_Translation._

Pull, oh! pull! Use your strength,

Raise your shoulders, By the favour of God,

Press your feet. By the Saint’s assistance

The boat will sail, She is a pretty boat:

The steersman’s a warrior. The water is deep,

The mast is tall. She will reach in safety.

Beat the drum Of King Acbar,

The port is attained By the favour of God.

Another specimen runs thus:--

Peer Putta! Jug ditta,

Nuggur Tatta! Panee mitta.

Julla kejye, Tanee lejge,

Tan tumasha: Bunder khasa,

Bundur koochee. Murd Beloochee.

Bundur maryo, Rub dekkaryo.

Moolk Hubeebee. Rub a rubbee.

_Translation._

Hail, Peer Putta! Who has seen the world,

Hail, city of Tatta! The water is sweet.

Pull together, Pull at once,

Pull for joy. The port is good,

Tho’ the harbour is small. The men are Beloochees.

Behold the harbour tower, Which God has shown us.

The country is God’s, By God we came.

As we discovered the mosques of Sehwun, the boatmen in their joy beat a

drum, and chanted many of these verses, which had a pleasing sound on

passing the base of the Lukkee mountains, that present a rocky buttress

to the Indus on approaching Sehwun.

~Sehwun, its antiquity.~

The town of Sehwun stands on a rising ground, at the verge of a swamp,

two miles from the Indus, close to a branch of that river called

Arul, which flows from Larkhanu. It has a population of about 10,000

souls, and is commanded on the north side by a singular castle or

mound of earth. Sehwun is sometimes called Sewistan, and is a place

of antiquity. There are many ruined mosques and tombs which surround

it, and proclaim its former wealth; but it has gradually gone to decay

since it ceased to be the residence of a governor, who here held his

court in the days of Moghul splendour. As it stands near the Lukkee

mountains, I believe it may be fixed on as the city of Sambus, Raja

of the Indian mountaineers, mentioned by Alexander. The Sindomanni

cannot refer to the inhabitants of Lower Sinde, which is always called

Pattala, and its ruler the “prince of the Pattalans.” Sindee is the

modern term for the aboriginal inhabitants.

~Pilgrimage of Sehwun.~

Sehwun has considerable celebrity and sanctity from the tomb of a holy

saint of Khorasan, by name Lal Shah Baz, who was interred here about

600 years ago. The shrine stands in the centre of the town, and rests

under a lofty dome at one end of a quadrangular building, which is

handsomely ornamented by blue painted slabs, like Dutch tiles, that

give it a rich appearance. A cloth of gold, with two other successive

palls of red silk, are suspended over the sepulchre, and on the walls

which surround it are inscribed in large Arabic letters the praises

of the deceased, and extracts from the Koran. Ostrich eggs, peacocks’

feathers, beads, flowers, &c. complete the furniture of this holy spot;

and pigeons, the emblems of peace, are encouraged to perch on the

cloths which shade the remains of departed virtue. The miracles of Lal

Shah Baz are endless, if you believe the people. The Indus is subject

to his commands, and no vessel dares to pass his shrine without making

a propitiatory offering at his tomb. Thousands of pilgrims flock to

the consecrated spot, and the monarchs of Cabool and India have often

visited the sanctuary. The drums which proclaim the majesty of the

saint are a gift from the renowned persecutor Alla-o-deen, who reigned

A.D. 1242; and the gate, which is of silver, attests the homage and

devotion of a deceased Ameer of Sinde. The needy are daily supplied

with food from the charity of the stranger; but the universal bounty

has corrupted the manners of the inhabitants, who are a worthless

and indolent set of men. The Hindoo joins with the Mahommedan in his

veneration of the saint, and artfully insinuates “Lal” to be a Hindoo

name, and that the Mahommedans have associated with the faith of their

prophet the god of an infidel creed. A tiger, once the tenant of the

neighbouring hills, partakes of the general bounty in a cage near the

tomb.

~Castle of Sehwun, its antiquity.~

By far the most singular building at Sehwun, and perhaps on the

Indus, is the ruined castle which overlooks the town, and is in all

probability as old as the age of the Greeks. It consists of a mound of

earth sixty feet high, and surrounded from the very ground by a brick

wall. The shape of the castle is oval, about 1200 feet long by 750 in

diameter. The interior presents a heap of ruins, and is strewed with

broken pieces of pottery and brick. The gateway is on the town side,

and has been arched: a section through it proves the whole mound to be

artificial. At a distance this castle resembles the drawings of the

Mujilebe tower at Babylon, described by Mr. Rich in his interesting

Memoir.

