You will say that Russia is a Christian state. Agreed. But do not

Christ's commandments teach us to see a friend and a brother and one's

equal in every man? The more we are Christians, the less of animosity

and exclusiveness can be in our hearts. What difference does it make

that two men speak different languages and pray in different ways?

When it is a question of paying duties and taxes, and bearing arms in

defence of the fatherland, religious and race peculiarities do not

matter.

The fatherland is for all of us, because we are all for the

fatherland. The fatherland is our common home, and this home we build,

keep in good order, and defend. We build our common home not like

hirelings, to whom, after they get their pay, the building becomes

alien. In rearing, decorating and defending it we bargain with no one,

we give everything that is necessary for its upbuilding and

defence,--we give our property, our labour, our very life. Even when

our labour appears selfish, even then--provided it is not criminal--it

is for the good of our common home: for, all that adds to the

happiness, well-being and freedom of each one living in the home, adds

to its strength and beauty.

We build our common home, decorate it and defend it, and we do it with

joy and willingness because in our common home we are neither

hirelings nor guests. In our common home, then, who are we? We must

know and always remember that in our common home we are all masters of

the house. It is not our right, but our duty toward our home, of which

we must take care just as every good master takes care of his house.

The consciousness of the fact that we are the masters of our common

home is clear; for it is seen that every one of us in whom conscience

and reason do not slumber, feels responsible for the disorder of our

life.

Not an outsider, nor a congress of allies, nor some one social class

shall regulate our affairs for the best of Poland, Finland, the Jews

and the rest. Neither our allies, nor any one of our social classes,

nor the wisest and strongest among us,--but all of us Russian

citizens, all of us who joyously and willingly bear the burden of

statehood, are called upon to settle in conscience and reason, the

fundamental problems of our great home-building.

* * * * *

In the face of the common foe we are all united. We have mustered all

our forces for the defence of our native land from the hostile

invasion. We are all brothers, all children of one fatherland, and to

all Russia is a good mother loving all equally well. Many are the

peoples Russia has gathered under her dominion and she is to all

equally benevolent.

How eager is one to say these words, to have the right to utter them!

But we have it not. Not toward all is Russia equally benevolent, and

in the hour of great trials and high deeds she is still unable, still

unwilling, to tear asunder the fatal chain, the terrible "Pale of

Settlement."

Whenever I met Russian Jews abroad, I always marvelled at the

strangely tenacious love for Russia which they preserve. They speak of

Russia with the same longing and the same tenderness as the Russian

emigrants; they are equally eager to return and equally saddened if

the return is impossible. Wherefore should they love Russia, who is so

harsh and inhospitable toward them?

Strange as it may sound, there are children who love their cruel

stepmothers. Of course, they are exceptions; usually such stepmothers

are hated. But in the case of Jews such exceptions become the general

rule: the Jews love the same Russia that is so cruel toward them.

Some one's interests demand that the Jews should be oppressed, stabled

in the "Pale of Settlement," limited in the right to education, and in

other respects. But to whose interest is it? Russia's? Surely not.

Social relations in Russia, as in every civilised state, must rest on

the immovable foundations of justice, reason, and conscience. All

those persons who are united by the fact of their belonging to the

Russian state must have, within the limits of the empire, the minimum

of rights, which, to our shame, are refused the Jews. This minimum

each one of us receives not for his personal or racial deserts or

distinctive traits, but as a citizen of the state. To obey the common

Russian laws, to pay the established taxes, to serve in the army,--all

these are the duties of a Russian subject, corresponding to the amount

of rights of which he can be deprived only by a court ruling for a

crime.

A man not dishonoured by a court decision may not live where he wants

to,--because he is a Jew; a boy who has not been dismissed from any

school for deficiency or misconduct, may not enter the "gymnasium,"

where there are plenty of vacancies, but where the few vacancies set

aside by a percentage rule for the Jewish brats, are eagerly filled by

them; a soldier's wife may not visit her wounded and agonising husband

because he happens to be dying outside the "Pale"; the deceased may

not be buried in the town where he died, for he had no right of

residence in that town,--what does all this mean? Who needs all this?

