CHAPTER XXXVII.

Reconstruction in the South--The Congress and the President--Liberal

Republican Movement--Nomination, Defeat and Death of Greeley--Troops

Withdrawn by President Hayes--Foreign Policy of the Past Thirty Years--

French Ordered from Mexico--Last Days of Maximilian--Russian-America

Bought--The Geneva Arbitration--Alabama Claims Paid--The Northwest

Boundary--The Fisheries--Spain and the Virginius--The Custer Massacre

--United States of Brazil Established--President Harrison and Chile

--Venezuela--American Prestige in South America--Hawaii--Behring

Sea--Garfield, the Martyr of Civil Service Reform--Labor Troubles--

Railway Riots of 1877 and 1894--Great Calamities--The Chicago Fire,

Boston Fire, Charleston Earthquake, Johnstown Flood.

The Southern people cannot be justly blamed for their resolute resistance

to negro domination. It was too much to expect that former masters should

accept political inferiority to a race emancipated from slavery, but not

emancipated from deplorable ignorance and debasement, and easily misled

by unscrupulous whites. On the other hand, gratitude and prudence

demanded, on the part of the North, that the negro should not only be a

freeman, but also a citizen; that he should not only be liberated from

slavery, but also protected against oppression. The negro, however

ignorant, was true to the Union, and attached to the Republican party;

the black soldiers had fought in the Union armies, and Abraham Lincoln

himself had advised Governor Hahn, of Louisiana, in 1863, that "the very

intelligent colored people, and especially those who fought gallantly in

our ranks, should be admitted to the franchise," for "they would probably

help in some trying time to come to keep the jewel of liberty within the

family of freedom."

Andrew Johnson, succeeding to the chair of Lincoln, and with his heart

softened toward his native South, would have restored the whites to full

control, with the negroes at their mercy. The Congress, however,

intervened, and the ex-Confederate States were placed under military law,

and only admitted to recognition as States upon conditions which gave the

negro equal rights with his white fellow-citizens--and indeed superior

rights to many of them, the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of

the United States excluding from office all persons who, having taken an

oath as public officers to support the Constitution afterward joined the

Confederacy. For opposing these measures of Congress President Johnson

was impeached, and escaped conviction by one vote.

* * *

The Southern whites continued to struggle for white supremacy. The

conflict continued throughout Johnson's term as President, and even the

severe military measures adopted under power from Congress by General

Grant, only suppressed organized violence in its more rampant form. It

was impossible to imprison a commonwealth or to place bayonets at every

threshold, and while the negro might be upheld in his right of suffrage,

Federal protection could not supply him with work and bread. The

intellect and the property of the South were on the side of the whites,

and the blacks began to find that their choice was between submission or

extinction.

In the North, even among Republicans, a feeling grew that the

ex-Confederates had suffered enough, while it was impossible for an

honest man to have any other sentiment than contempt for the political

vultures who had descended on the wasted South. This feeling gave

strength to the Liberal Republican movement in 1872, and arrayed

Democrats--and not a few of the old anti-slavery leaders--in support of

Horace Greeley for President.

The insanity and death of Mr. Greeley cast a gloom over the election for

victors as well as vanquished. Mr. Greeley's mind was weakened by

domestic affliction, and by the desertion of _Tribune_ readers, and when

crushing defeat at the polls gave the _coup-de-grace_ to his political

prospects, his once vigorous intellect yielded under the strain. Like a

dying gladiator, mortally wounded, but with courage unquenched, he seized

once more the editorial blade with which he had dealt so many powerful

blows in the past for justice and for truth; but nature was not equal to

the task, and the weapon fell from his nerveless grasp. His last words

were: "The country is gone; the _Tribune_ is gone, and I am gone."

General Grant attended the funeral of his gifted and hapless competitor,

and the nation joined in honor and eulogy of the great editor whose heart

was always true to humanity, and whose very failings leaned to virtue's

side. Fortunately Mr. Greeley's irresponsible utterance was not prophetic

either as to the country or the _Tribune_. Mr. Whitelaw Reid succeeded to

the editorial chair, and has ably kept the _Tribune_ in the front rank of

American journals.

