sometimes performed by the one for the other; as
well as serve to illustrate the liberality of Cromwell towards those
who differed from him, if we may be allowed to mention the following
circumstance:--Seth Ward, afterwards Bishop of Exeter, was candidate
for the principalship of Jesus College, at Oxford. His opponent was
Francis Howel, who had obtained from his Highness a promise of the
appointment. Ward, through the help of his friend the chaplain,
secured an audience with the Protector, being commended to him by the
same friend as a man of extraordinary learning and worth. Cromwell,
embarrassed by his promise to Howel, called Howe aside, and further
consulted him respecting the merit of his University companion. The
issue was, that he told Ward, on such a recommendation as he had
received, he was disposed to shew him some token of regard, at the
same time pleasantly asking what he thought the principalship of Jesus
College might be worth. On being informed respecting the amount of the
income, he promised he would allow him annually just that sum. As this
incident illustrates the influence of the chaplain with the Protector,
the regard of the Protector for the chaplain, and the liberality of
both towards one of a different "denomination," another incident may
also fittingly be introduced, to shew the faithful preaching which
there was at Whitehall, and how it was regarded by the "magnanimous
usurper," even when it crossed his own prejudices. Cromwell believed
that spiritually-minded men in answer to prayer received Divine
intimations, indicating their requests to be according to the Divine
will, and also testifying how they were about to be fulfilled. This
"particular faith in prayer," as it was termed, extensively prevailed
amongst the people who formed Cromwell's Court, and received much
encouragement from what was taught them in the Whitehall pulpit. John
Howe, who saw plainly that such an idea opened the door to fanatical
excesses, determined to expose the error, and therefore delivered a
calm and thoughtful discourse upon its fallacy and mischief. Cromwell's
brow darkened, and he looked uneasy. A person of distinction came up
to the preacher on leaving the pulpit, and enquired whether he knew
what he had done. "My duty," replied Howe, "and I can trust the issue
with God." He informed Calamy that he observed Cromwell was cooler
in his behaviour afterwards than he had been before, and that he
sometimes seemed as if he wished to speak on the subject, but never
did. The courage on the one side; with the annoyance felt, and yet
the forbearance manifested on the other; the prevalence of enthusiasm
at Whitehall; and the checks which it received from men commonly
identified with its upholders, are conspicuously demonstrated in this
incident, and they reveal in a very striking way the mingled good and
evil of those eventful days.
[Sidenote: _John Howe._]
The correspondence of Howe at that time with Richard Baxter, and the
replies of the Catholic Presbyterian to the Catholic Independent place
in a clear light the views which they entertained with regard to union.
Baxter, in one of his letters written in a suspicious temper, wished
to awaken Howe's jealousy to a careful but very secret and silent
observation of the "infidels and Papists, who were very high and busy
under several garbs, especially of Seekers, Vanists, Behmenists;" in
the same letter he praised the Lord Protector as a man of a Catholic
spirit, and "desirous of the unity and peace of all the servants of
Christ." The writer also expressed his own wish, that the ruler of
England would take some healing principles into consideration and
expound them to one or two leading Episcopalians, Presbyterians,
Congregationalists, Erastians, and Anabaptists. Baxter thus indicated
where he himself thought of drawing the line of comprehension, and with
great significance (and it shews liberality and prudence combined),
added, by way of postscript, "I pray you persuade men not to despise
those they call Royalists and Episcopalians, either because they are
now under them, or because of contrariety of worldly interests, for
these signify less than carnal hearts imagine, and who knows what a
day (and a righteous God) may bring forth." Howe agreed with Baxter's
object in the main. But as to means, he was more prudent, and thought
it best to bring Presbyterians and Congregationalists together before
proceeding any further. Philip Nye is referred to in the correspondence
by Howe, as a person of so much importance "that he would either be
consulted with, or, at least, would in some way hear of (the proposal),
and if he disliked, hinder it;" and Nye's views of Christian fellowship
appear to have been much narrower than those of either Howe or Baxter.
The designs and efforts of the two last named individuals came to
nothing. Ripeness could not be found in court or country, in this party
or in that, for any such comprehension as Baxter clearly prefigured
in his mind, and Howe, with less definiteness of view, but with equal
if not greater catholicity of affection, most ardently and anxiously
desired. To attempt an organic union of divers sects is but a Utopian
dream. Even to attempt plans of co-operation, correspondence, and
mutual harmony before sympathy of feeling, and a close attraction of
hearts has been engendered in the Church of Christ, is unwise and
useless; but it is not Quixotic to endeavour to establish and increase
friendly intercourse and brotherly interchanges of sentiment between
those who divide our Protestant Christendom--to draw towards one
another in kindly fellowship while mutually conceding the full rights
of conscience--and to hope that a day will come when, rising above
ancient prejudices and traditional walls of separation, sects and
parties who share in the profession of a common faith, may enjoy in
this world full intercommunion of instruction and of worship.
[Sidenote: _Congregationalism in Scotland._]
Following for a moment the fortunes of Independency beyond the bounds
of England, we remark that Congregationalism did not take root in
Scotland. Robert Browne travelled thither in the year 1584, and dwelt
in lodgings by the Canongate. He inveighed against the Reformed Church
of Scotland and the Presbyterian ministers of Edinburgh; it is said
not without protection and encouragement from the Court. John Penry,
too, crossed the Tweed; and King James afterwards complained that
such men having "sown their popple," certain brain-sick and heady
preachers caught their spirit. Yet up to the period of the civil
wars no traces of Independency can be found amongst the Scotch. A
person named Orthro Ferrendail, an Irishman, preached in a private
house, in the city of Aberdeen, in the year 1642, "at night, within
closed doors," what was curiously stigmatized as "nocturnal doctrine
or Brownism." Congregational principles were adopted by only a few
individuals, yet this created no small stir amongst the Presbyterians.
