III.

From the influence in religion of scientific modes of thought we pass

to the influence of particular biological conceptions. The former effect

comes by way of analogy, example, encouragement and challenge; inspiring

or provoking kindred or similar modes of thought in the field of

theology; the latter by a collision of opinions upon matters of fact or

conjecture which seem to concern both science and religion.

In the case of Darwinism the story of this collision is familiar, and

falls under the heads of evolution and natural selection, the doctrine

of descent with modification, and the doctrine of its guidance or

determination by the struggle for existence between related varieties.

These doctrines, though associated and interdependent, and in popular

thought not only combined but confused, must be considered separately.

It is true that the ancient doctrine of Evolution, in spite of the

ingenuity and ardour of Lamarck, remained a dream tantalising the

intellectual ambition of naturalists, until the day when Darwin made it

conceivable by suggesting the machinery of its guidance. And, further,

the idea of natural selection has so effectively opened the door of

research and stimulated observation in a score of principal directions

that, even if the Darwinian explanation became one day much less

convincing than, in spite of recent criticism, it now is, yet its

passing, supposing it to pass, would leave the doctrine of Evolution

immeasurably and permanently strengthened. For in the interests of the

theory of selection, "Fur Darwin," as Muller wrote, facts have been

collected which remain in any case evidence of the reality of descent

with modification.

But still, though thus united in the modern history of convictions,

though united and confused in the collision of biological and

traditional opinion, yet evolution and natural selection must be

separated in theological no less than in biological estimation.

Evolution seemed inconsistent with Creation; natural selection with

Providence and Divine design.

Discussion was maintained about these points for many years and with

much dark heat. It ranged over many particular topics and engaged minds

different in tone, in quality, and in accomplishment. There was at

most times a degree of misconception. Some naturalists attributed to

theologians in general a poverty of thought which belonged really to

men of a particular temper or training. The "timid theism" discerned in

Darwin by so cautious a theologian as Liddon (H.P. Liddon, "The Recovery

of S. Thomas"; a sermon preached in St Paul's, London, on April 23rd,

1882 (the Sunday after Darwin's death).) was supposed by many biologists

to be the necessary foundation of an honest Christianity. It was really

more characteristic of devout NATURALISTS like Philip Henry Gosse,

than of religious believers as such. (Dr Pusey ("Unscience not Science

adverse to Faith" 1878) writes: "The questions as to 'species,' of what

variations the animal world is capable, whether the species be more or

fewer, whether accidental variations may become hereditary... and

the like, naturally fall under the province of science. In all these

questions Mr Darwin's careful observations gained for him a deserved

approbation and confidence.") The study of theologians more considerable

and even more typically conservative than Liddon does not confirm the

description of religious intolerance given in good faith, but in serious

ignorance, by a disputant so acute, so observant and so candid as

Huxley. Something hid from each other's knowledge the devoted pilgrims

in two great ways of thought. The truth may be, that naturalists took

their view of what creation was from Christian men of science who

naturally looked in their own special studies for the supports and

illustrations of their religious belief. Of almost every laborious

student it may be said "Hic ab arte sua non recessit." And both the

believing and the denying naturalists, confining habitual attention to a

part of experience, are apt to affirm and deny with trenchant vigour

and something of a narrow clearness "Qui respiciunt ad pauca, de facili

pronunciant." (Aristotle, in Bacon, quoted by Newman in his "Idea of a

University", page 78. London, 1873.)

Newman says of some secular teachers that "they persuade the world of

what is false by urging upon it what is true." Of some early opponents

of Darwin it might be said by a candid friend that, in all sincerity of

devotion to truth, they tried to persuade the world of what is true

by urging upon it what is false. If naturalists took their version

of orthodoxy from amateurs in theology, some conservative Christians,

instead of learning what evolution meant to its regular exponents,

took their view of it from celebrated persons, not of the front rank in

theology or in thought, but eager to take account of public movements

and able to arrest public attention.

Cleverness and eloquence on both sides certainly had their share in

producing the very great and general disturbance of men's minds in the

early days of Darwinian teaching. But by far the greater part of that

disturbance was due to the practical novelty and the profound importance

of the teaching itself, and to the fact that the controversy about

evolution quickly became much more public than any controversy of equal

seriousness had been for many generations.

We must not think lightly of that great disturbance because it has, in

some real sense, done its work, and because it is impossible in days

of more coolness and light, to recover a full sense of its very real

difficulties.

Those who would know them better should add to the calm records of

Darwin ("Life and Letters" and "More Letters of Charles Darwin".) and to

the story of Huxley's impassioned championship, all that they can learn

of George Romanes. ("Life and Letters", London, 1896. "Thoughts on

Religion", London, 1895. "Candid Examination of Theism", London, 1878.)

For his life was absorbed in this very struggle and reproduced

its stages. It began in a certain assured simplicity of biblical

interpretation; it went on, through the glories and adventures of a

paladin in Darwin's train, to the darkness and dismay of a man who saw

all his most cherished beliefs rendered, as he thought, incredible.

