GEN. BUCKNER’S RETREAT--A CITIZEN’S ADVENTURE--GEN. BURNSIDE;
HIS WELCOME; HIS EXPEDITION--CUMBERLAND GAP; ITS SURRENDER--AN
ECCENTRIC FARMER--MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN EAST TENNESSEE--FIGHT AT
BLUE SPRINGS--AFFAIRS AT AND NEAR LOUDON--BURNSIDE AND THE PEOPLE.
“Now is the winter of our discontent
Made glorious summer by this sun of York;
And all the clouds that lowered upon our house,
In the deep bosom of the ocean buried.”
SHAKS.: _Richard III._
Gen. Buckner had been for some time at Knoxville in command of the
military department of Kentucky, Middle and East Tennessee, North
Alabama and Southwest Virginia. His personal presence was commanding
and adapted to fill the popular notion of a grand army officer. The
attention of citizens was attracted and their criticism challenged by
his imposing appearance, as he rode without escort upon a splendid
charger through the principal street. His reputation was that of a
true gentleman and a soldier of superior merit. The public esteem had
been drawn to him, by his conduct at the fall of Fort Donelson, in
comparison with that of his companion-generals, especially Floyd.
Late in August, to the surprise of civilians, he departed westward
with his troops, crossed the Tennessee River, twenty-nine miles
distant and burned the railway bridge behind him. Something important
had happened or was expected, but the people in their ignorance could
only wonder as to its nature. The retreat left them unprotected from
roving, lawless bands, which the war had spawned. One of these came
into the town at night and despoiled stables of horses. A citizen was
roused from sleep by their near prowling. Hastening to his stable,
he came upon thieves who quickly decamped. They had brought to the
spot a valuable horse just stolen by them from a near stall. They
left it behind in the hurry of flight, but took away the horse whose
owner had alarmed them. Without intending a deed of disinterested
benevolence by interfering with the rogues’ work, he had saved his
neighbor’s property, losing his own. The next day steps were taken
to form companies of armed townsmen for defence against marauders.
Before any thorough organization to that end was made, an unexpected
event occurred.
[Illustration: MAJ. GEN. A. E. BURNSIDE.]
It was the 2nd of September, 1863. A worthy Swiss immigrant of the
town at the beginning of the war espoused the side of “the South”
with all the fervor of his naturally ardent disposition. His friend,
“native and ... to the manner born,” was a decided Union man, and
because of his sentiments, met with various troubles during the
Confederate supremacy at the place, but the true-hearted Switzer was
steadfast in his friendship, at the risk of losing _caste_ with his
own party. In the afternoon of the day, he had concluded a visit
to the Unionist and was walking homeward, when to his astonishment
he saw three men on horseback and in blue uniforms, four hundred
yards distant, galloping towards him as if for life. “Halt!” they
shouted. But not heeding their call, he turned and ran to the room of
his friend, crying out as he entered it, “The Yankees are coming!”
Instantly the family assembled, and as quickly the soldiers in blue
were at the door. They were advance riders of the army under Maj.
Gen. Burnside, and being on the lookout for hostile soldiers in the
town, they had pursued the Switzer in the belief that he was one.
Through an upper window his friend looked out upon the troopers in
the yard, but they saw in the company gathered above, the man whom
they had followed, and immediately one of them, with face white from
excitement, raised his pistol and pointing it upward at the group
exclaimed, “There he is now! Stand out of the way, ladies!” The
native citizen stepped forward and said. “Don’t shoot! I am a Union
man.” The pistol was at once lowered, but the soldiers kept their
ground and must needs be talked with. The Switzer bravely said in
his imperfect English, that he would go down stairs and give himself
up, but his companion would go before, and opening the front door,
he assured the eager troopers that the man they supposed to be a
Confederate soldier, was only a citizen at the house as a visitor.
They were at once pacified, made apologies and rode away.