The natives afford no satisfactory account of this ruin, attributing

it to the age of Budur-ool-Jamal, a fairy, whose agency is referred

to in every thing ancient or wonderful in Sinde. It is to be observed,

that the Arul river passes close to this castle; and we are informed

by Quintus Curtius that, in the territories of Sabus Raja, (which I

imagine refers to Sehwun,) “Alexander took the strongest city by a

tunnel formed by his miners.” A ruin of such magnitude, standing,

as it therefore does, on such a site, would authorise our fixing on

it as the very city “where the barbarians, untaught in engineering,

were confounded when their enemies appeared, almost in the middle of

the city, rising from a subterraneous passage of which no trace was

previously seen.” So strong a position would not, in all probability,

be neglected in after-times; and in the reign of the Emperor Humaioon,

A.D. 1541, we find that monarch unable to capture Sehwun, from which

he fled on his disastrous journey to Omercote. His son Acbar also

invested Sehwun for seven months, and after its capture seems to have

dismantled it. There are many coins found in the castle of Sehwun; but

among thirty I could find no trace of the Greek alphabet. They were

Mahommedan coins of the sovereigns of Delhi.

~Mound of Amree.~

About eighteen miles below Sehwun, and on the same side of the river,

is the village of Amree, believed to have been once a large city, and

the favourite residence of former kings. It is said to have been swept

into the Indus. Near the modern village, however, there is a mound of

earth, about forty feet high, which the traditions of the country point

out as the halting-place of a king, who ordered the dung of his cavalry

to be gathered together, and hence the mound of Amree! There are some

tombs near it, but they are evidently modern.

We halted four days at Sehwun. The climate was most sultry and

oppressive: the thermometer stood at 112°, and did not fall below 100°

at midnight, owing to scorching winds from the west, where the country

is bleak and mountainous. The lofty range which runs parallel with the

Indus from the sea-coast to the centre of Asia, is joined by the Lukkee

mountains south of Sehwun, and thus excludes the refreshing breezes of

the ocean.

We quitted Sehwun on the 4th with difficulty, for we could not procure

men to drag our boats. The mihmandar, though he was the vizier’s

son, and acted under the seal of the Ameer, could not prevail on the

Calendar, or priest of the tomb, who said that no such order had been

ever given, and he would not now obey it. Some persons were seized:

his people drew their swords, and said that, when no longer able to

wield them, they might go. We knew nothing of the matter till it was

over, as it was entirely a private arrangement of Syud Tukkee Shah, the

mihmandar. When the men heard they were to be remunerated for their

trouble, they came of their own accord before we sailed. Every thing in

Sinde being effected by force under despotism, the watermen of Sehwun

fled the town, or took up their abode in the sanctuary, when they saw

the “jumtee” approach, believing, as usual, that services would be

required of them gratuitously.

~Congratulations from Khyrpoor.~

On the day after quitting Sehwun, we were met by Mahommed Gohur, a

Belooche chief, and a party, the confidential agents of Meer Roostum

Khan, the Ameer of Khyrpoor, who had been sent to the frontier, a

distance of eighty miles, to congratulate us on our arrival, and

declare their master’s devotion to the British Government. We hardly

expected such a mark of attention in Sinde, and were therefore

gratified. The deputation brought an abundant supply of sheep, flour,

fruit, spices, sugar, butter, ghee, tobacco, opium, &c. &c., on which

our people feasted. Sheep were slain and cooked; rice and ghee were

soon converted into savoury viands; and I believe all parties thanked

Meer Roostum Khan as heartily as we did, nor did I imagine that this

was but the commencement of a round of feasting which was daily

repeated so long as we were in his country, a period of three weeks.

Mahommed Gohur was a decrepit old man, with a red beard. He wore a very

handsome loongee round his waist. He did not recover from his surprise

throughout the interview, for he had never before seen an European.

