EARLY HISTORY--FRANKLAND’S CORRESPONDENCE--ITS STRIFES--ITS DEATH,
UPON DEFEAT OF ITS CHIEF--HIS ESCAPE.
“Contention, like a horse
Full of high feeding, madly hath broke loose,
And bears all down before him.”
SHAKS.; _Henry IV_.
“How just soever
Our reasons are to remedy our wrongs,
We’re yet to leave them to their will and pow’r,
That to that purpose have authority.”
MASSINGER.
The State of Frankland, although weakened by defections of its former
friends at home, still stood with unbroken frame, but over it hung
portentous signs of more deadly strife among its citizens and of
disaster to itself that might be fatal. In view of them, all aid and
support that could properly be had, were important to it. As early
as 1784, at Gov. Sevier’s suggestion, the General Assembly had, by
a competent diplomatic agent, expressed to the Governor of Georgia,
its willingness to unite with that State in a war which threatened
to become necessary against the Creek Indians. The Legislature of
Georgia gave respectful consideration to the letters, and friendly
communications were interchanged in 1787; but the Governor of
Georgia, while acknowledging gratefully the readiness of the
Frankland government to co-operate as desired, was prudent to limit
his assurances of reciprocal service to his power, and to consistency
with the interests of the State of Georgia and its paramount duty to
the United States. Less reserve of sentiment was shown by prominent
citizens of Georgia. They spoke in warm praise of the zeal for
liberty manifested by the Franks, and of the independent State they
had organized. Sevier was addressed by letter as its Governor, and
in social circles men drank “success to the State of Frankland, His
Excellency, Governor Sevier and his virtuous citizens.”
Dr. Benjamin Franklin had a wide reputation for great wisdom
concerning public affairs, and Gov. Sevier wrote to him for advice
as to the new State. He replied from Philadelphia, June 30, 1787,
acknowledging the honor done him by “His Excellency and Council.”
“There are two things,” he said, “which humanity induces me to wish
you may succeed in: the accommodating your misunderstanding with
the government of North Carolina, and the avoiding an Indian war by
preventing encroachments on their lands. Such encroachments are the
more unjustifiable, as these people in the fair way of purchase,
usually give very good bargains, and in one year’s war with them
you may suffer a loss of property and be put to an expense vastly
exceeding in value what would have contented them perfectly in
fairly buying the lands they can spare.... I have no doubt of the
good disposition of your government to prevent their receiving such
injuries; but I know the strongest governments are hardly able to
restrain the disorderly people who are generally on the frontiers,
from excesses of various kinds, and possibly yours has not as yet
acquired sufficient strength for that purpose. It may be well,
however, to acquaint those encroachers that the Congress will not
justify them in the breach of a solemn treaty; and that if they bring
upon themselves an Indian war, they will not be supported in it. I
will endeavor to inform myself more perfectly of your affairs by
enquiry and searching the records of Congress; and if anything should
occur to me that I think may be useful to you, you shall hear from me
thereupon.
“I conclude with repeating my wish that you may amicably settle your
difficulty with North Carolina. The inconvenience to your people
of attending so remote a seat of government, and the difficulty to
that government in ruling well so remote a people, would, I think,
be powerful inducements to it to accede to any fair and reasonable
propositions it may receive from you, if the Cession Act had now
passed.”
The course of events in the last months of 1787 moved rapidly towards
their definite conclusion. John Sevier was still addressed in letters
by Dr. Franklin and the Governor of Georgia as Governor of Frankland.
While the eminent, philanthropic statesman persuaded to a policy of
peace,--the fruit of fair dealing with the Indians; the Legislature
of Georgia passed an Act to levy three thousand of its own citizens
for war with the Creeks as irreconcilable enemies, and Gov. Mathews
sent a copy of that Act to Gov. Sevier with the request for fifteen
hundred men from Frankland to assist in the campaign. Gov. Sevier
yielded to this solicitation, and about the end of the year gave
orders for arraying his militia.
Meanwhile the rival Governments proceeded with their respective
affairs in the disputed territory. The Legislature of Frankland
met at Greeneville in September, 1787. It appointed two prominent
citizens to represent it before the North Carolina General Assembly,
to which members were elected from all the western counties. That
Assembly met in November, offered anew to all who had departed from
their allegiance full pardon and restoration to citizenship, and
passed other lenient measures relating to non-compliance with the
State revenue laws and delay in reporting taxable property. A proof
of the waning fortunes of Frankland was given in the acceptance of
a Superior Court Judgeship for the West by David Campbell under an
appointment from the North Carolina Legislature at that session.
He had been a member of the Convention of 1784 that led to the
formation of the new State, and of the Convention in 1785 to frame
a Constitution, and had also been a Judge of its Superior Court by
election of the Legislature in 1785: and his consent to serve its
adversary at such a juncture, though it brought upon him severe
reproach for desertion, in one instance directly from Gen. White, a
fast friend of Frankland, nevertheless tended to convince some that
he had left “a sinking ship.”