The United States army had indeed arrived, and to look upon it, the
delighted Union man sought without delay the principal street. At the
end of two squares he found the way barred by a sentinel. In the halt
thus imposed upon all persons, he was entertained by the outspoken
displeasure of the company--chiefly ladies of the neighborhood--at
the incoming of the “Yankees.” One of them--a truly amiable, but
for the time deeply offended matron--gave free vent to her feelings
until the current of her thoughts was diverted at the suggestion of
a bystander, that the town might well be thankful for the protection
the United States army afforded it from robbers. Only a few nights
before they had stolen from her a valuable pony. This recollection
turned her resentment from “Lincoln and his hordes” to the source, as
she thought, of all present woes to the country. “If it had not been
for South Carolina,” she complained, “we should not have had all this
trouble!”
Gen. Burnside, on his arrival, established his headquarters in a
large mansion recently vacated by its owner, which stood near the
principal street and had a spacious front yard. From its covered
porch a large United States flag was lifted up, and in its drooping
folds the welcoming crowd wrapped themselves with beaming faces.
Expressions of joy from the people rung upon the air. They hailed the
General as their deliverer from a hated power and the oppression it
inflicted; and also as the representative of their beloved nation,
clothed with its authority and armed with its sword. Some of them
were so glad that they scarcely knew what to do with themselves. In
the overflow of their emotions they could have clasped him in their
arms, or, if opportunity had served, have drawn him in a carriage
with their own hands all over the town, that everybody, men, women
and children, might look upon him. Meanwhile he bore himself with
dignity and gentleness. Briefly he addressed them with words suited
to the occasion and full of friendly sympathy. Then, his attentive
hearers, elated with joy as with new wine, were eager for more
discourse. An adjournment was made to the court-house, and from its
front several citizens addressed the assembly in the open air.
The expedition of Gen. Burnside into East Tennessee had been
conceived in his mind at least six months before it was made. He
took command of the department of the Ohio, at Cincinnati, March
25, 1863. It included Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, Kentucky
(excepting west of the Tennessee River), and “all of East Tennessee
that he might at any time occupy.” At that date Gen. Pegram, with a
formidable cavalry force, had marched from East Tennessee across the
Cumberland River, had driven the United States forces to the north
of Kentucky River, and had taken possession of Danville and its
vicinity. In a few days, by direction of Gen. Burnside, Gen. Gilmore
compelled Gen. Pegram to retreat; and afterwards at Somerset, with
the co-operation of Gen. Manson, commanding a part of Gen. Boyle’s
forces, completely defeated Pegram, and made the Cumberland River
again the dividing line. Central Kentucky was for the next month
free from hostile forces. Early in May, upon the organization of the
troops in that State into the Twenty-third army corps, under Gen. G.
L. Hartsuff, Gen. Burnside at once commenced to make preparations
for moving into East Tennessee. On June 3d he left Cincinnati to
take command in person of the troops which were organizing for that
movement, and which consisted of the two divisions of the Ninth army
corps under Gen. Wilcox and a portion of the Twenty-third corps
under Gen. Hartsuff. On arriving at Lexington, Ky., he received an
order to send the Ninth corps to Gen. Grant, and in consequence,
the expedition to East Tennessee had to be deferred. After Col.
Sanders returned to Kentucky from his raid, “preparations were still
continued” by the General, “in the hope of being able to spare
sufficient force to go into East Tennessee.” But they were disturbed
by the approach of the rebel General, John H. Morgan, with a large
cavalry force, about the 1st of July, on his memorable raid through
Kentucky and Indiana into Ohio, which resulted in his surrender near
Steubenville, and the capture altogether of 3,000 men--three-fourths
of the troops with which he had entered Kentucky. While the United
States soldiers were absent in pursuit of Morgan, a considerable
force of rebel cavalry under Col. John S. Scott, went from East
Tennessee, crossed the Kentucky River and approached the Ohio,
evidently with the view of assisting Morgan on his expected return.
They were soon driven out of Kentucky with heavy loss, by Col.
Sanders’ cavalry after it came back from the pursuit of Morgan.
Then preparations were again begun by Gen. Burnside for a movement
into East Tennessee. As the troops were worn and scattered by their
recent fatiguing services, it required much labor and time to perfect
the organization necessary for that purpose. He appointed Gen. J.