~Address the Ameer of Khyrpoor.~

In return for Meer Roostum Khan’s kindness, I addressed to him a

Persian letter in the following terms, which will serve as a specimen

of the epistolary style used by the people of this country, which I

imitated as closely as possible.:--

(After compliments:) “I hasten to inform your Highness that I have

reached the frontiers of your country in company with the respectable

Syud Tukkee Shah, who has accompanied me on the part of Meer Morad

Ali Khan from Hydrabad. As I have long since heard of your Highness

from those who pass between Cutch and Sinde, it forms a source of

congratulation to me that I have arrived in your dominions, and brought

along with me in safety the presents which have been graciously

bestowed on Maha Raja Runjeet Sing by His Majesty the King of England,

mighty in rank, terrible as the planet Mars, a monarch great and

magnificent, of the rank of Jemshid, of the dignity of Alexander,

unequalled by Darius, just as Nousherwan, great as Fureedoon, admired

as Cyrus, famed as the Sun, the destroyer of tyranny and oppression,

upright and generous, pious and devout, favoured from above, &c. &c.:

may his dominion endure for ever!

“It is well known that when a friend comes to the country of a friend

it is a source of much happiness, and I have therefore written these

few lines; but when I have the pleasure of seeing you, my joy will be

increased.

“I had written thus far, when the respectable Mahommed Gohur, one of

those enjoying your Highness’s confidence, arrived at this place,

to acquaint me with your professions of respect and friendship for

the British Government, bringing along with him many marks of your

hospitality. Need I say I am rejoiced? Such civilities mark the great.”

~Character of the people.~

A voyage of ten days brought us to Bukkur; but we landed a few miles

from that fortress, to prepare for a visit to Khyrpoor and its chief,

who had made us so welcome in his country. We saw much of the Sindians

on our way up the river, and did every thing to encourage their

approach by granting free admission on board to the commonest villager

who wished to view the horses. The body of the people are little

better than savages, and extremely ignorant; their spiritual guides

and Syuds, or the followers of the prophet, however, showed knowledge

and independence. I happened to ask a party of Syuds to what Ameer

they were subject: they replied, “We acknowledge no master but God,

who gives us villages and all we desire.” I was struck with the family

likeness that prevails throughout this class in Sinde; for it is not

to be supposed that a tribe so numerous has lineally descended from

the prophet of Arabia. The beggars of Sinde are most importunate and

troublesome. They practise all manner of persuasion to succeed in their

suit for alms; tear up grass and bushes with their mouths, and chew

sand and mud to excite compassion.

With the better orders of society we had frequent intercourse and

conversation. Some of them felt interested about the objects of our

mission to Lahore. They did not give us much credit for sincerity in

sending it by a route which they believed never to have been passed

since the time of Noah. They were full of enquiries regarding our

customs. Our Khyrpoor friend, Mahomed Gohur, was particularly horrified

at our arrangements for getting a wife, and begged me in future to let

my beard grow. The knowledge of this individual I may describe, when he

asked me if London were under Calcutta: he was, however, a pleasant

man; I delighted to hear him sing the praises of the soldiers of Sinde,

who, he said, differed from all the world in thinking it an honour to

fight on foot. The feelings of pity which some of the people displayed

for us were amusing: they were shocked to hear that we cleaned our

teeth with hogs’ bristles. I was frequently asked to lay aside the

English saddle, which they considered quite unworthy, and worse than a

seat on the bare back of the horse.

~The Indus: names for it.~

The Indus in this part of its course is called Sira, in distinction

from Lar, which is its appellation below Sehwun. These are two Belooche

words for north and south; and of the name of Sirae, or Khosa, a

tribe inhabiting the desert on the east, we have thus a satisfactory

explanation; as these people originally spread from Sira, in the upper

course of the Indus. Mehran, a name of this river, familiar to the

Indians and foreigners, is not used by the natives of the country. The

water of the Indus is considered superior, for every purpose of life,

to that drawn from the wells of Sinde. When taken from the river it is

very foul; but the rich keep it till the mud with which it is loaded

subsides. There are few ferry-boats on the Indus; and it is a curious

sight to see the people crossing it on skins and bundles of reeds.

A native will often float down to a distance of fifteen or twenty

miles, accompanied by a whole herd of buffaloes, preferring this mode

of travelling to a journey on the banks. From Sehwun upwards they kill

the “pulla” fish by nets suspended from the bow of small boats, which

are, at the same time, the habitations of the fisherman and his family.

The wife, who is generally a sturdy dame, pulls the stern oar to keep

the vessel in the middle of the stream, often with a baby in her arms,

while the husband kills the fish. One would not have expected to find

porpoises so far from the sea; but they are to be observed sporting in

the river as high as Bukkur; they are more grey than those in the salt

water.