All these people are Russian subjects, not our enemies, and yet they

are treated in this fashion. What is the purpose of it all? Is it in

order to kindle among the Jews the fire of implacable hatred of Russia

and turn them into our enemies? But then we must be logical and not

tolerate them in the "Pale of Settlement"; we must exile or destroy

them. But a civilised state will never persuade itself to commit such

acts, inhuman though logical. And if it does not decide to do that, it

must, for the sake of its safety and dignity, grant to every Russian

citizen the elementary human rights. It is imperative that every

Russian citizen should have every reason to love Russia and no right

to hate her. If that portion of the Russian population which is

deprived of rights still loves Russia, it is because the people of

purely Russian extraction have no hatred for people of non-Russian

birth, and our co-citizens are fully aware of it. They know that their

disabilities are a burden to ourselves.

The removal of the Jewish disabilities is most imperatively dictated

to us also by our dignity as a body politic. The name of Russian

subject must be respected within our country, for otherwise the

civilised world will not grow accustomed to respect Russia. Our

country is feared for its military might and loved for the fine

qualities of its people, but it will be respected only when it becomes

a land of free men.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Several words here are crossed out by Russian

censorship.--Translator's Note.

* * * * *

ON NATIONALISM

_Vladimir Sereyevich Solovyov is known to the world as the

noblest and the most profound of Russian thinkers. The author of

a large number of philosophical and theological treatises, he is

also responsible for a slender volume of exquisite poems and a

series of publicistic works, wherein the cause of progress is

vigorously upheld. Solovyov was born in 1853 and died in 1900._

ON NATIONALISM

A speech delivered by Vladimir Solovyov at a University Dinner on

February 8th, 1890

The dominating idea of the present time is the national idea. Of

course, there is nothing bad about this. But the national idea as well

as any other, can be very differently interpreted. The conception of

nationalism which is very popular in our country reminds one of the

famous answer made by a Hottentot to a missionary, who asked him

whether he knows the difference between good and bad. "Sure I know,"

retorted the Hottentot. "Good--is when I steal other people's cattle

and wives, and bad--when my own are stolen." In a like manner, many of

our nationalists praise the love for their people and brand other

people's patriotism as treason.

In spite of the wide diffusion of this view, I persist in my belief

that the Russian national idea cannot be based on a Hottentot-like

morality, that it cannot exclude the principles of justice and

all-human solidarity. It is time that we should see the realisation of

the true Russian idea and of all that it implies, namely: Poland's

autonomy, Jewish equal rights and the untrammelled development of all

the nationalities that people the Russian Empire.

* * * * *

CONCERNING THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE JEWS

_Count Ivan Ivanovich Tolstoy, born in 1858, occupied the post of

Minister of Public Instruction at the time of Count Witte's

premiership. In 1907 he was a candidate for election to the Duma,

as deputy from Petrograd. A distinguished archeologist and

connoisseur of art, he was for many years the vice-president of

the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts._

CONCERNING THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE JEWS

BY COUNT IVAN TOLSTOY

"Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,

do ye even so to them." (St. Matthew, 7, 12.) This is the divine law,

which it is the task of every one who considers and feels himself a

Christian to follow, and which should also be strictly observed by a

State. Now, would any one of the Christians who owe their allegiance

to the Russian state consent to be treated as the Jews are in Russia?

Would he like to be confined within a certain definite zone of

settlement, to be kept from giving his children an education, and to

find himself excluded from many fields of honest and honourable

endeavour? Would he like, all through his life to be humiliated before

his co-citizens of other faith and birth?

You despise them, hate them, and accuse them of all that it may please

any maniac or liar to invent about them. Yet you demand of the Jews

that they should help you, when you stand in need of help. You,

Jew-haters, serve somebody or something, but truly it is not God, it

is not the cause of goodness that you are serving. In your blindness

you harm, above all, yourself and our country, our dear,

long-suffering Russia, whom the Jews, your co-citizens, love and

cannot help loving more than you do. They know that Russia hates none

of her faithful and loving children and that they are hated only by

people, who, either by nature or because of a poor education, cannot

exist without hating some one or something. By their deeds ye shall

know them, these wolves disguised as sheep.