D. Cox to take charge in his absence of the District of Ohio, Gen.
Wilcox of the District of Indiana, and Gen. Boyle of Kentucky, all
of whom he considered “officers of great skill and determination.”
On August 10th, he left his headquarters at Cincinnati to join the
column that was to march into East Tennessee. It consisted of the
Twenty-third army corps, commanded by Gen. Hartsuff, and on the 20th
was located as follows, viz.: White’s division at Columbia, Ky.;
Hascall’s division at Stamford; Carter’s division at Crab Orchard;
Graham’s cavalry at Glasgow; and Woolford’s cavalry at Somerset.
As ordered, Gen. Hartsuff moved his commands as follows: Hascall’s
division to Kingston, Tenn., by way of Somerset, Chitwood, Huntsville
and Montgomery; White’s division from Columbia to Montgomery, Tenn.,
by way of Creelsboro and Albany, Ky., and Jamestown, Tenn.; Graham’s
cavalry to join White by way of Burksville, Albany and Jamestown; and
Woolford’s cavalry brigade to guard the supply and ammunition trains
that were with Hascall’s division. Carter’s cavalry brigade, which
Gen. Burnside’s headquarters accompanied, was to move by way of Mt.
Vernon, London and Williamsburg, Ky., over the Jellico Mountains
to Chitwood, Huntsville, Montgomery and Kingston, Tenn., except
such portions as might be detached. These forces were directed to
meet at such times and places as not to interfere with each other’s
movements; and the whole work was performed with wonderful promptness
and accuracy, considering the great difficulties in the way, of
steep, rugged mountains, bad roads and short forage.
At Williamsburg, a cavalry force under Col. Byrd, of the 1st
Tennessee Regiment, was detached for the purpose of making a
demonstration on Knoxville, by way of Big Creek Gap, and at
Montgomery a cavalry force was detached with orders to pass through
Winter’s Gap and occupy Knoxville. The main body of the command moved
on the direct road to Kingston, which point the advance reached on
the 1st of September. Col. Foster arrived at Knoxville September 2nd,
captured several engines and cars, which he sent up the railroad
to Morristown, Greeneville and near Jonesboro, and took also large
quantities of supplies. Little resistance was met with by the Federal
troops, throughout their entire march from Kentucky--the enemy in all
cases retreating before them. Their main body, with Gen. Burnside
in person, moved forward from Kingston and reached Knoxville on the
3rd. In his opinion, “nothing could be better than the conduct of
the officers and men of the Twenty-third corps; from the time it
left Kentucky, their labors were most difficult, but were performed
with the greatest accuracy and efficiency.” The mountainous route
by which the army traveled was long and fatiguing, but it was the
only one possible. At the end of the journey the army was, he said,
“in the midst of friends;” it “found the people generally loyal and
disposed to do all in their power for its comfort and welfare.” At
the same time it was more than two hundred miles from the Ohio River,
and one hundred and fifty miles from the nearest point where the
mountains and ridges that traverse Southeastern Kentucky give place
to the fertile and garden-like “blue-grass region.” From beyond those
highlands, supplies for the army must be transported in wagons drawn
by mules, whose mongrel nature, hardy as it is, was so unequal to
the roughness and toil it had to bear in the work of transportation,
that the number of their dead bodies lying on sides of the road over
the mountains might be named Legion. It was currently estimated,
as aggregating from first to last, ten thousand. Although the army
occupied Knoxville and other important points in East Tennessee, it
had not exclusive possession of that region. The great body of the
population was friendly, but there were hostile troops in several
directions.
Before leaving Kentucky, Gen. Burnside had organized a division of
new troops under Col. De Courcy, to move down upon the north side of
Cumberland Gap, and if possible, occupy that position. On his own
arrival at Knoxville, he learned that the Gap was still occupied by
the enemy. He directed Gen. Shackelford to proceed to its south side,
and if within his power, capture the garrison. Gen. Shackelford on
arriving there, communicated with Col. De Courcy on the north side
by courier, and ascertained that the position was too strong to be
carried by the small force under his command. Gen. Burnside, upon
being informed of this fact, started at once for the Gap, with Col.