("Never in the history of man has so terrific a calamity befallen the

race as that which all who look may now (viz. in consequence of the

scientific victory of Darwin) behold advancing as a deluge, black with

destruction, resistless in might, uprooting our most cherished hopes,

engulphing our most precious creed, and burying our highest life in

mindless destruction."--"A Candid Examination of Theism", page 51.)

He lived to find the freer faith for which process and purpose are

not irreconcilable, but necessary to one another. His development,

scientific, intellectual and moral, was itself of high significance; and

its record is of unique value to our own generation, so near the age of

that doubt and yet so far from it; certainly still much in need of

the caution and courage by which past endurance prepares men for

new emergencies. We have little enough reason to be sure that in the

discussions awaiting us we shall do as well as our predecessors in

theirs. Remembering their endurance of mental pain, their ardour

in mental labour, the heroic temper and the high sincerity of

controversialists on either side, we may well speak of our fathers in

such words of modesty and self-judgment as Drayton used when he sang the

victors of Agincourt. The progress of biblical study, in the departments

of Introduction and Exegesis, resulting in the recovery of a point

of view anciently tolerated if not prevalent, has altered some of the

conditions of that discussion. In the years near 1858, the witness of

Scripture was adduced both by Christian advocates and their critics as

if unmistakeably irreconcilable with Evolution.

Huxley ("Science and Christian Tradition". London, 1904.) found the path

of the blameless naturalist everywhere blocked by "Moses": the believer

in revelation was generally held to be forced to a choice between

revealed cosmogony and the scientific account of origins. It is not

clear how far the change in Biblical interpretation is due to natural

science, and how far to the vital movements of theological study which

have been quite independent of the controversy about species. It belongs

to a general renewal of Christian movement, the recovery of a heritage.

"Special Creation"--really a biological rather than a theological

conception,--seems in its rigid form to have been a recent element even

in English biblical orthodoxy.

The Middle Ages had no suspicion that religious faith forbad

inquiry into the natural origination of the different forms of life.

Bartholomaeus Anglicus, an English Franciscan of the thirteenth century,

was a mutationist in his way, as Aristotle, "the Philosopher" of

the Christian Schoolmen, had been in his. So late as the seventeenth

century, as we learn not only from early proceedings of the Royal

Society, but from a writer so homely and so regularly pious as

Walton, the variation of species and "spontaneous" generations had no

theological bearing, except as instances of that various wonder of the

world which in devout minds is food for devotion.

It was in the eighteenth century that the harder statement took shape.

Something in the preciseness of that age, its exaltation of law, its

cold passion for a stable and measured universe, its cold denial, its

cold affirmation of the power of God, a God of ice, is the occasion of

that rigidity of religious thought about the living world which Darwin

by accident challenged, or rather by one of those movements of genius

which, Goethe ("No productiveness of the highest kind... is in the power

of anyone."--"Conversations of Goethe with Eckermann and Soret". London,

1850.) declares, are "elevated above all earthly control."

If religious thought in the eighteenth century was aimed at a fixed and

nearly finite world of spirit, it followed in all these respects the

secular and critical lead. ("La philosophie reformatrice du XVIIIe

siecle" (Berthelot, "Evolutionisme et Platonisme", Paris, 1908, page

45.) ramenait la nature et la societe a des mecanismes que la pensee

reflechie peut concevoir et recomposer." In fact, religion in a

mechanical age is condemned if it takes any but a mechanical tone.

Butler's thought was too moving, too vital, too evolutionary, for the

sceptics of his time. In a rationalist, encyclopaedic period, religion

also must give hard outline to its facts, it must be able to display

its secret to any sensible man in the language used by all sensible men.

Milton's prophetic genius furnished the eighteenth century, out of the

depth of the passionate age before it, with the theological tone it was

to need. In spite of the austere magnificence of his devotion, he gives

to smaller souls a dangerous lead. The rigidity of Scripture exegesis

belonged to this stately but imperfectly sensitive mode of thought. It

passed away with the influence of the older rationalists whose precise

denials matched the precise and limited affirmations of the static

orthodoxy.

I shall, then, leave the specially biblical aspect of the

debate--interesting as it is and even useful, as in Huxley's

correspondence with the Duke of Argyll and others in 1892 ("Times",

1892, passim.)--in order to consider without complication the permanent

elements of Christian thought brought into question by the teaching of

evolution.

Such permanent elements are the doctrine of God as Creator of the

universe, and the doctrine of man as spiritual and unique. Upon both the

doctrine of evolution seemed to fall with crushing force.

With regard to Man I leave out, acknowledging a grave omission, the

doctrine of the Fall and of Sin. And I do so because these have not yet,

as I believe, been adequately treated: here the fruitful reaction to the

stimulus of evolution is yet to come. The doctrine of sin, indeed, falls

principally within the scope of that discussion which has followed or

displaced the Darwinian; and without it the Fall cannot be usefully

considered. For the question about the Fall is a question not merely of

origins, but of the interpretation of moral facts whose moral reality

must first be established.

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