2. PARALLELISM BETWEEN PROTOCOLS AND BOLSHEVIST POLICIES

(_a_) _The Policy of Terror_

It will be recalled that the Protocols advocate a mass terror, a “program

of violence.” In this connection also the actual Bolshevist policies are

in complete harmony with the program of the Protocols. With reference

to this point it becomes important to quote the _Krasnaya Gazeta_ (_Red

Gazette_), the official organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’, Red

Army, and Peasants’ Deputies, which body is presided over by Zinovieff,

alias Apfelbaum, a Jew. On August 31, 1918, in an editorial article, the

following is stated:

“The interests of the revolution require the physical

annihilation of the bourgeois class. It is time for us to

start.”

More explicitly the program of violence is defined by the same paper on

September 1, 1918, in an article entitled “Blood for Blood.” Therein it

is stated:

“We will turn our hearts into steel, which we will temper in

the fire of suffering and the blood of fighters for freedom.

We will make our hearts cruel, hard, and immovable, so that no

mercy will enter them, and so that they will not quiver at the

sight of a sea of enemy blood. We will let loose the floodgates

of that sea. Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our

enemies in scores of hundreds. Let them be thousands; let them

drown themselves in their own blood. For the blood of Lenin and

Uritzki, Zinovieff and Volodarski, let there be floods of blood

of the bourgeois—more blood, as much as possible.”

Mr. Zinovieff—Apfelbaum went into further details as to the number of

Russians whom he proposed to kill for the sake of Mr. Trotzky’s régime.

In a speech of Zinovieff’s, reported in the _Northern Commune_, published

in Petrograd on September 19, 1918, No. 109, the following plain

statement is quoted:

“To overcome our enemies we must have our own socialist

militarism. We must win over to our side 90,000,000 of the

100,000,000 of population of Russia under the Soviets. _As

for the rest, we have nothing to say to them; they must be

annihilated._”

To be sure that the Jewish Bolsheviks were not boasting, the following

report of the American Consul General at Moscow, dated September 3, 1918,

is of the utmost significance. This report, which was published in the

“Memorandum on Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia,”

Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, reads in part as follows:

“Since May the so-called Extraordinary Commission to Combat

Counter-revolution has conducted an openly avowed campaign of

terror. Thousands of persons have been summarily shot without

even the form of trial. Many of them have no doubt been

innocent of even the political views which were supposed to

supply the motive of their execution.”

The American Consul General concludes his report by stating:

“The situation cries aloud to all who will act for the sake of

humanity.”[13]

Trotzky made an attempt to justify “mass terror” in an article signed

by him in the official daily newspaper _Izvestia_ on January 10, 1919,

under the title “Military Specialists and the Red Army.” In this article

Trotzky states among other things as follows:

“Terror as the demonstration of the will and strength of the

working class, is historically justified, precisely because

the proletariat was able thereby to break the political will

of the Intelligentsia, pacify the professional men of various

categories and work, and gradually subordinate them to its own

aims within the fields of their specialties.”[14]

The London _Times_ of November 14, 1919, printed a letter “sent by a

British Officer in South Russia to his wife” stating that “the letter is

published exactly as sent, except that names and dates have been altered

so that the writer and his wife will not be embarrassed.” The officer

appeals to his wife to do all she can to put before the British public

the information which he gives her as to the atrocities committed by the

Bolsheviki which he had himself witnessed while fighting with the army of

General Denikin.

“The Bolshevists are devils.... I hope to send you copies of

64 official photos taken by British officers at Odessa when

the town was retaken from the Bolshevists.... As no paper will

print them I suggest that you should have copies done. If we’re

too hard up you could pay for them by sending me no parcels, or

selling my Caucasian dagger, or Persian book, or something. And

I suggest that you should then do with them as you think fit,

to make them most widely known. Their horror may make people

realize. They must realize. By God, they shall realize! They

show men who’ve been crucified with the torture of the ‘human

glove.’ The victim gets crucified, nails through his elbows.

The hands are treated with a solution which shrivels the skin.