Gilbert’s brigade, and after a march of 60 miles in 53 hours, reached
it on September 9th. Dispositions were made to assault the place,
but before the next morning, he demanded of Col. Frazer, who was in
command of the garrison, that he should surrender. The demand was
complied with, and nearly 2,500 men were delivered over to the United
States, together with all the material and armament of the fort.
Shackelford’s and Gilbert’s brigades returned to Knoxville, and Col.
De Courcy’s division (then under command of Col. Lemert) was left as
a garrison at the Gap.
As the Commander-in-chief was drawing nigh to that place on the
9th, with Gilbert’s brigade, he was given an illustration, somewhat
extravagant in its manner, of the joy inspired among the loyal people
of East Tennessee by his coming, and of the respectful affection they
had for him personally.
An eccentric farmer, son of a learned judge at Knoxville, resided in
the autumn of 1863, near the Gap. Amusing stories are yet current
of his unaffected oddities. He was a man of much simplicity of
character, of high, impulsive temper, of great frankness, a warm and
steadfast friend, a strong hater, quick to speak his mind, and in his
earlier mature years, a ready fighter. It is related of him, that
having once quarreled with a neighbor who bore the not uncommon name
of John Smith, he contracted sometime afterwards a bodily illness
that brought him nigh to death’s door. Some of his friends advised,
in view of the probability that his end was at hand, that he should
be reconciled with his enemy. To this he consented, and accordingly
John Smith was sent for, and without delay, arrived. The two
adversaries “made friends”--shook hands and parted in strong doubt
of another meeting between them on earth. But the sick man reflected
that he might get well, and in his great candor, he called out from
the bed to his former enemy, who was about leaving the room: “I say.
Smith! you understand. This is all very well if I die; but if I get
well, it goes for nothing!”
He was a Union man during the war, from the crown of his head to
the soles of his feet. Nothing else could have been expected of one
who was accustomed to espouse a cause with his whole soul, who had
always been an intense Whig in politics, and whose love of country
was both unalloyed and fervent. Hearing that the Commander-in-chief
of the United States army was drawing near Cumberland Gap, he went
forth to meet him, and falling down upon his knees in the highway,
he expressed aloud to the General, by words and gestures, his
thankfulness, love and joy. It was with some astonishment, mingled
with gratification, that Gen. Burnside witnessed this exhibition
of patriotic feeling, to which he made a kindly response. And
afterwards, whenever others told of the incident, his amused memory
would light up his face with a broad smile, which was instantly
restrained, as if by a feeling of respect for the honest enthusiasm
that had expressed itself so oddly at the Gap. He seemed to think
that the occurrence had its serious as well as its funny side.
Before leaving Cumberland Gap, he received the following dispatch:
HEADQUARTERS 21ST ARMY CORPS,
CHATTANOOGA, Sept. 10, 1863, 2 A. M.
MAJ. GEN. A. E. BURNSIDE,
Commanding Department of Ohio--Tennessee River:
SIR--I am directed by the General commanding the Department of
the Cumberland to inform you that I am in full possession of this
place, having entered it yesterday at 12 M. without resistance.
The enemy has retreated in the direction of Rome, Ga., the last
of his force, cavalry, having left a few hours before my arrival.
At daylight I made a rapid pursuit with my corps, and hope that
he will be intercepted by the center and right, the latter of
which was at Rome. The General commanding department requests
that you will move down your cavalry and occupy the country
recently covered by Col. Minty, who will report particulars to
you, and who has been ordered to cross the river.
(Signed) T. L. CRITTENDEN,
For Maj. Gen. Commanding.
This information relieved Gen. Burnside from all apprehension
concerning Gen. Rosecrans. It also fixed his determination to occupy
all the important points above Knoxville, and if possible, reach the
Salt Works near Abingdon, Va. Sufficient forces were left at Kingston
and Loudon. Col. Byrd, who was stationed at Kingston, was ordered to
occupy Athens, and if possible, Cleveland, thus communicating with
the cavalry of Gen. Rosecrans, as requested in the above dispatch,
and as directed in another soon afterwards received from Gen. Halleck
at Washington, as follows:
Hold the gaps of the North Carolina mountains, the line of the
Holston River, or some point (if there be one) to prevent access
from Virginia; and connect with Gen. Rosecrans, at least with
your cavalry.