~Visited by the Vizier of Sinde.~

I should have mentioned, that before reaching Bukkur, we were visited

by the Nawab Wulee Mahomed Khan Lugharee, one of the viziers of Sinde,

who had travelled from Shikarpoor to meet us. We found him a decrepit

old man of seventy-two, on the verge of the grave. He treated us with

particular kindness, and quite won our hearts by his attentions. He

gave me a horse and a rich loongee. He said in the plainest terms that

the Ameer had had evil counsel to detain us so long in Sinde, and

that he had written urgently to his Highness not to commit himself

by such a step. We had now a good opportunity of seeing a Belooche

chief on his native soil. He came with a splendid equipage of tents

and carpets, accompanied by three palankeens, and about 400 men. A

set of dancing girls were among his suite; and in the evening we were

compelled, against our inclination, to hear these ladies squall for

a couple of hours, and, what added to the disgust of the scene, they

drank at intervals of the strongest spirits, to _clear their voices_,

as they said, until nearly intoxicated. It was impossible to express

any displeasure at this exhibition, since the gala, however much out of

taste, was got up in the hope of adding to our amusement. The people

with us, who now amounted to 150, were sumptuously entertained by the

Nawab, who kept us with him for two days.

~Vizier of Khyrpoor.~

On the morning of the 14th we disembarked near the small village of

Alipoor, and were met by the vizier of Meer Roostum Khan, who had come

from Khyrpoor to receive us. His name was Futteh Khan Ghoree, an aged

person of mild and affable manners, and of peculiar appearance from a

snow white beard and red hair. Our reception was cordial and kind; the

vizier assured us of the high satisfaction with which his master had

heard of our arrival, for he had long desired to draw closer to the

British government, and had never yet had the good fortune to meet any

of its agents. He said that Meer Roostum Khan did not presume to put

himself on an equality with so potent and great a nation, but hoped

that he might be classed among its wellwishers, and as one ready to

afford his services on all occasions. Futteh Khan added that Khyrpoor

formed a separate portion of Sinde from Hydrabad, a fact which he

begged I would remember. I was not altogether unprepared for this

communication, for I judged from his previous efforts to please that

the ruler had some object in view. I assured the vizier of my sense

of his master’s attentions, and promised to talk on these matters

after our interview. He brought a palankeen to convey me in state to

Khyrpoor, a distance of fourteen miles, to which city we marched on the

following day.

~Ameer of Khyrpoor.~

After what I have already stated, our interview with Meer Roostum Khan

may be well imagined: he received us under a canopy of silk, seated

on a cushion of cloth of gold. He was surrounded by the members of

his family, forty of whom (males), descended in a right line from his

father, are yet alive. There was more state and show than at Hydrabad,

but as little attention to order or silence. We exchanged the usual

complimentary speeches of like occasions. I thanked his Highness for

the uniform attention and hospitality which we had received. Meer

Roostum Khan is about fifty; his beard and hair were quite white,

and the expression of his countenance, as well as his manners, were

peculiarly mild. He and his relatives were too much taken up with our

uniforms and faces to say much; and he begged us to return in the

evening, when there would be less bustle and confusion, to which we

readily assented. I gave him my watch before leaving, and sent him a

brace of pistols and a kaleidescope, with various articles of European

manufacture, with which he was highly delighted. The crowd was hardly

to be penetrated, but very orderly: they shouted as we approached; and

nothing seemed to amuse them so much as the feathers of our hats. “Such

cocks!” was literally the expression. For about 200 yards from the

palace (if I can use such a term for the mud buildings of Sinde) there

was a street of armed men, and among them stood thirty or forty persons

with halberds, the foresters or huntsmen of the household.