Combat evil and side with good, do good, and do not judge a man by the

fact that his parents are Jewish or Christian, or that he was born

into one faith or another. Remember that we are all born equally naked

and that we must all die. Therefore, do not boast of your birth; bear

firmly in mind that we are all equal before God, before Truth and

that we must be equal before the Law.

As for the legal disabilities of a portion of citizens who are guilty

of no crime,--such as injustice must be completely condemned. In

practice, such a policy has always borne and always will bear fruits

of evil. The very existence of such an injustice corrupts and puts in

jeopardy the social body which tolerates it.... No benefits which may

be derived by individual persons or social classes from an inequality

of rights can justify the State in depriving a group of citizens of

their full rights, as a result of their race and faith. This is the

A-B-C of justice, and those who do not know it have yet to learn what

justice is.

Neither are the Jews better than we are, nor are we better than they.

We are all human beings and, as such, we must all be equal before the

impartial and dispassionate Law, which determines our rights and

duties towards the State and society. Good and bad people, I repeat,

are everywhere, and the proportion is roughly the same among us as

among them. Let us, therefore, strive for the realisation of justice

on earth, and let us believe in the final triumph of truth. The rest

will be added unto us. Without such a faith it is hard to live....

* * * * *

THE WOUNDED SOLDIER

THE WOUNDED SOLDIER

BY LEONID ANDREYEV

A sad and disquieting image often rises before my eyes.

It happened in Petrograd, on the staircase of a large, new building,

one apartment of which was transformed into a private ward. When I

entered the porter's lodge, on my way to a friend, I saw that it was

filled with wounded soldiers, who had just arrived, while curious

spectators crowded near the plate-glass door. The house was new and

luxuriously furnished, and the elevator on which the wounded soldiers

were taken up, was carefully covered with some kind of cloth, for fear

that the velvet would be soiled and the insects would get into the

seams. Upstairs the wounded were cordially greeted by a priest and a

man dressed in white. After having kissed the priest's hand, the

wounded, evidently embarrassed by the bright light and the luxury of

the place, entered the ward awkwardly and silently. There were no

seriously wounded on stretchers among them, all were able to walk; yet

it was painful to look at them.

There was a wounded soldier in one of the last groups taken up by the

elevator who strangely attracted everybody's attention. He was a

short, young, lean, ghastly pale Jew. All the wounded were pale, but

there was something sinister about the pallor of his face; it was a

paleness of an utterly exhausted, anæmic or fatally sick man. He was

walking alone, feebly moving his feet, and like everybody else bent to

kiss the hand of the priest, but he hardly knew what he was doing, and

his kiss was strangely indifferent and meaningless. He was evidently

wounded in his arm, which he held stretched out. Several fingers were

wrapped up, the others, which were not injured, were covered with a

crust of dirt and blood. But on his coat, on the back, there was a

large brown blotch of blood, a very large one, covering almost half of

his back and in the midst of the soft cloth it bulged stiffly as if

starched. And this horrible spot told the simple story of the battle

and the wound. But it was not the stain that made him so peculiarly

conspicuous--other soldiers had similar blotches--it was rather his

unusual pallor, thinness and smallness, and, above all, an expression

of peculiar timidity, as if he was not at all sure whether his

behaviour was appropriate and whether he had come to the right place.

The faces of the other wounded soldiers, non-Jews, expressed nothing

of the kind. These men were confused, but not afraid, and walked

straight ahead, into the ward.

And then I recollected how a military sanitarian, whose duty it is to

escort a train of wounded soldiers, had told me that the wounded Jews

actually try not to moan. It was hardly credible, and at first I did

not believe it; how was it possible, that a wounded soldier, freshly

picked up from the battlefield and lying among wounded soldiers should

try not to moan, as all do? But the sanitarian confirmed his statement

and added: they are afraid to attract attention to themselves.

The Jewish soldier entered the ward after the others, and the door was

closed, but his image, sorrowful and disquieting, lingered before my

eyes. Of course, he, too, tried not to attract attention--and therein

is the cause of his shyness; and when his wound will be dressed and he

will be put into bed, he will also try not to moan. For, what right

has he to moan aloud?