At the same time the internal dissension drew near its crisis. Late
in the year 1787, a writ of _fieri facias_ had been issued, and early
in 1788, the sheriff, under authority of North Carolina, executed it
against the estate of Gov. Sevier; visited his farm on the Nolachucky
River, carried off his negroes and lodged them securely at the house
of his principal foe, Col. John Tipton. Sevier, at the time, was
absent from home and near Greene County, providing for defence of
the people against a threatened attack by Indians. Hearing of the
sheriff’s procedure, he at once rallied to him one hundred and fifty
men from the Counties of Greene and Sevier and what is now Blount
County, and went with them to the house of Tipton, against whom the
fuel of his wrath had but a short time before been freshly kindled
by his adversary’s attempt, foiled by Sevier’s absence, to seize his
person. Tipton had but fifteen men in his dwelling when the Governor
arrived with his militia and a small piece of artillery. It was in
the afternoon. Sevier demanded an unconditional surrender, and was
answered defiantly, with an expletive. The oral summons to yield was
then followed by one in writing. To it Tipton made no reply, but sent
it to Col. Maxwell of Sullivan County, with a call for help. Several
days passed, but Sevier forbore to make an assault. Messengers
successfully escaped from the house to gather recruits, some of whom
afterwards made their way into it. The third night a reinforcement
of one hundred and eighty men under Col. Maxwell arrived, awaited
the break of day and then approached the beleaguered dwelling
simultaneously with an attack upon its defenders by the Governor. The
recruits fired their guns and dashed forward with a ringing shout
that was answered by another from the besieged, and followed by a
sally. The united forces triumphed. Sevier’s men were thrown into a
panic and fled. Some of them and their one unused piece of artillery
were captured. Among the prisoners were two of Sevier’s sons, whom
two brothers Webb would have killed in revenge for the death of their
brother in the fight, but Tipton prevented them. According to a more
dramatic account, Tipton himself was determined to hang the two
youths, but was dissuaded by friends, who drew an imaginary picture
of his own sons as captives and about to be slain in enmity to their
father. He was melted to tears, and with strong self-reproach for his
weakness, gave the young men their liberty. Indeed the two parties
appear to have been animated throughout the affair by a spirit not
altogether unneighborly. Sevier, from the beginning of the troubles,
had been disposed to moderation. He sought on this occasion the
recovery of his slaves, but delayed, although urged by others, to
make an assault. Many of the men on both sides were unarmed, and some
having weapons did not load them, or loading them, fired into the
air. One of them said: “We did not go there to fight. The men did
not try to hit anybody. Most of us went to prevent mischief, and did
not intend to let the neighbors kill one another.”
Account is given of only two persons who were killed during the whole
encounter, and but two or three were wounded. Right royal citizens
were these in carrying on a civil war! Their example of mutual
forbearance deserves at least historical transmission. A fatal blow
had been received by the Government of Frankland. In May, 1788, the
authority of North Carolina was established without dispute over
the western counties. Sevier, after his defeat, devoted himself
unreservedly to the service of the people against the Indians, and
collecting troops led them victoriously into that enemy’s country.
While employed in military duties on the frontier, a bench warrant
was issued from the Superior Court of North Carolina, at Jonesboro,
against him for the crime of high treason. His seizure, arraignment
for trial and perhaps his punishment were therefore from that date,
reasonably certain; but the time of their occurrence was to be
determined by circumstances. His eminence among the men of his day
was partly owing to solid and brilliant qualities, which under proper
culture would have given him distinction in much less rude society
and more peaceful surroundings than those in which he lived. The
facts that he served as first Governor of Tennessee three successive
terms, and after an interval of a few years, three other terms by
election of the people biennially and was then twice chosen a
Representative in Congress, are weighty evidences of his ability,
as well as his popularity. Judge Haywood, who was the Governor’s
contemporary during the latter part of his public life, says that
John Sevier “had by nature a talent for acquiring popular favor, ...
a friendly demeanor, a captivating address, ... was generous, liberal
and hospitable, ... and to crown all, was a soldier. To him it was no
secret that in republican government, where the democratic principle
is a main ingredient in its composition, the love of the people is
substantial power. The frontier people adored him. They called him
familiarly ‘Nolachucky Jack.’ Whenever at future elections that name
was pronounced, it had the effect of electrical power in prostrating
the pretensions of every opposing candidate.”[14]
The State of Frankland was numbered among the things that were and
are not. All that remains in this brief narrative is to tell what
afterwards befell him who was its faithful head while it survived, in
consequence of his official connection with it.
In October, 1788, Sevier returned home from the frontier and appeared
openly among the people. At Jonesboro in company with some personal
followers, he was charged by a returned soldier with failing to
prevent, when he had the power, the murder of certain friendly
Indians, and there was a quarrel, followed soon afterwards by
another in the vicinity. A door was thus opened to the revival of
animosities and to violent procedures against him for grave reasons
of State. He was pursued during the night by armed men, was sought
for at several houses, and found about sunrise, when he surrendered
without resistance. After running the risk of injury from his enemies
in the first flush of their wrath, he was led a prisoner to the
county town and from there was sent under guard to Morganton, North
Carolina. In the journey, his hands were unbound, and he attempted
to escape. The earliest historian of Tennessee has been followed
by the second in stating that Sevier failed in that attempt and in
representing that he was rescued by a few of his friends from the
custody of the sheriff, in the presence of the judge, at Morganton:
but according to an oral tradition which has been recently published
and appears to be authentic, Sevier succeeded in escaping while on
the way to that town. The narrative heretofore accepted as accurate
beyond doubt, is, in substance, appended, and also, the statement
lately made, in contradiction of it.[15]
In November of the same year, the Legislature of North Carolina
excluded Sevier from its amnesty to political offenders and from
all State offices, but he was elected with great unanimity to the
State Senate in August, 1789. Of that body he was admitted as a
member--not without a brief delay after his appearance at the
capital; and subsequently he was appointed to his former office of
Brigadier General of the western counties, now included in East
Tennessee.
[Illustration: WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW.]