The skin is cut out with a razor, round the wrist, and peeled

off, till it hangs by the finger nails—the ‘human glove.’ I’m

not sparing you. I hope you’ll show and send them to everybody

we know. People at home, apathetic fools they are, do not

deserve to be spared. They must be woken up. John and Katie

ought to see them. Most of the photos are of women. Women with

their breasts cut off to the bone.... Two little bits, ref.

Bolshevist atrocities, you might type in as many copies as you

can. If you and several others left them in different tea-shops

every afternoon, it might touch quite a lot of people. I shall

send you chapter and verse if I can. If I haven’t sent chapter

and verse in a month, do your best without. Papers are no good,

because papers would put it more delicately. We have here at H.

Q. passes issued to Bolshevists by commissaries on occupying

Ekaterinodar. These passes authorize their holders to arrest

any girl they fancy for the use of the soldiery. Sixty-two

girls of all classes were arrested like this and thrown to

the Bolshevist troops. Those who struggled were killed quite

early on. The rest, when used and finished, were mutilated

and thrown, dead and dying, into the two small rivers flowing

through Ekaterinodar. In all towns occupied by Bolshevists

and reoccupied by us ‘slaughter-houses’ are found choked with

corpses. Hundreds of ‘suspects,’ men, women, and children, were

herded in these—doors and windows manned and the struggling

mass fired into until most of them were dead or dying. The

doors were then locked and they were left. The stench in these

places, I am told, is hair-raising. These ‘slaughter-houses’

are veritable plague spots and have caused widespread

epidemics. I want you to proselytize Robinson and galvanize the

Colonel and everybody else you can get hold of. I’d like James

to see this and No. 47 and Dorothy. Above all the Mater. For I

feel sure, that whatever happens, she and you will be glad that

I’ve come out.”

(_“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” reprinted from The Times,

November 14, 1919, pp. 5 and 6._)

In the same letter the writer refers to the Bolshevist plans of extending

their power to Asia and Africa, and discusses the part played by the Jews

in the Bolshevist régime in Russia.

“... Bolshevist Russia is a channel of communication to

the Committee of Union and Progress, to Egypt, India, and

Afghanistan. Unless beaten by us, the Bolshies will beat us.

It’s a side issue for the present, but the danger of their

rousing and letting loose the Chinese is not so very remote.

They have declared war on Christianity. The Bible to them is

a ‘counter-revolutionary’ book, and to be stamped out. They

are aiming at raising all non-Christian races against the

Christian countries. The Bolshevists form about 5 per cent.

of the population of Russia—_JEWS_ (80 to 90 per cent. of the

commissaries are Jews), Chinese, Letts, Germans, and certain

of the ‘skilled labor’ artisans. The conscribed peasantry,

originally captured by the catchwords mentioned in the

pamphlets, now often goaded beyond endurance, is rising against

them over wide districts. Still conscribed and put up to fight,

under severe penalties, they form most of the ‘cannon fodder’

used by the Bolshies. They desert, often _en masse_, and many a

peasant who marched for the Bolshevists last week is fighting

for Denikin in the Volunteer Army to-day. Ref. Jews—In towns

captured by Bolshevists the only unviolated sacred buildings

are the synagogues, while churches are used for anything,

from movie-shows to ‘slaughter-houses.’ The Poles, Galicians,

and Petlura have committed ‘pogroms’ (massacres of Jews). Not

the Russian Volunteer Armies under Denikin. Denikin has, in

fact, been so strict in protecting the Jews that he has been

accused by his sympathizers of favoring them. If, however, a

Commissary, steeped in murder, with torture and rape, with

mutilation, happens to be a Jew, as most of them are, should he

receive exceptional treatment?”

(_“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” p. 5._)

The London _Times_ of December 3, 1919, published the statement of an eye

witness of the “reign of torture” under the Bolsheviki at the time of the

first capture of Odessa. The witness is the Rev. R. Courtier-Forster,

late British Chaplain at Odessa and the Russian Ports of the Black Sea.