~Audience of leave.~

In the evening we again visited the Ameer, and found him seated on a

terrace spread with Persian carpets, and surrounded, as before, by his

numerous relatives. He made a long address to me regarding his respect

for the British government, and said that I had of course learned his

sentiments from his vizier. He looked to our Mihmandar from Hydrabad,

who I found had been doing every thing in his power to prevent our

meeting at all, and then changed the conversation. The Ameer asked

innumerable questions about England and its power, remarking that we

were not formerly so military a nation; and he had heard that a few

hundred years ago we went naked and painted our bodies. On our religion

he was very inquisitive; and when I informed him that I had read the

Koran, he made me repeat the “Kuluma,” or creed, in Persian and Arabic,

to his inexpressible delight. He said that our greatness had risen

from a knowledge of mankind, and attending to other people’s concerns

as well as our own. He examined my sword, a small cavalry sabre, and

remarked that it would not do much harm; but I rejoined, that the age

of fighting with this weapon had passed, which drew a shout and a sigh

from many present. There was so much mildness in all that the Ameer

said that I could not believe we were in a Belooche court. He expressed

sorrow that we could not stay a month with him; but since we were

resolved to proceed, we must take his state barge, and the son of his

vizier, to the frontier, and accept the poor hospitality of a Belooche

soldier, meaning himself, so long as we were in the Khyrpoor territory.

I must mention that the hospitality, which he so modestly named,

consisted of eight or ten sheep, with all sorts of provisions for 150

people daily, and that while at Khyrpoor he sent for our use, twice a

day, a meal of seventy-two dishes. They consisted of pillaos and other

native viands. The cookery was rich, and some of them delicious. They

were served up in silver. We quitted Khyrpoor with regret, after the

attentions which we had received. Before starting, the Ameer and his

family sent to us two daggers, and two beautiful swords with belts

ornamented by large masses of gold. The blade of one of them was valued

at 80_l._ To these were added many cloths and native silks; also a

purse of a thousand rupees, which I did not accept, excusing myself by

the remark that I required nothing to make me remember the kindness of

Meer Roostum Khan.

~Sindian rule.~

Mr. Elphinstone has remarked, “that the chiefs of Sinde appear to be

barbarians of the rudest stamp, without any of the barbarous virtues,”

and I fear that there is too much truth in the character, though the

Khyrpoor family exhibited little to show themselves deserving of the

stigma; but the chiefs of this country live entirely for themselves.

They wallow in wealth, while their people are wretched. Professing an

enthusiastic attachment to the religion of Mahommed, they have not even

a substantial mosque in their territories; and at Hydrabad, where

the town stands on rock, and indeed every where, they pray in temples

of mud, and seem ignorant of elegance or comfort in all that concerns

domestic arrangement. The Beloochees are a particularly savage race of

people, but they are brave barbarians. From childhood they are brought

up in arms; and I have seen some of the sons of chiefs who had not

attained the age of four or five years strutting about with a shield

and a sword of small size, given by the parents to instil into them,

at that early period, the relish for war. This tribe composes but a

small portion of the Sindian population; and while they are execrated

by the peaceable classes of the community for their imperious conduct,

they, on the other hand, hate the princes by whom they are governed.

It would be difficult to conceive a more unpopular rule, with all

classes of their subjects, than that of the Ameers of Sinde: nor is

the feeling disguised; many a fervent hope did we hear expressed, in

every part of the country, that we were the forerunners of conquest,

the advance-guard of a conquering army. The persons of the Ameers are

secure from danger by the number of slaves which they entertain around

their persons. These people are called “Khaskelees,” and enjoy the

confidence of their masters, with a considerable share of power: they

are hereditary slaves, and a distinct class of the community, who marry

only among themselves.

~Bukkur.~

We marched to Bukkur on the morning of the 19th, which is a fortress

fifteen miles from Khyrpoor, situated on an insulated rock of flint

on the Indus, with the town of Roree on one side and Sukkur on

the other. It was not to be supposed that the Ameer would give us

permission to visit this fancied bulwark of his frontier, and I did

not press a demand which I saw was far from agreeable; but we had

good opportunities of examining the place while passing it, both on

shore and on the river. The island is about 800 yards long, of an oval

shape, almost entirely occupied by the fortification, which looks

more European than most Indian works: it is a beautiful object from

the banks of the Indus; its towers are mostly shaded by large full

grown trees, and the tall date drops its weeping leaves on the mosques

and walls. There are several other islets near it, on one of which

stands the shrine of Khaju Khizr, a holy Mahommedan, under a dome that

contributes to the beauty of the scene. The Indus rolls past Bukkur

in two streams, each of 400 yards wide, and the waters lash the rocks

which confine them with noise and violence. During the swell, the

navigation of this part of the river is dangerous, though the boatmen

of Bukkur are both expert and daring. The town of Roree, which faces

Bukkur, stands on a precipice of flint forty feet high, and some of

its houses, which are lofty, overhang the Indus. The inhabitants of

these can draw up water from their windows; but a cut road in the rock

supplies the citizens with this necessary of life without risking

their lives. The opposite bank of Sukkur is not precipitous like that

of Roree. A precious relic, the lock of Mahommed’s hair, enclosed in

a golden box, attracts the Mahommedan pilgrim to Bukkur, though the

inhabitants are chiefly Hindoos.