A heavy force under the Confederate General Jones, was then holding
points in the upper part of East Tennessee Valley, which, by the
above order, Gen. Burnside was to occupy. Col. Foster’s brigade
had been doing excellent service in keeping that force in check.
Gen. Hartsuff was directed to send at once all his infantry (except
Gilbert’s brigade), and also Woolford’s cavalry up the valley. Col.
Carter’s cavalry brigade was already well advanced in that direction.
On the 16th, at night, Gen. Burnside received another dispatch from
Gen. Halleck, sent on the 13th. It read:
It is important that all the available forces at your command be
pushed forward into East Tennessee; all your scattered forces
should be concentrated there; move down your infantry as rapidly
as possible towards Chattanooga to connect with Rosecrans.
Early on the morning of the 17th, Burnside sent orders by telegraph
for the Ninth corps and all other available troops then in Kentucky,
to join him at once. He also gave instructions for all the troops
then in upper East Tennessee and not in presence of the enemy, to
retrace their steps down the valley towards Rosecrans. The same
day he received another telegram from Halleck, dated the 14th, as
follows:
There are several reasons why you should reinforce Rosecrans with
all possible dispatch. It is believed the enemy will concentrate
to give him battle; you must be there to help him.
Burnside then repeated his order concerning the troops up the valley.
Having already started to take command of them in person, and
efficiently to promote the purpose of their movement, he proceeded
beyond Jonesboro to near the Watauga River. When arrived at the
extreme advance of his command, he saw no way of extricating it from
its situation, except by attacking the enemy’s position at Watauga
bridge. A cavalry brigade under Col. Foster was sent around on the
morning of the 23rd, to threaten the enemy’s rear, who on that night
burnt the bridge and evacuated the position. Immediately Burnside set
in motion all the United States troops, except a small portion of
cavalry, on the way to aid and relieve Rosecrans. The following day
he returned to Knoxville.
His movements were watched from Richmond. On the day when he received
Halleck’s telegram of the 14th, a close observer at that city wrote:
“It is said the enemy is evacuating East Tennessee, concentrating, I
suspect, for battle with Bragg.”[32]
It may easily be seen that it was impossible that the obedience
promptly given by Burnside to Halleck’s order, could avail in helping
Rosecrans, as intended. The United States troops, which were in
the upper country of East Tennessee, according to instructions
before given to Burnside, were from 150 to 200 miles distant from
Chicamauga, where Rosecrans was to do battle, and they could not
travel so far in the very short time before that battle began,
even if they were moved towards the spot as rapidly as possible.
Afterwards, when Rosecrans had established himself in Chattanooga,
many dispatches passed between Halleck and Burnside, in reference
to the latter’s going to strengthen and assist Rosecrans, and
some misunderstandings occurred in regard to the purport of those
dispatches. Gen. Burnside, in his report to the War Department, gives
the underlying reason. He says: “I was averse to doing what would
in any way weaken our hold in East Tennessee, and he (Halleck) was
anxious lest Rosecrans should not be able to hold Chattanooga. He
(Rosecrans) was not disturbed at Chattanooga, and we held our ground
in East Tennessee, so that what occurred in no way affected the
result.”
By the 30th of September, the whole of the Ninth army corps
arrived, numbering about 6,000 men. Previous to that date, Gen.
White’s division had been sent to Loudon, Col. Woolford’s cavalry
had reinforced Col. Byrd, and they were instructed to connect with
Rosecrans’ cavalry; Gen. Carter held Bull’s Gap, which was then the
most advanced position of the United States troops up the valley,
and Col. Haskell was in support at Morristown. Many of the men were
suffering from want of clothing, for there was great difficulty
in getting sufficient supplies across the mountains, and the
temperature of the air was frosty. On October 5th, Gen. Wilcox
arrived at Cumberland Gap with four new regiments of Indiana troops.
He was ordered to Morristown, and thence to Bull’s Gap, and to him
Col. Haskin’s brigade was directed to report from Morristown. Gen.