It is very possible, that he has no right of settlement in Petrograd

and is allowed to stay there only as one of the wounded; a rather

precarious right! And that which is home for others is nothing but a

kind of honourable imprisonment for him; he will be kept for a while,

then they will let him go, saying: "Go away, you must not be here."

And what if his mother, or sister, or father, who also have no right

of settlement, will desire to come to him and kiss his bloodstained

hand which has defended Russia--vague, distant Russia? But these

reflections and questions came to my mind later. At the moment, I

beheld, with the eyes of a peaceful citizen, the bloody, hardened

blotch and the dreadful pallor of war, and the needless terror before

that which, after all, is your own, and I felt an overwhelming

depression and sadness.

* * * * *

HOW TO HELP?

_Catherine Kuskova is a journalist and social worker of

considerable note._

HOW TO HELP?

BY CATHERINE KUSKOVA

Lord, what a familiar sight! How many times have we seen it during the

last nine or ten months.... And every time you blush with shame and

you have the feeling of being overcome and petrified in the face of

the incomprehensible, elemental catastrophe.

The train slowly pulls up to the high structure of the station. The

scene is laid in one of the towns of the Western section. Faces of

passengers, restless, way-worn, sickly, are seen in the windows. The

cars are over-crowded beyond all measure. There are many black-eyed

children, with curly black locks, and also old people, decrepit with

age. The railway platform is crowded with Jewish youths, with

representatives of the Jewish community, and a mass of curious people

who eagerly scan the newcomers. A large crowd of passengers emerge

from the cars rapidly and in disorder. They are Jews deported from

the zone of military operations. The local Jewish community had been

notified by a telegram and now they are meeting the newcomers.

The community has seen to it that hot tea, bread, and milk for the

children is served to the deported right at the station. A most timely

measure! Many of them had had no time even to take food along; they

were deported on short notice, and, besides, a family is allowed to

carry no more than forty pounds of luggage. What is forty pounds for a

family often very large? They can hardly afford to take some underwear

and warm clothes.... Behind each family there remained a home,

probably a store, a stand, a workshop or simply a sewing-machine, the

sole source of income.... All are equal now in this dreadful train,

which carries them away from home, naked wrecks of humanity, torn from

their customary course of life and deprived of the daily toil, which

fed the family. And what a terror it is to look into their eyes. It is

plainly written in them: "This is nothing, the worst is still to

come."

They sat down on the benches in the waiting room, and started

drinking tea, and eating.

"Well, you are feeding your spies, eh?" suddenly remarks a porter,

addressing a representative of the Jewish community. The latter grows

pale, shivers, and quickly moves away. What, indeed, could one answer?

How does this great migration of a people impress an unsophisticated

brain? If the entire population leaves a district the matter is clear;

the place must be evacuated before the enemy. But the trains loaded

with Jews do not come from districts already occupied by the foe. How

else can a plain man construe this fact than that the Jews are spies,

dangerous people, in short, our internal enemy? And so this

one-year-old baby whose puffed-up, tiny hand hangs down from its

mother's shoulder is also an enemy, just as is this sad girl wearily

skulking in a corner, and this old man with his shaking head and

wrinkled hands,--all these are our enemies, otherwise why should they

have been deported before the arrival of the foe? Why such a peculiar

selection of the passengers of the dreadful trains? I go from one

porter to another, asking them who was brought on. The answer is the

same: "Jews, spies...." The very arrival of such a train engenders an

ill feeling toward the entire Jewish nation,--and how many such trains

have arrived here lately! And if you were to stop and ask who

established the guilt of these people, and whether it is thinkable

that all these tens of thousands of men, women, and children should

have been caught red-handed, no one will stop to listen to you. A Jew

is a spy,--this is the only impression that becomes indelibly branded

in the brains of the Russian population which witnesses the new

tragedy of the Jewish nation. The effect of the passage of these

trains is truly terrible, it is a series of systematic object-lessons

of hatred....