~Grave predictions.~

On the banks of the Indus we had a curious interview in the evening

after our arrival with the Vizier from Khyrpoor, who had been sent by

Meer Roostum Khan to escort us thus far, and see that we were furnished

with boats. After requesting to be received privately, he renewed

the subject of our first conversation, and said that he had been

instructed by his master to propose a solemn treaty of friendship with

the British government on any terms that might be named: he then ran

over the list of neighbouring states which owed their existence to an

alliance,--the Chief of the Daodpootras, the Rawul of Jaysulmeer, and

the Rajah of Beecaneer, &c. &c. and then concluded with a peroration

full of gravity, that it was foretold by astronomers, and recorded

in his books, that the English would in time possess all India, a

prediction which both Meer Roostum and himself felt satisfied would

come to pass, when the British would ask why the chiefs of Khyrpoor had

not come forward with an offer of allegiance. I tried to remove, but

without effect, the sad prognostications of the minister, and declared

my incompetency to enter on such weighty matters as a treaty between

the states, without authority and before receiving a written statement

under the Ameer’s seal. I said that I would make known the wishes

that had been expressed to my government, which would be gratified to

hear they had such friends, which seemed to please the diplomatist;

he begged that I would bear in mind what had passed, and exacted a

promise that I would write to him when gone, and so water the tree of

friendship, that the object might be ultimately effected,--“for the

stars and heaven proclaimed the fortune of the English!”

~Amusing incident.~

This was not the only incident of interest that occurred at Bukkur:

we had a visit from an Afghan nobleman of rank, who had been on a

mission to the Governor-General from the late Shah Mahmood of Herat,

and was now on his return to his native country, by the way of Sinde

and Mekran, the dissensions of dismembered Cabool preventing his

passing by the usual route. He was one of the finest natives I ever

saw, and had a flowing beard reaching to his waist: he was full of

Calcutta and its wonders, and had adopted many of our customs. He rode

on an English saddle; but said he had just found out that it was partly

made of hog’s skin, and brought it to beg my acceptance of it, for he

dared not take such a thing to his country, and would not again use

it. I civilly declined the offer, and regretted that the information

regarding the materials of the saddle had been traced to me; for, as he

liked our fashions, it was a pity he could not carry them to his own

country. Previous to the envoy’s leaving us, he begged I would give him

an English brush, which I did with pleasure; but I did not consider it

necessary to add that, in addition to the skin of the unclean beast, he

would now have the bristles. He went away in great good humour with his

gift, for which he offered me his palankeen.

~Mihmandar.~

I was sorry that I should have been the means of giving uneasiness to

the Afghan; for it seems that he acquired his knowledge regarding the

construction of his saddle from our Sindian Mihmandar, Tukkee Shah,

who had taunted him with uncleanness. This person was a Syud, one of

the strictest Mahommedans I ever met. He was a son of Meer Ismael

Shah, and of Persian descent. We found him intelligent and learned,

and his polished manners made us regret the loss of so agreeable a

companion. He left us at Bukkur, to take temporary charge of the

Shikarpoor district during the absence of his brother, the Nawab.

The character of this person was singularly disfigured by Mahommedan

bigotry and superstition; while sceptical and dispassionate on all

other topics, there was no miracle too absurd for his credence in

religion. Among other fables, he assured me that when the Imam Hoosein

had been beheaded by the Yezeedees, and a Christian reproached them

for murdering their Prophet, one of them fell on him; the man,

instantly seizing the head of the Imam, placed it on his breast, and

it pronounced the well-known words, “There is no God but one God, and

Mahommed is his prophet;” which immediately silenced this Mahommedan

Judas!