Space permits the reprint here of only the following passages from this

important testimony as to one chapter of the Bolshevist terror:

“While I was still British chaplain of Odessa the city was

deluged with blood. When the Bolshevist elements, grafting

on to their main support the 4,000 criminals released from

the city gaols, attempted to seize the town, people of

education, regardless of social position, offered what armed

resistance was in their power. Workmen, shop assistants,

soldiers, professional men, and a handful of officers fought

for freedom and liberty through the streets of the great port

for three days and nights against the bloody despotism of the

Bolshevists. Tramcars were overturned to make barricades,

trenches dug in the streets, machine-guns placed in the upper

windows of houses to move the thoroughfare with fire. The

place became an inferno. The Bolshevists were victorious. On

capturing Odessa Railway Station, which had been defended by

a few officers and a number of anti-Bolshevist soldiers, the

Bolshevists bayoneted to death the 19 wounded and helpless men

laid on the waiting-room floor to await Red Cross succour.

“Scores of other men who fell wounded in the streets also

became victims to the triumphant Bolshevist criminals. The

majority of these wretched and unhappy sufferers completely

disappeared. Inquiries at the hospitals and prisons revealed

the fact that they were not there, and no trace of them was

to be found. A fortnight later there was a terrible storm on

the Black Sea, and the bodies of the missing men were washed

up on the rocks of Odessa breakwater and along the shore;

they had been taken out to sea in small boats, stones tied to

their feet, and then been dropped over alive into deep water.

Hundreds of others were captured and taken on board the Almaz

and the Sinope, the largest cruiser of the Black Sea Fleet.

Here they became victims of unthinkable tortures.

“On the Sinope General Chormichoff and some other personal

friends of my own were fastened one by one with iron chains to

planks of wood and pushed slowly, inch by inch, into the ship’s

furnaces and roasted alive. Others were tied to winches, the

winches turned until the men were torn in two alive. Others

were taken to the boilers and scalded with boiling steam; they

were then moved to another part of the ship and ventilating

fans set revolving that currents of cold air might blow on the

scalds and increase the agony of the torture. The full names of

17 of the Sinope victims were given me in writing by members

of their families or their personal friends. These were lost

later when my rooms were raided, my papers seized, and I myself

arrested and thrown into prison.

“The house in the Catherine Square in which I was first in

captivity afterwards became the Bolshevists’ House of Torture

in which hundreds of victims were done to death. The shrieks

of the people being tortured to death or having splinters of

wood driven under the quick of their nails were so agonizing

and appalling that personal friends of my own living more

than a hundred yards away in the Vorontsoffsky Pereulok were

obliged to fasten their double windows to prevent the cries of

anguish penetrating into the house. The horror and fear of the

surviving citizens was so great that the Bolshevists kept motor

lorries thundering up and down the street to drown the awful

screams of agony wrung from their dying victims.

“This House of Torture remains as much as possible in the

condition in which the Bolshevists left it and is now shown to

those who care to inspect its gruesome and blood-bespattered

rooms.

“Week by week the newspapers published articles for and against

the nationalization of women. In South Russia the proposal did

not become a legal measure, but in Odessa bands of Bolshevists

seized women and girls and carried them off to the Port,

the timber yards, and the Alexandrovsky Park for their own

purposes. Women used in this way were found in the mornings

either dead or mad or in a dying condition. Those found still

alive were shot. One of the most awful of my own personal

experiences of the New Civilization was hearing at night from

my bedroom windows the frantic shrieks of women being raped

to death in the park opposite. Screams of shrill terror and

despair repeated at intervals until they became nothing but

hoarse cries of agony like the death calls of a dying animal.

This happened not once, or twice, but many times. Never to the

day of my death shall I forget the horror of those dreadful

shrieks of tortured women, and one’s own utter powerlessness

to aid the victims or punish the Bolshevist devils in their

bestial orgies.”

(_“Bolshevism, Reign of Torture at Odessa,” by the Rev. R.

Courtier-Forster, late British Chaplain at Odessa and the

Russian Ports of the Black Sea. Reprinted from The Times,

December 3, 1919, pp. 2, 3 and 4._)

The Protocols speak of _concealed_ executions as well as of open

violence when making use of the weapon of terrorism to secure political

domination. The Bolsheviki closely paralleled the Protocols in this

respect.