* * *

Mr. Greeley's last editorial expression pleaded with the victors in

behalf of justice and fair dealing for the South. General Grant himself

is said to have arrived at the conclusion before the close of his second

term, that the Federal troops should be withdrawn from the Southern

States, and sagacious Republicans discerned in the growth of Democratic

sentiment both North and South a warning that the people were becoming

tired of bayonet government ten years after Appomattox. The election of

1876, when the Democrats had a popular majority, and the decision between

Rutherford B. Hayes, Republican, and Samuel J. Tilden, Democrat, depended

on a single vote, emphasized the popular protest against military rule in

time of peace, and when the Electoral Commission gave a verdict in favor

of General Hayes, the new President speedily withdrew the National troops

from the reconstructed States.

* * *

While the country witnessed deep agitation and difference of opinion

regarding reconstruction in the South, there was no difference of public

sentiment regarding the vigorous, far-sighted and thoroughly American

policy of the government in dealing with foreign powers. One of the first

steps of Secretary Seward after the close of the war was to demand in

courteous language that the French should evacuate Mexico. Napoleon dared

not challenge the United States by answering no. General Philip H.

Sheridan was on the Rio Grande with fifty thousand men, anxious to cross

over and fight; a million veterans were ready to obey the summons to

battle, and Generals Grant and Sherman would willingly have followed in

the footsteps of Scott and Taylor. The French troops were withdrawn.

Maximilian, deceived as to the strength of his cause with the natives,

refused to accompany Bazaine across the ocean, and the month of May,

1867, saw the usurping emperor shut up with a small force in Queretaro,

surrounded by an army of forty thousand Mexican avengers.

In those final days of his life and reign the hapless Austrian prince

exhibited a courage and nobility of character which showed that the blood

of Maria Theresa was not degenerate in his veins. He faced death with

more than reckless daring; he shared in all the privations of his

faithful adherents, and he was preparing to cut his way out through the

host of besiegers, at the head of his men, when treachery betrayed him to

the enemy.

Miguel Lopez was the Benedict Arnold of Queretaro; personal immunity and

two thousand gold ounces the price. Lopez held the key of Queretaro--the

convent of La Cruz. Maximilian had been his generous patron and friend,

and had appointed him chief of the imperial guard. Lopez discerned the

approaching downfall of his sovereign, and resolved to save himself by

delivering up that sovereign to the enemy. On the night of May 14, the

Liberal troops were admitted to La Cruz, and Queretaro was at the mercy

of the besiegers.

Maximilian made a last stand on the "Hill of the Bells." Successful

resistance was impossible. The bullet he prayed for did not come, and the

emperor and his officers were prisoners. In vain the Princess Salm-Salm,

representing one of the proudest families of Europe, bent her knees

before the Indian President of Mexico, and pleaded for the life of

Maximilian. "I am grieved, madam," said Juarez, "to see you thus on your

knees before me; but if all the kings and queens of Europe were in your

place, I could not spare that life. It is not I who take it. It is the

people and the law, and if I should not do their will, the people would

take it, and mine also."

"Boys, aim well--aim at my heart"--was Maximilian's request to his

executioners. "Oh man!" was his last cry as he fell, the victim of his

own ambition, and of Louis Napoleon's perfidy. The volley which pierced

his breast was the knell of the Bonaparte dynasty. Gravelotte was but

little more than three years from Queretaro.

* * *

The acquisition of Russian America for the sum of $7,200,000 was a

splendid stroke of statesmanship, and secured to the United States the

control of the North Pacific coast of the continent, besides adding about

581,107 square miles to the territory of the Republic. Alaska has immense

resources, and is already looking forward to a proud and prosperous

future as the north star in the flag of our Union.