~Alore, or Arore, the ancient capital.~

While at Bukkur, I visited the ruins of Alore, which is said to have

been once the capital of a mighty kingdom, ruled by the Dulora Rae,

and on which Roree, Bukkur, and Sukkur, have risen. It extended from

the ocean to Cashmeer, from Candahar to Kanoje, and was divided into

four vast viceroyalties: the harbour of Diu, in Kattywar, is expressly

mentioned as one of its sea-ports. It sunk under the Mahommedan arms

so early as the seventh century of the Christian era, when subdued

by the lieutenant of the Caliph of Bagdad, Mahommed bin Cassim,

who invaded India, according to a Persian manuscript, in search of

ornaments for the seraglio of the Caliph.

The particulars of its history are to be found at great length in the

Chuchnama, a history of Sinde in Persian believed to be authentic, and

so called from the ruler of Alore, a Brahmin, by name Duhr bin Chuch.

The ruins of Alore are yet to be discovered in a rocky ridge four miles

south-east of Bukkur, and are now marked by an humble hamlet, with some

ruined tombs. A low bridge with three arches, named the “Bund of Alore

or Arore,” constructed of brick and stone, alone remains of all its

greatness. It is thrown across a valley, which in by-gone years formed

the bed of a branch of the Indus, from which the waters fertilised the

desert, and reached the sea by Omercote and Lucput,--a channel through

which they still find egress in a great inundation.

The description of the battle which overwhelmed the city of Alore, and

terminated the life and reign of the Dulora Rae, affords some clue to

the manners of the age. The Brahmin appeared with a train of elephants,

on one of which he was seated, with two females of exquisite beauty

to supply him with wine and the betel nut. The Mahommedans, unable to

oppose these animals, retired from the field to provide themselves with

combustibles: they filled their pipes, and returned with them to dart

fire at the elephants, which fled in dismay and disorder[8]. The Raja

fell in the action, and his two virgin daughters, “more beautiful than

the morn,” were despatched to Bagdad as fit ornaments for the seraglio

of the vicegerent of the Prophet. The story of these ladies deserves

mention. On their arrival at the holy city, they averred that the

General had dishonoured them in the fever of victory, and the mandate

for his death was forthwith despatched by the Caliph. The innocent

Moslem, sewed up in a raw hide, was transported from the East to

Arabia; and when his bones were produced in the seraglio, the daughters

of Duhr bin Chuch freely confessed the falsehood of their accusation,

and expressed their readiness to die, having avenged their father’s

murder. They were dragged to death in the streets of Bagdad.

~Alore the kingdom of Musicanus.~

~Larkhanu, of Oxycanus. Minagur as Tatta, not Bukkur.~

We have recorded the splendour of Alore, ruled by Brahmins so late as

the seventh century of our era; and history, I think, identifies it

with the kingdom of Musicanus, which Alexander found to be governed

by Brahmins, and the richest and most populous in India. Here it was

that that conqueror built a fort, as “the place was commodiously

situated for bridling the neighbouring nations,” and where Mahommed bin

Cassim a thousand years afterwards subdued the Brahmins who revolted

from the Macedonians. Its prosperity at this late period confirms the

probability of its former wealth. Bukkur is the ancient Munsoora[9],

and has likewise been supposed to be Minagur, which I believe is

erroneous. The second Arrian, in his Periplus, speaks of that city as

the metropolis of Sinde, to which the cargo of the ships was carried

up by the river “from Barbarike, a port in the middle branch of the

Indus.” It has apparently escaped notice, that Minagur is to be

identified with Tatta, as proved by a singular but convincing fact.

The Jhareja Rajpoots of Cutch, who trace their lineage from Tatta,

invariably designate it in these days by the name of Sa-Minagur, of

which Minagur is evidently an abbreviation. I look upon the identity

of Tatta and Minagur as conclusive, though the author of the Periplus

never mentions Pattala. In Reechel we may also have the harbour of

Barbarike. The historians of Alexander do not inform us of the name

of the country of Musicanus, but only of its ruler. The position of

Larkhanu, on the opposite side of the Indus, is well marked as the

country of Oxycanus, which was famed for its fertility, since Alexander

despatched from hence his superannuated soldiers, by the country of the

Archoti and Drangi, to Carmania, or Kerman. The great road westward

branches from Larkhanu, and crosses the mountains to Kelat by the pass

of Bolan, which is the route to Kerman. The modern inhabitants of the

Indus have no traditions of the conquest of the Macedonians to assist

the enquirer in a subject that excites among civilised nations such

intense curiosity.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] It would appear from this, that they smoked in that age: it must

have been _bang_, or hemp, since tobacco was unknown till the discovery

of America.