Burnside had determined to push his advance farther up the valley,
and with this purpose he sent the Ninth corps, under Brig. Gen., R.
B. Potter, in that direction, together with all the cavalry under
Gen. Shackelford, except Byrd’s and Woolford’s brigades. A junction
of all these forces was made at Bull’s Gap, where Gen. Burnside
arrived in person on the 9th, and on the following morning an
advance movement was ordered. At Blue Springs, between Bull’s Gap
and Greeneville, the enemy was found in heavy force and in a strong
position between the wagon road and the railway to Greeneville. The
United States cavalry occupied him in skirmishing until late in the
afternoon. Col. Foster was sent, with instructions to establish
his brigade in the rear of the enemy, on the line over which the
latter would be obliged to cross in retreating, and at a point near
Rheatown. An attack from the front was delayed until sufficient time
had passed, probably for those instructions to be fulfilled. After
5 P. M., Gen. Ferrero’s division of Gen. Potter’s command, moved
forward in the most dashing manner, driving the enemy from his first
line, and compelled him to retreat that night. Gen. Burnside pursued
early in the morning, driving his foes again beyond the Watauga
River, where he directed the United States cavalry to hold them.
Col. Foster’s brigade met with serious difficulties upon its special
errand, chiefly in rough roads, and did not reach its intended point
of establishment in the rear ground and check the enemy in his
retreat by night on the 9th, but it joined the pursuing forces next
morning.[33] The cavalry was left in the advance, supported by Col.
Raskin’s brigade of infantry at Jonesboro, Gen. Wilcox was left at
Greeneville, and the Ninth corps returned to Knoxville.
Nothing of importance occurred in the region of this fight until the
1st of November, when the outposts at Kingsport and Blountville were
driven in, and in consequence the road from Kingsport to Rogersville
was left unguarded. A heavy force of the enemy under Gen. S. Jones
moved down that road, surprised a brigade of United States cavalry
under Col. K. Garrard at Rogersville, and completely routed it. Col.
Garrard, with his shattered forces, retreated to Morristown, and as
the strength of the force which attacked him was unknown to Gen.
Burnside, he prudently directed Gen. Wilcox to fall back to Bull’s
Gap and hold that position. From that time until the 17th of the
month, operations were confined to cavalry fighting, skirmishing and
foraging.
West of Knoxville, on the south side of the Tennessee River, below
Loudon, the enemy were very active during the early part of October.
On the 19th of that month, Gen. Burnside had directions to report
to Gen. Grant, commanding Division of Mississippi, concerning the
situation and operations of his forces. This he did, and at the
same time sent a flag of truce through Col. Woolford’s lines,
whose headquarters were at Philadelphia, Tenn. The enemy’s cavalry
took advantage of the flag, made an attack upon Col. Woolford, and
captured from 300 to 400 of his men and some mountain howitzers. On
the 28th, the forces at Loudon were moved to the north side of the
Tennessee River, and the pontoon bridge was taken up and transported
to Knoxville. There it was thrown across the Tennessee, and proved of
immense service during the siege. The indications at that date were
that Bragg was sending a considerable force against Burnside. The
latter reinforced Kingston with Col. Mott’s brigade of infantry, left
Gen. White and his command at Loudon, and posted Gen. Potter with the
Ninth corps at Lenoir’s, about five miles east of Loudon. All the
available cavalry force at Knoxville was thrown on the south side
of the Tennessee River, with instructions to guard it down to the
junction of Little Tennessee and Tennessee rivers opposite Lenoir’s.
And in order to enable the United States forces to communicate with
each other, Gen. Potter was instructed to build a pontoon bridge
over the Tennessee just above the mouth of the Little Tennessee.
That was done with great expedition, under superintendence of Col.
O. E. Babcock. Some correspondence was carried on between Generals
Grant, Halleck and Burnside as to the proper points to be occupied in
East Tennessee, and a visit to Burnside’s headquarters followed from
Col. Wilson, of Grant’s staff, by order of his chief, accompanied by
Hon. Chas. A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War. Burnside gave them
his reasons in full for desiring to hold Knoxville in preference
to Kingston. They concurred with him in that conclusion. They all
agreed it would be proper to recommend that both places be held, if
possible, but certainly Knoxville. At that date it was definitely
known that Longstreet was moving against Burnside.