While it is true that the number of victims of outright execution by

shooting, drowning, etc., have run into very large figures, they are

undoubtedly few in comparison with the number who have been deliberately

starved by the Bolsheviki. In pursuance of their avowed policy of

exterminating the bourgeois class the Soviet government divided the

people into four categories with respect to the receipt of food, the

bourgeoisie being placed in the last two categories as to which the

allowance of food was insufficient to support life. A report by “Mr. E.”

found in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1” (1919), relating to the

conditions in February, 1919, shows that the last two categories have

been done away with altogether. The report states that the Bolsheviki

have published statistics “showing that the fourth category was not

necessary, as there were so few members.” “This proves,” he says,

“that the 4th category people have either been exterminated or have

been forced to work under the Bolsheviks in order to live.” The same

witness states that the amount of food given to the first category was

constantly varying according to the supplies. The rations allowed the

four categories in October, 1918, are shown by the Bolshevist paper

_Vooruzheny Narod_ (_The Armed People_):

“The Commissary of Food of the Petrograd Labor Commune states

that on Friday, Saturday, Sunday and Monday, for four days, the

following products will be given on the presentation of the

bread cards, according to category:

1st category—1 lb. (Russian) of bread and 3 lb. of potatoes

2nd category—½ lb. of bread and 2 lb. of potatoes

3rd category—¼ lb. of bread and 1 lb. of potatoes

4th category—½ lb. of potatoes.”[15]

Many witnesses, have referred to the cruelty of this category system.

Of course, these rations for the 3rd and 4th categories are quite

insufficient to support life, and as the bourgeois classes were not only

placed in these categories, but were also persecuted and prevented from

getting employment in many cases, it is not surprising that hundreds of

thousands of them were exterminated by these measures.

As to the question of how the Jewish element in the population came out

on the question of food as compared with the Christian element there

is little evidence at hand, but we may refer to one statement in a

memorandum of a Mr. B. contained in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1

(1919),” as follows:

“At the Putilof Works anti-Semitism is growing, probably

because the food supply committees are entirely in the hands

of Jews—and voices can be heard sometimes calling for a

‘pogrom.’”[16]

Wholesale starvation in Russian cities is one of the most striking

features of Russia’s tragedy. The bourgeoisie, and especially the

intellectual classes of the Russian people, are systematically underfed

by the treacherous rationing system of the Jewish Soviet officials.

Manual labor as well as the intellectual workers are subjected to a most

villainous tyranny, namely, to the tyranny of starvation. It is proper to

propound the question: Is this policy carried out in accordance with the

stipulation of the Protocols which reads as follows:

“Our power lies in the chronic malnutrition and in the weakness

of the worker, because through this he falls under our power

and is unable to find either strength or energy to counteract

it.” (Protocol No. III.)

(_b_) _The Program of Hypocrisy_

As already seen, the Protocols call for a program of hypocrisy as well

as terror. The nature of the Bolshevist régime viewed from this angle is

graphically described by Mr. Roger E. Simmons in his testimony before the

Overman Committee. On pages 298 and 299 of the Senate Report he states:

“Along the trans-Siberian line, proceeding slowly, I had a

chance of reading the literature that the Bolsheviki were

distributing in connection with their active propaganda; also

the decrees, proclamations, and the public formal announcements

of all kinds of the local and national authorities. Many of

these sounded plausible, aimed to be constructive, ostensibly,

and in their idealism and promises were golden. I could

see how people would be attracted, and for the first 8 to

10 weeks understood their sanguine hopes. But after this

time disintegration was rapid and I saw the awful results.

The _modus operandi_ was not in line with theories. They

talked ideals but did not act ideals. Practices showed there

was decided immorality; decidedly, the game was not being

played squarely, the people being deceived by the leaders.

I suspected it from the very beginning from what I saw in

Siberia. If you will let me, I will read to you a significant

admission in that connection.

“This statement was written to me, at my request, by an

American that it could be given to the American Consul General.

It reads as follows:

“‘Bonch Bruevitch, the executor of the acts of all the People’s

Commissars, not a strong man, but a close friend of Lenine’s,

who, working in the same office, is able to influence Lenine

strongly. A power in the government as long as Lenine lives.