* * *

When the British Government proposed, in 1871, a joint commission to

settle the Canadian fisheries dispute, Secretary of State Hamilton Fish

replied that the settlement of the claims for depredations by

Anglo-Confederate cruisers would be "essential to the restoration of

cordial and amicable relations between the two governments." In the

following February five high commissioners from each country met in

Washington, and a treaty was agreed upon providing for arbitration upon

the issues between the American Republic and Great Britain. These issues

included the "Alabama Claims"--so-called because the Alabama was the most

notorious and destructive of the Anglo-Confederate sea rovers--the

question of the Northwest boundary, and the Canadian fisheries.

The Tribunal of Arbitration upon the "Alabama Claims" met at Geneva,

Switzerland, December 15, 1871. Charles Francis Adams, American Minister

to England during the war, was member of the Tribunal for the United

States, and Lord Chief Justice Cockburn acted for Great Britain. Baron

Itajuba, Brazilian Minister to France; Count Sclopis, an Italian

statesman, and M. Jaques Stæmpfii, of Switzerland, were the other members

of the illustrious and memorable court. Caleb Cushing, William M. Evarts

and Morrison R. Waite, counsel for the United States, presented an

indictment against England which should have made British statesmen

shrink from the evidence of their unsuccessful conspiracy against the

life of a friendly State. The course of Great Britain during the war was

reviewed in language not less forcible and convincing because it was

calm, dignified and restrained. A fortress of facts was presented

impregnable to British reply, and highly creditable to the forethought

and skill with which the American State Department had gathered the

material for its case from the very beginning of the war. So strong and

unanswerable was the proof against the Alabama that the British

arbitrator voted in favor of the United States on the issue of British

responsibility for that vessel.

The Tribunal awarded $15,500,000 in gold for the vessels and cargoes

destroyed by the Alabama, with her tender; the Florida, with her three

tenders, and the Shenandoah, or Sea King, during a part of her piratical

career. England promptly paid the award, and learned for the third time

in her history that the rights and interests of the American people were

not to be trampled on with impunity. The United States, in fulfilment of

an award made by a commission appointed under the Treaty of Washington

paid $2,000,000 for damages incurred by British subjects during the war

for the Union, the claims presented to the commission having amounted to

$96,000,000. The differences between the United States and Great Britain

on account of the rebellion were thus happily removed without the

shedding of a drop of blood, and the two great nations of English origin

gave to mankind an admirable example of peaceful arbitration as a

substitute for the ordeal of battle.

* * *

The question of the Northwest boundary was also settled to the

satisfaction of the United States, by the German emperor, William I., to

whom it was referred as arbitrator. The treaty of 1846 left in doubt

whether the boundary line included the island of San Juan and its group

within American or British territory. American and British garrisons

occupied the disputed island of San Juan. When the Emperor William

decided in favor of the United States the British troops were withdrawn.

Less advantageous to the United States was the attempt made to settle the

long dispute over the fisheries. The Treaty of Washington provided that

American fishermen should be freely admitted to the Canadian fisheries,

and that Canadians should be permitted to fish on the American coast as

far south as the thirty-ninth parallel, and that there should be free

trade in fish-oil and salt water fish, these provisions to be abrogated

on two years' notice. Through a most unfortunate blunder on the part of

our government a commission was constituted virtually British in its

character, which awarded to Great Britain the sum of $5,500,000 for

imaginary American benefits to be derived from reciprocity. This money

was paid without any real equivalent.

The reciprocity arrangement was abrogated, under notice from our

government, in 1885, and the old contention was renewed. As a result of

Canadian outrage and intolerance a bill was passed by the American

Congress, March 3, 1887, providing that the President, on being satisfied

that American fishing masters or crews were treated in Canadian ports any

less favorably than masters or crews of trading vessels belonging to the

most favored nations could "in his discretion by proclamation to that

effect deny vessels, their masters and crews, of the British dominions of

North America, any entrance into the waters, ports or places of or within

the United States." Eventually the Canadians assumed a more reasonable

attitude, and American fishermen, on their part, learned to be

independent of Canada, and to value the exclusive possession of their own

markets more than Canadian fishing privileges.