Sometime before. Gen. Shackelford had been ordered to report from
upper East Tennessee at Knoxville, to take command there of all the
United States cavalry, and on the approach of Longstreet, Haskin’s
brigade was ordered to that place. This left Gen. Wilcox, with his
new division, with some newly recruited North Carolinians, and also
Foster’s division of cavalry, composed of Graham’s and Garrard’s
brigades, in the country above Knoxville. The whole command in that
region, though it consisted of good men, was in bad condition, for
want of almost everything that was needful. Burnside, when he learned
certainly that Longstreet was advancing towards him, directed Wilcox
to arrange for the march of his command to Cumberland Gap, in the
event telegraphic communication between him and Gen. Burnside’s
headquarters should be broken. On that night, November 16, it was
cut off, at the same time that the siege of Knoxville was about to
begin.
The United States Army under Gen. Rosecrans had been saved on the
20th of September by the firmness of Gen. Thomas. It was then shut
up in Chattanooga by Gen. Bragg, who reported to Richmond that he
expected its “speedy evacuation” of that place, “for want of food and
forage.” Whether Bragg thought that, as he said, he held his enemy
at his mercy, and therefore could weaken his own force for a distant
purpose, or whether, as Gen. Grant thought probable, the movement
of troops to that end was ordered by Jefferson Davis, in default of
his endeavor to reconcile a serious difference between Bragg and
Longstreet, a heavy force, including cavalry, was detached from
Bragg’s army and sent under Longstreet to capture Burnside.[34]
The United States General who was the intended victim of that
undertaking was not blind to the possibility that his military
occupation of East Tennessee would shortly be brought to an end by
a hostile force from the southwest. The bare thought of such an
event deeply grieved him, not only as a disaster to the Federal
Government, but also as a great calamity to the Union people of East
Tennessee. A short time before Longstreet’s march upon Knoxville
began, Burnside in private conversation with a citizen-friend, spoke
with strong feeling of the possibility that he would not be able
to continue to those people his protection. Had they known that not
without reason he thought such a contingency existed, they would
have been as deeply pained as he was, at the idea of his departure.
He had been among them only about ten weeks, but in that brief time
he had won their hearts. He had made good use of his opportunities
to establish the military supremacy of the United States, to extend
its area in East Tennessee and to hold it in possession against
enemies. He had also, without putting aside the dignity becoming his
official position, manifested the kindly sympathy he sincerely felt
for the Union people who had suffered for more than two years under
Confederate rule, he had permitted a healthy freedom of approach
to his presence, had listened when at leisure to their griefs and
wrongs, had now and then, as his public duties permitted, partaken
of their hospitalities, and in a word, had in various ways showed
that he was their friend. Everywhere he was looked upon with respect
and affection. Even among citizens, at heart hostile to the flag he
defended, were some who admired and liked him. They could not well be
otherwise than content with him, for he visited them with no needless
severities and his judgments were reasonable. His native magnanimity
of soul would have lifted him above seeking revenge for his private
wrongs suffered from the conflict, but he had no such wrongs. The
bitterness and animosities which he found the war had produced among
neighbors in East Tennessee, met with no favorable response from his
own heart. He could not fully understand them, and spoke of their
existence with mingled surprise and regret.
In the same connection he related that in his recent march from
Kentucky, he pitched his tent at the base of the mountain on the
Tennessee side. By and by, a number of the mountaineer Unionists
gathered not far off, and soon, a few of them stepped out from the
company and approached the General as a committee. They said to him,
“General, we want you to give us authority to go down here into
the valley, and carry off the hogs and cattle we find there.” This
request the General refused in few words. “But,” they said, “that is
the way they have treated us. And we will not make any mistakes. We
will carry off only the cattle and hogs of the rebels.” The General
replied, “That is not my way of carrying on war;” and the petitioners
withdrew very much disappointed.