He states that the Bolsheviki have not worked out a code of

morals yet, and until they do, the end justifies the means. Any

lies or dictatorial methods are worth using as long as they

are in the interests of the working classes. A close friend of

his says he has no compunctions, lying whenever there is an

advantage to be gained from it for the Soviets.’

“The movement is immoral, absolutely.”

In this connection it is of the utmost importance to call the attention

of the reader to the statement of one of the best known Jewish Soviet

officials, Zinovieff—Apfelbaum, President of the Petrograd Soviet,

regarding the means of spreading world-wide propaganda. The passage as

quoted before proves how closely the policies advocated in the Protocols

resemble the Jewish policies as carried out by the Soviet officials in

Russia. This is what Zinovieff stated on February 2, 1919:

“We are willing to sign an unfavorable peace with the

allies.... It would only mean that we should put no trust

whatever in the bit of paper we would sign. We should use the

breathing space so obtained in order to gather our strength in

order that the mere continued existence of our government would

keep up the world-wide propaganda which Soviet Russia has been

carrying on for more than a year.”[17]

(_c_) _The Destruction of Religion and Christianity_

Here again the actual policies of the Bolsheviki fully coincide with the

Protocols.

The most important passage in the Protocols as to the policy advocated in

regard to religion is the following:

“Liberty could also be harmless and remain on the state program

without detriment to the well-being of the people if it were to

retain the ideas of the belief in God and human fraternity,

free from the conception of equality which is in contradiction

to the laws of nature which establish subordination. With

such a faith the people would be governed by the guardians

of the parish and would thrive quietly and obediently under

the guidance of their spiritual leader, accepting God’s

dispensation on earth. It is for this reason that we must

undermine faith, tearing from the minds of the GOYS the very

principle of God and Soul, and substituting mathematical

formulas and material needs.”

It appears from the above excerpt that the Protocols advocate the

destruction of religion and the religious spirit among the Gentiles on

the ground that they are the political as well as the moral bulwarks of

the Gentile states. In another place the Protocols state that the most

formidable antagonist of the Jews in the past has been Rome, _i.e._, the

Roman Catholic Church.

The Bolsheviki, whatever their real motives may be, have from the

moment they came into power in Russia conducted a campaign of violence

and persecution against the Christian religion, in the guise of a

campaign against religion in general. While they have not attacked the

Jewish religion or the Jewish rabbis, they have murdered and persecuted

Christian priests and harassed their congregations in the churches. While

professing to be merely following the Socialist teachings of Karl Marx

(himself a Jew), who attacked religion in general as the creature of

capitalism, the Bolshevist campaign against religion is in fact directed

against Christianity.

Evidence of the above is found in the sworn testimony of several

witnesses before the Overman Committee and in official reports of the

British government and elsewhere.

An English clergyman, the Rev. B. S. Lombard, in a report to Earl Curzon,

dated March 23, 1919, referring to the conditions in Soviet Russia,

stated as follows:

“The treatment of the priests was brutal beyond everything.

Eight of them were incarcerated in a cell in our corridor.

Some of us saw an aged man knocked down twice one morning

for apparently no reason whatever, and they were employed to

perform the most degrading work and made to clean out the

filthy prison hospital.”[18]

Mr. George A. Simons testified before the Overman Committee, in answer to

a question of Senator King, as follows:

SENATOR KING. “Did you find, then, that atheism permeates the

ranks of the Bolsheviki?”

MR. SIMONS. “Yes, sir. And the anti-Christ spirit as well.”

The testimony of Mr. Simons on this subject was as follows:

SENATOR KING. “What I am trying to get at is, for my

information, why Bolshevism is bitterly opposed to all sorts of

religion or sacraments of the church—Christianity; because I

suppose that they recognize that Christianity is the basis of

law and order and of orderly government. I was wondering if you

had discovered why they were so bitter against Christianity,

and if you found that all the Bolsheviks were atheistic or

rationalistic or anti-Christian?”