* * *

Spain invited a conflict with the United States by the summary execution,

in November, 1873, of 110 persons, including a number of American

citizens, captured on the American steamship Virginius, while on their

way to assist the Cuban patriots. President Grant acted with firmness and

deliberation, refusing to be carried away by the popular demand for war,

but resolute in his demand for redress on the part of Spain. The Spanish

government surrendered the survivors and the Virginius, and made

reparation satisfactory to the United States. When the American schooner

Competitor was captured recently, on an errand to the Cuban insurgents,

the Spaniards did not dare to repeat the tragedy of the Virginius.

* * *

The American Indians made their last hostile stand against white

aggression June 25, 1876, when the Sioux, led by Sitting Bull, destroyed

General Custer and three hundred cavalry under his command. The troops

fought bravely, but the Indians were nerved to desperation by the

presence of their women and children. Sitting Bull took refuge with his

followers in British territory, but surrendered to United States

authority in 1880, under promise of amnesty. He was treacherously killed

in 1890, on suspicion of being concerned in fomenting trouble with the

whites. The policy of the National Government toward the Indians has of

late years been humane and liberal.

* * *

The extinction of imperialism in Brazil in 1889 effaced monarchy from the

American continent, save as represented in the territories still subject

to European States. Dom Pedro II., one of the most amiable and liberal of

nineteenth century rulers, was driven into exile, and without an armed

encounter, or the firing of a gun in anger, the empire of Brazil became

the United States of Brazil. Unlike other emperors and kings who have

been compelled to give up their American dominions, Dom Pedro's parting

message to the land he had wisely governed was one of amity and peace. As

the shores of his loved Brazil disappeared before his moistening eyes he

released a dove to bear back his last adieu of loyal and fervent

goodwill. He died in exile, his end doubtless hastened by pathetic

longing to see once more the native land forever barred to him.

The path toward freedom in Brazil had not been strewn with flowers.

Brazil had its martyrs as well as its heroes. It is a remarkable fact

that nearly every revolution in France had its echo in Brazil, and

undoubtedly French as well as American example had much to do with the

deposition of Pedro II. It is a mistake to argue, as some European

writers have argued, that the change from a monarchy to a republic in

Brazil was nothing more than a successful military revolt. It was the

culmination of more than a century of agitation in behalf of republican

principles; it was the pure flame of a sacred hearth-fire, which had

never been extinguished from the day when it caught the first feeble glow

from the dying breath of Filipe dos Santos.

The Brazilians have given an admirable example to other South American

republics in the separation of State from Church. While providing for the

maintenance of ecclesiastics now dependent on the State for support, the

Brazilian Constitution decrees not only entire liberty of worship, but

absolute equality of all before the law, without regard to their

religious creed. The absence of this equality is the chief blot on some

South American States.

* * *

The resolute course of President Harrison in exacting indemnity and

apology from Chile for insult to the American uniform and the murder and

wounding of American sailors, tended greatly to promote the influence and

prestige of the United States in South America, and the Spanish-American

republics are learning to esteem the United States, instead of England,

as the leading power of the New World. Brazil is grateful for American

countenance and friendship in the defence of that youngest and greatest

of South American republics against rebellion plotted in Europe in the

interest of the Braganzas, while Venezuela depends upon the United States

with justifiable confidence for the vindication of the Monroe Doctrine,

and the restoration of territory seized and occupied by the British

without any title save that of superior force. Cuba, in her heroic battle

for freedom, is upheld by American public sentiment and the substantial

sympathy of the American people, and Nicaragua is virtually under

American protection. The American eagle, from its seat in the North,

overshadows with guardian pinions the American continent.

* * *

In the case of Hawaii the American Republic seems likely to depart from

its traditional policy of acquiring no territory beyond American bounds.