General Burnside was buoyant with hope that the Union of the States
would not only be preserved, but be stronger and better from the
triumphant conclusion of the war in its behalf. He once expressed
an opinion, which did not show great sagacity as a worldly-wise
politician. It was the reflection, at the moment, of his own
generous, magnanimous spirit, rather than a deliberate conclusion
of his judgment from careful weighing of future possibilities. In
conversation with a few friends concerning the ruinous losses by
citizens generally of personal property, he ventured the prediction
that “when the war is over, everybody will be paid.”
Business at headquarters was necessarily alive and active. Gen.
Samuel P. Carter was Provost Marshal General. His office was a place
of many affairs, and was visited by various applicants and their
friends. There were citizens from near at hand and from a distance,
who wanted to take the oath of allegiance to the United States,
some of whom had been before of doubtful loyalty, and who desired,
when they had passed through that process of political purgation,
to carry home with them an official certificate of their title to
the protection by the United States Government, of their persons and
property. There were men from town and country who wanted to “go
North” on business, or to get away from the strife, its turmoils,
uncertainties and troubles, or to leave for Europe. There were men
under arrest to be dealt with, or recusant citizens to be allowed
the freedom of the town on parole or to be held as hostages, and
others still who invited by their belligerent and dangerous speech
a compulsory trip for themselves to Camp Chase or preferably into
the Confederate lines. Then there were men of known loyalty, who
had complaints to make, or claims to be adjusted, or this, that
or something else done or prevented or remedied. Citizens who had
influence with the military authorities, were kept busy in the
service of their Confederate friends and neighbors. To some of such
workers it was a labor of love, but probably not to all. Instances
occurred, if rumor were true, of ten dollars each being charged for
introducing people to General Carter. There were also orders to
issue, official reports to receive, and troops to be sent here and
there. Sometimes Union citizens, overflowing with patriotic zeal, had
news to tell at headquarters, which they thought to be important.
If now and then their zeal outstripped their discretion, it was
little wonder that the information they carried should be lacking
in accuracy. No doubt such instances of unintentional but hurtful
mistakes were rare, for military life and discipline forbade their
repetition even by civilians. One case was visited with a reprimand
to the offender that was justly severe upon him and amusing to others.
Late one night a strong partisan interrupted the serenity at
headquarters with the exciting statement that the Confederates had
marched upon Maryville, in Blount County, 17 miles distant, where
were only a few United States soldiers. Quickly a sufficient body
of cavalry were summoned from their beds into their saddles and
dispatched to repel the invading force. The alarm proved to be false;
no Confederate troops were found in or near Maryville. The next day.
General Burnside, on meeting his deceived and deceiving informant,
said to him, “Mr. ----, you bring me a great deal of news. Now, I
don’t want you to bring me any more, for _the average is bad_!”
It has been said that all religion springs from a sense of
dependence upon the Supreme Being. We may doubt the truth of the
postulate, but certainly all true religion includes that sense,
and it had its proper place in the mind of Gen. Burnside. While
his personal and social conduct in East Tennessee was upright and
blameless, he was not forgetful of Him who “doeth according to His
will in the army of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth,”
and to thoughts of whom, the responsibilities of his position, its
difficulties and dangers tended to move him more actively. He once
said to a friend during that period, that he “loved sometimes to
retire to his own room, there to lift up his mind and heart to God,
and to give himself to quiet meditation.” The impression made by his
conversations, his reverent participation in the worship of God and
hearing of the gospel, was that without much knowledge of religious
doctrine, he accepted in faith the truth of Christianity.
Immediately after his first arrival at Knoxville, Burnside sent to a
certain Christian minister, who because of his Union sentiments had
been excluded for precisely two years from his pastoral charge, a
written invitation to fill the unoccupied pulpit of his own church
on the next Sunday. The request was complied with--the day being
the 6th of September. By one of those curious coincidences which
have been noticed to occur at different times in similar religious
services, when the portion of the Psalms for that morning came to be
responsively read, the minister unexpectedly to himself and to the
surprised attention of some in the congregation who knew all the
facts of the case, began, as prescribed, with the words:
“I will magnify thee, O Lord; for thou hast set me up, and not made
my foes to triumph over me.”