The General Assembly of the year 1647 prohibited the reading of
Independent and Baptist books, and the harbouring of people who
were infected with their errors; and further they instigated the
magistrates of the country to assist ministers in resisting all
schismatical innovations. Independent officers and soldiers belonging
to the English army could not so easily be dismissed or silenced, and
one of the military chaplains wrote a little book on Independency,
describing it as "A Little Stone out of the Mountain." To this quaint
publication an answer was returned by a theological professor, bearing
a title of corresponding quaintness, "A Little Stone pretended to
be out of the Mountain, tried and found to be a Counterfeit." The
English Commissioners pleaded with the General Assembly on behalf of
toleration and of Congregational discipline, but the plea met with an
indignant reply. Yet a few ministers, including Patrick Gillespie,[212]
were favourable to the condemned tenets, and Independent Divines
are mentioned as discharging their ministry within the parishes of
Kilbride, in Lanarkshire, and of Kirkintilloch, in the county of
Dumbarton. Persecution appeared in some quarters, and sectaries were
excommunicated, imprisoned, and hunted from place to place so that
their lives were embittered. These scanty facts indicate at least that
Congregationalism found no congenial soil in regions north of the
border.[213]
[Sidenote: _Congregationalism in Ireland._]
The Brownists are reported to have visited Ireland, with some success.
Dr. Owen, when in Dublin, lamented the ignorance of religion prevalent
in that city, but found "a numerous multitude of as thirsty a people
after the Gospel" as he had ever met with.[214] Certain distinguished
Independents went over after the completion of Cromwell's conquests,
of whom one was Dr. Samuel Winter, appointed to the provostship of
Trinity College. Dr. Thomas Harrison accompanied Henry Cromwell, and
preached for some years in Christ Church, Dublin. Samuel Mather, a
member of the well-known Mather family, also an Independent, became
a minister in Ireland; and being a man of singular moderation, when
commissioned by the Lord Deputy to displace the Episcopal clergy,
he declined the office, on the ground that he had come to Ireland
to preach the Gospel, not to hinder others from doing so. Stephen
Charnock also spent some time in the island. John Rogers, a Dublin
pastor in 1651, may be added to the list, for he thus expresses his
ecclesiastical opinions:--"Concerning the Church of Christ, I know that
it is one body universal and catholic, and that it is of all saints,
past, present, and to come, invisible and visible, yea spiritual
and formal. But this I also believe, that God hath left rule in His
word for particular congregations here upon earth, as the visible
to make up His one entire and universal body."[215] John Murcot, an
extraordinary young man, who occupied one of the Dublin pulpits, was
another Congregational preacher.[216] Churches of this denomination
existed in Youghall, Carrickfergus, Limerick, Tredagh, and other Irish
towns.[217] Most of the Irish Independents accepted State support, but
a few were averse to maintenance by tithes. The difference between the
latter and their brethren is mentioned by the Lord Deputy, who also
alludes rather sarcastically to the mutual jealousies of Independents
and Anabaptists.[218]
[Sidenote: _Cathedral Worship._]
Before quitting the subject of the connexion between Independents
and the Commonwealth establishment, it is interesting to notice that
whilst the cathedrals and principal churches in England were in the
hands of the Presbyterians, a few of those magnificent edifices were
occupied by them in common with the Congregationalists. This was the
case with Exeter Cathedral, the edifice being divided into two parts
by a brick wall, as are some of the large churches in Scotland and
on the continent at the present day. The choir called "East Peter's"
was used by the Presbyterians. Under the vaulted roof--upon which,
among the fruits and tendrils of the filbert and the vine, the
Presbyterian worshipper might have seen a coronation of the Virgin, and
angels censing the mother and child--Robert Atkins, their minister,
esteemed one of the best preachers in that part of England, fulfilled
the ministerial office with eminent popularity and success. At the
same time the exquisitely-stained glass of the east perpendicular
window--all radiant with the glory of Roman Catholic saints--shed on
him its tinted lights while he stood in the pulpit, in his Genevan
gown, with the hour-glass at his side. The nave called "West Peter's"
was occupied by a congregation of Independents, who under similarly
incongruous circumstances entered the gorgeous porch--decorated
with crowds of images--to listen to the ministry, and to follow the
devotions of their pastor, Lewis Stukely. There he preached and
prayed, while the beautiful minstrels' gallery--with its array of
winged angels, having citterns, trumpets, guitars, and all manner of
instruments of music--retained its position untouched, and preserved
its adornments unharmed. Wells Cathedral--still shewing on its proud
front the three hundred magnificent sculptured figures, which form a
Bible in stone--was used by the Presbyterian, Dr. Cornelius Burgess;
but it was ordered that the inhabitants of St. Cuthbert's parish,
forming, it may be presumed, an Independent congregation, should make
use of it also as their place of worship.[219]
The noble church of the Holy Trinity at Hull was also used jointly
by Presbyterians and Independents, as well as the less noble, but
scarcely less interesting church of St. Nicholas, in the town of Great
Yarmouth.[220]
[Illustration]