MR. SIMONS. “My experience over there under the Bolsheviki

régime has led me to come to the conclusion that the Bolsheviki

religion is not only absolutely anti-religious, atheistic,

but has it in mind to make all real religious work impossible

as soon as they can achieve that end which they are pressing.

There was a meeting—I cannot give you the date offhand; it

must have been in August, 1918—held in a large hall that

had once been used by the Young Men’s Christian Association

in Petrograd for their work among the Russian soldiers. The

Bolsheviki confiscated it; put out the Y. M. C. A. In that

large hall there was a meeting held which was to be a sort of

religious dispute. Lunacharsky, the Commissar of the People’s

Enlightenment, as he was called, and Mr. Spitzberg, who was

the Commissar of Propaganda for Bolshevism, were the two

main speakers. Both of those men spoke in very much the same

way as Emma Goldman has been speaking. I have been getting

some of her literature, and recently I have been very much

amazed at the same line of argumentation with regard to the

attack on religion and Christianity and so-called religious

organizations.”

SENATOR KING. “She is the Bolshevik who has been in jail in

this country and who will be deported as soon as her sentence

is over?”

MR. SIMONS. “I do not know as she will be deported.”

SENATOR KING. “I think she will be.”

MR. SIMONS. “She ought to be put somewhere where she cannot

issue any more of that literature. Lunacharsky and Spitzberg

came out with pretty much the same things that she has been

saying and printing. This is one of these theses: ‘All that is

bad in the world, misery and suffering that we have had, is

largely due to the superstition that there is a God.’”

SENATOR KING. “I noticed in yesterday’s paper that in their

schools the children are being taught, wherever they have

schools at all, positive atheism. Did you verify that?”

MR. SIMONS. “Lunacharsky, as the official head of the

department of education, Commissar of the People’s

Enlightenment, said: ‘We now propose to enlighten our boys and

our girls and we are using as a textbook a catechism of atheism

which will be used in our public schools.’ Yet he had the

audacity to say: ‘We are going to give all churches the same

chance.’ And a priest replied to him, saying: ‘Then you ought

not to put your catechism of atheism into the schools.’”[19]

Referring further to the meeting at the Y. M. C. A., Mr. Simons said a

little later in his testimony:

“Lunacharsky and Spitzberg said in that meeting, and they sent

it out in their proclamations: ‘The greatest enemy to our

proletarian cause is religion. The so-called church is simply a

camouflage of capitalistic control and they are hiding behind

it, and in order to have success in our movement we must get

rid of the church.’ Now a frank statement like that seems to me

to indicate their anti-religious and anti-Christian animus.”[20]

Mr. Simons further testified as follows:

SENATOR KING. “Has there been a confiscation of church property

and buildings?”

MR. SIMONS. “Yes, sir; and in quite a number of instances

monasteries, with their wealth, have been taken, and all

kinds of indecent things have been done by certain Bolshevik

officials.

“I have some data showing that they have turned certain

churches and monasteries into dancing halls, and one instance

has been reported to me where a certain Bolshevik official

went into a church while the people were there waiting for the

sacrament, and threw the priest out, so I am told, and himself

put on the clerical garb, and then went on the altar and made a

comedy of the ritual, which stirred up the religious sense of

the people to that extent that they threatened—of course, among

themselves—that they would yet kill that man. _He happened to

be an apostate Jew._”

Mr. Roger E. Simmons testified as follows in regard to the Russian priest

who was put in the same prison with him by the Bolsheviki:

“A high priest of the church was there. He had been preaching

sermons publicly denouncing the immorality of the Bolsheviki.

They imprisoned him and shot him. This priest told me that he

was a great admirer of Dr. Mott of America.”

SENATOR NELSON. “Do you not think that the church in the end

will prove the rallying center for the anti-Bolshevik forces?”

MR. SIMMONS. “I think it certainly will be one of the principal

factors; no doubt of it. That priest took the occasion,

knowing that I was an official of the American Government,

thinking that it was the last duty he could perhaps perform for

Russia, to beg me to go back and _tell the American people_,

‘_For God’s sake, send us help_.’ He was speaking, gentlemen,

not for himself, but for the large class of people that he

represented.”[21]

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