The Hawaiian Islands were won from barbarism by the efforts and

sacrifices of American missionaries and their descendants. A republic has

been established there, and intelligent Hawaiians look hopefully forward

to a common future with the United States. There is hardly a doubt that

this hope will be fulfilled, and that the Eden of Southern seas will

become an outpost of American civilization. With the two great English

speaking nations of America and Australia confronting each other across

the Pacific, that ocean is certain to be in the twentieth century the

theatre of grand events, perhaps of future Actiums and Trafalgars. In

Hawaii we will have a Malta worthy of such a mighty arena, and the flames

of Kilauea will be a beacon fire of American liberty to the teeming

millions of Asia.

* * *

The Behring Sea negotiations have from the first been discreditable to

diplomacy at Washington. The attempt to prove that the fur-seals are

domestic animals, and the property of the United States when a hundred

miles out in the Pacific Ocean was a humiliating reflection on the

intelligence of both parties to the dispute, and showed abject and

degrading subserviency to the corporation controlling the seal monopoly.

Added to this was the disgrace of forgery, detected, unfortunately, not

at Washington, but in London, and indicating that, while Washington

officials were doubtless innocent of complicity in the crime, the forger

knew, or thought he knew, what was wanted. The end is that this country

has to pay about $400,000 to England, while the seals are abandoned to

destruction, which at least will have the happy effect of removing them

as a cause of international controversy.

* * *

The assassination of President Garfield, July 2, 1881, by a disappointed

seeker for office made that President the martyr of civil service reform,

and gave an irresistible impulse to the movement to alleviate the evils

of what is known as the "spoils system." Notwithstanding the opposition

of politicians and newspapers representing the vicious and ignorant

element, civil service reform has made marvelous progress, and the

principle is now recognized not only in appointments to the vast majority

of non-elective offices under the National Government, but also in the

civil service of States and municipalities.

* * *

An unfortunate consequence of the vast growth of individual and corporate

wealth, after the war, was the widening of the division line between

capital and labor. The depression consequent upon the collapse of

inflated values in 1873 compelled employers to reduce expenses, and made

harder the lot of labor, while the workingman who saw his wages reduced

was not always willing to make intelligent allowance for the

circumstances which made the reduction necessary. The spirit of

discontent reached the point of eruption in 1877, when railway employees

throughout a large part of the Union abandoned their work, and indulged

in riot and disorder. The struggle raged most fiercely in the city of

Pittsburg, which was subjected for some days to the reign of a mob, and

to perils seldom surpassed save in the tragic scenes of old-world

barricades and revolution. The County of Allegheny had to settle for

damages to the amount of $2,772,349.53, of which $1,600,000 went to the

Pennsylvania Railroad. Chicago, Baltimore and Reading were also the

scenes of severe and sanguinary conflict between rioters and the militia.

It was estimated that about 100,000 workers were engaged in the strike in

various parts of the country.

Pennsylvania, New York, Illinois and other States have witnessed serious

labor troubles since 1877, and the regular army of the United States was

employed by order of President Cleveland to put down unlawful

interference with interstate commerce in 1894; but the general tendency

of workingmen is to obtain redress for real or imaginary grievances in a

law-abiding manner by securing the election of officials favorable to

their interests. This is the only method of redress that can be tolerated

in a republic.

* * *

The great fires of Chicago in 1871, and of Boston in 1872, the Charleston

earthquake of 1886 and the Johnstown flood of 1889, were among the most

memorable of the destructive visitations which have served signally to

illustrate the energy, the generosity, and the recuperative power of the

American people. Chicago, with $200,000,000 of property swept away by the

flames, laid amid the ashes the foundations of that new Chicago which is

the inland metropolis of the continent, brimming with the spirit of

American progress, and the blood in every vein bounding with American

energy. Boston plucked profit from disaster by establishing her claim as

the modern Athens in architecture as well as literature, and Charleston

learned, amid her ruins, that northern sympathy was not bounded by Mason

and Dixon's line. The South taught a similar lesson in return when the

cry from flood-stricken Johnstown touched every merciful heart.

The Land We Live In The Story of Our Country · 第 37 / 39 章