When the crowd has quenched its hunger and thirst, a new problem

presents itself: how to transport all this mass to the town and give

them shelter. For this purpose a number of carriages are kept in

readiness. The coachmen, all of them Jews, load the miserable luggage

and try to accommodate the old, the sick, and the children. Now and

then a bearded, husky driver would wipe away a tear; to one side,

Jewish women weep frankly. The sorrowful procession sets out for the

town. There the refugees will once more have to meet the Russians and

endure questionings, insulting remarks and slaps in the face.... Will

the Jewish nation stand all this?

Yes, it will undoubtedly stand this frightful trial. There is

something in its inner nature that enables it to hold out under the

most terrible conditions.

At the house of a representative of the Jewish community, I find

several people who handle the transportation and distribution of the

deported Jews.

"How many people have passed through your hands?"

"Several thousand. We get word by telegraph from the centres of

deportation as to how many people we should keep and how many send

further."

"Where do you get the means necessary for these operations?"

"The entire Jewish population of our town has imposed upon itself a

systematic refugee tax. This source furnishes us 3,000 rubles monthly.

Of course this is very little, ours is a poor town. Then we get

financial aid from the Jewish communities, which do not have to help

the deported directly. We have received several thousand rubles from

Smolensk, Petrograd, Moscow, and elsewhere."

"And how about the Russian population, does it render you any

assistance?"

"No, its attitude toward the deported is at best indifferent, and at

worst hostile."

"And the Jews, do they not protest against this new tax?"

"Oh, no, not in the least. You have no idea to what an extent the

feeling of solidarity grows among us in such cases. Here is an

instance. A train with the deported arrived here yesterday. It was

Saturday. That is, as you know, a sacred day for the Jews.

Nevertheless, all our Jewish coachmen came to the station to take the

newcomers to the town. We have asked them to come to-day to get paid

for their services. Not one of them appeared. And so it has been all

along. There is not a Jewish coachman in the town who would take money

in such a case. On the contrary, they would be insulted if they were

not asked to do their bit. When the first train arrived, the present

self-taxation was not yet in existence. We received the telegram

suddenly. Nothing was in readiness. Our young people got busy and

started canvassing the Jewish houses. And at once people brought all

they could: tea, sugar, eggs, milk. We met the hungry ones with full

hands. No, we cannot complain against the Jews; they do all they can,

even the poorest."

The representative shows me a heap of telegrams. Their contents are

brief: "To Rabbi so-and-so. Meet 900; meet 1000; meet 1100." Only the

numbers differ....

"And where do you house those who remain here?"

"Well, we accommodate them in the Jewish school, in private homes, in

rooms hired for the purpose. But here we met with a new obstacle. Our

town is situated on the left bank of the river Dnyepr. Now a new order

was issued to the effect that the deported should settle exclusively

on the left bank. We had trouble enough, I warrant you. Fortunately,

the local authorities have shown us some consideration and postponed

the second deportation.... But to entrain worn-out people and send

them anew into the unknown,--it is painful even to imagine it. Think

of it: to grow accustomed to the place, to the people who take care

of you,--and then again a train, a flashing of a station, and the

final outrage of the arrival. Many say: 'Better to die than to resume

our road again.'

"But we are forced to send them further, although nowadays it is hard

to place the deported; all the towns are crowded, the congestion leads

to diseases. Here, too, we have had several deaths...."

"Tell me," I said finally, "but you know, at least approximately, why

these people are deported? It is impossible that this should be done

for no earthly reason, simply because they happen to be Jews...."

How great was my repentance that I put this naïve question! I shall

never, never forget the eyes which turned on me. There was in them a

burning pain and another question: "Yes, for what crime? If we only

knew it.... Perhaps, you will tell us? You are a Russian, you are in a

better position to know...."

I got up quickly, shook hands, and left in silence, with a feeling of

repulsion for myself and shame for my helplessness....

* * * * *

THE HOMELESS ONES

_Sergey Yakovlevich Yelpatyevsky is a popular writer of

realistic, and humanitarian tales and sketches. In his youth he

was exiled to Siberia, and in 1910 he was imprisoned. He was born

in 1854._

THE HOMELESS ONES

BY S. YELPATYEVSKY

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