The word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We will define it as
follows:
Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law. Such a
definition of this word will eventually serve us, because liberty will be
in our power; and also because the laws will either destroy or construct
only what we desire in accordance with the above mentioned program.
We will deal with the press in the following manner: What is the present
rôle of the press? It serves to arouse furious passions or egotistic
party dissensions which may be necessary for our purpose. It is empty,
unjust, inaccurate, and most people do not understand what end it serves.
We will shackle it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the
same with other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid
ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we remain
open to criticism through pamphlets and books? We will convert the
products of publicity, now so expensive, owing to the need of censorship,
into a source of income for our state. We will impose a special stamp
tax. When a newspaper printing shop is started, bonds will have to be
deposited, which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the
part of the press. In case of an attack, we will mercilessly impose
fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the payment of which
is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge income to the government.
It is true that party papers might not fear the loss of money, so we
will suppress these after the second attack on us. No one shall touch
the prestige of our political infallibility and remain unpunished. The
pretext for stopping a publication will be that the publication in
question excites public opinion without cause or reason. _I ask you to
bear in mind that among those who attack us there will be also organs
established by us, but they will attack exclusively those points which we
plan to change._
_Not one notice will be made public without our control._ This is already
being done by us, since the news from all parts of the world is received
through several agencies in which it is centralized.
These agencies will then be completely in our power and they will publish
only such news as we will permit.
If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of the GOYS to such an
extent that almost all of them see world events through colored glasses
which we put over their eyes; if, even at present, there is not one state
which bars our access to state secrets, so termed by the stupid GOYS,
then what will it be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign,
are the recognized rulers of the world?
Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who wishes to become an
editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be obliged to obtain a diploma,
which in case of disobedience will be immediately revoked.
With such measures, _thought will become an educational instrument in
the hands of our government, which will not allow the people to be led
astray into realms of fancy and dreams about beneficent progress_. Who of
us does not know that these fantastic blessings are the direct road to
baseless hopes which lead to anarchistic relations between the people and
the government? Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led
to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting any
limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists in thought
if not in action. Each one of them pursues the phantom of liberty,
becoming self-willed, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy by
protesting for the mere sake of protesting.
We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will place stamp
taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed matter, while on
books containing less than four hundred and eighty pages we will place
a double tax. We will classify them as pamphlets, so as to lessen the
number of magazines, which represent the worst printed poison—and on the
other hand, to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be
little read, especially as they will be expensive. Our own publications,
guiding public opinion in the direction we desire, will be cheap and
rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the writing of mere leisure
literature, whereas punishment will make the writers dependent upon us.
Even if there were writers who would like to attack us, they would find
no publishers for their works. Before printing any work, the editor or
printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission. We will
then know beforehand of the attacks that are being prepared against us,
and we will destroy them by coming out with advance statements on the
subject.
Literature and journalism are the two most important educational
forces; for this reason our government will become the owner of most of
the periodicals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the
private press and have great influence on the people. If we permit ten
periodicals, we ourselves will print thirty, and so forth. This, however,
must not be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published by us
will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting trust in
us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies, and in this way they will
be caught in our trap and made harmless.
The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an official
character. They will always stand guard over our interests and
consequently their influence will be comparatively limited.
In the second category we will place semi-official organs, whose aim will
be to attract the indifferent and little interested.
The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which at least in
one of its publications will represent the opposition to us. Our real
enemies will mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to their own
group and will thus show us their cards.
All our newspapers will represent different tendencies, namely,
aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic, so long of
course as the constitution lasts. Like the Indian God VISHNU, these
periodicals will have one hundred arms, each of which will reach the
pulse of every group of public opinion. When the pulse beats faster,
these arms will guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person
loses the power of reasoning and is easily led. Those fools who believe
that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers of their party
will be repeating our opinions or those which we desire them to have.
Imagining that they are following the press of their party, they will
follow the flag which we will fly for them.
In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program, we must
organize the press with great care. Under the title of the Central
Department of the press, we will organize literary meetings at which our
agents unnoticed will give the passwords and countersigns. Discussing
and contradicting our policies, although always superficially, without
touching their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against
official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express
ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary
declarations. This, of course, will be done when it is useful to us.
_These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people that
complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will give our
agents the opportunity to declare that the papers opposing us are mere
wind-bags_, since they are unable to find any real ground to refute our
orders.
Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention, will
be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring
confidence in our government. Thanks to them, we will as the need arises
excite or pacify the public mind on political questions. We will be able
to persuade or confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes
lies, referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way they
are received by the public, always carefully sounding the ground before
stepping on it. _We will surely conquer our enemies, because they will
not have the press at their disposal in which to express themselves in
full._ Moreover, with the above mentioned plans against the press, we
will not even need to refute them seriously.
The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of our press,
we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our semi-official organs.
In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity of a
password; all organs of the press are bound by professional secrecy; like
the ancient augurs, not one member will disclose his secret if he is not
ordered to do so. Not one journalist will dare to disclose this secret,
for not one of them is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has
a disgraceful action in his past record. The fact would immediately be
made public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a few, the
prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout the country—he is
admired.
Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts. There we must
excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those of the capitals, by means
of which we may always attack them, presenting such ambitions to the
capitals as the inspired views and aims of provincial districts. It is
obvious that their source will be ours. It is necessary for us that while
we are not yet in full power, the capital should be under the influence
of provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the majority
prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us that at the critical
psychological moment the capitals should not discuss an accomplished
fact, for the mere reason that it had been accepted by the provincial
majority.
_When we reach the phase of the new régime, which is transitory to
our accession to power, we must not allow the press to expose social
corruption. It must be thought that the new régime has satisfied
everybody to such an extent that even criminality has stopped._ Cases of
criminal activity must only be known to their victims or their accidental
witnesses, and to these alone.