[9] Ayeen Acbaree.

CHAP. IV.

THE COUNTRY OF BHAWUL KHAN.

~Quit Bukkur.~

On the 21st of May we set sail from Bukkur, having exchanged our boats

for another description of vessel, called “zohruk,” not in use in

Lower Sinde. They are of an oblong square shape, rounded fore and aft,

and built of the _talee_ tree, clamped with pieces of iron instead of

nails, an operation which is performed with great neatness. Some of the

vessels exceed eighty feet in length, and twenty in breadth. They are

flat-bottomed, and pass quicker through the water than the _doondee_,

though they have but one mast. By the description of boats in which

Alexander transported his cavalry, I understand the “zohruk,” which is

well suited for the transport of troops. Arrian describes it “as of

a round form,” and says that they received no injury on leaving the

Hydaspes, when the long vessels were wrecked. Their peculiar build has

doubtless arisen from the occurrence of such rapids as the Macedonians

experienced at the junction of the Acesines and Hydaspes.

~Curiosity of the people.~

The curiosity of the people on the banks of the Indus was intense. One

man in the crowd demanded that we should stop and show ourselves,

since there had never been a _white-face_ in this country before, and

we were bound to exhibit, from the welcome which we had received: he

had seen Shah Shooja, he said (the ex-king of Cabool), but never an

Englishman. Need I say we gratified him and the crowd, of which he

was the spokesman? “Bismilla,” “in the name of God,” was their usual

exclamation when we appeared, and we daily heard ourselves styled

kings and princes. The ladies were more curious than their husbands.

They wear ear-rings of large dimensions, with turquoises suspended or

fixed to them; for these stones are of little value in the vicinity of

Khorasan. Among the women, I should note the Syudanees, or Bebees, the

female descendants of Mahommed: they go about veiled, or rather with a

long white robe thrown over their entire body, having netted orifices

before the eyes and mouth. They are all beggars, and very vociferous

in their demands for alms: one set of them, (for they go about in

troops,) when they found I did not readily meet their demands, produced

a written paper from the shrine of Lal Shah Baz, at Sehwun, to hasten

my charity! Father Manrique, in his journey by the Indus some centuries

ago, complains “of the frail fair ones” who molested him by the way.

In the present age, the dress of the courtezans, who are to be met in

every place of size in the country, would give a favourable idea of the

wealth of Sinde; and it is one of the few, if not the only, amusements

of the inhabitants to listen to the lascivious songs of these people.

They are a remarkably handsome race, and carry along with them a spirit

of enthusiasm in their performance unknown to the ladies of Hindoostan.

~Beloochees of Sinde.~

Three days after quitting Bukkur, we came in sight of the mountains of

Cutch Gundava, distant about a hundred miles from the right bank of the

Indus; the most remarkable peak was named Gendaree. We here entered a

country inhabited by various Beloochee tribes, long addicted to piracy

and plunder; but their spirit has been destroyed by the growing power

of the Khyrpoor chiefs. They offered no opposition or insult; and many

came to pay us a friendly visit. Their manner of saluting each other,

which indeed prevails among all the Beloochees, is somewhat peculiar.

On approaching, they seize the stranger’s hand, and touch the right

breast with the right shoulder, and the left with the left, and follow

up the words “welcome” with half a dozen such sentences as, “Are you

happy? Is every thing right? Are all well, great and small, children

and horses? You are welcome.”

~Sinde frontier, farewell letters.~

A very few days brought us beyond the reach of these Beloochees,

and the dominions of Sinde; for we anchored thirty miles north of

Subzulcote, the frontier town, on the evening of the 26th, on the

line of boundary between the Khan of the Daoodpootras and the Ameers

of Sinde. Our progress had been exceedingly rapid; for we had a

favourable breeze, and often followed the lesser branches of the Indus

to escape the violence of the stream. The boats sailed with celerity;

for we came one hundred and twenty miles by the course of the river

in six days against the stream. We here had a farewell feast from

the Khyrpoor Ameer and Meer Nusseer Khan, the son of the principal

Ameer, who had shown us marked civility throughout the journey.

After the people had fared sumptuously, our boats were crowded like

sheepfolds. I addressed valedictory letters to both the Ameers and

their chief ministers, besides several replies to other persons;

for the “_cacoethes scribendi_” seemed to have beset the nobles of

the land; and I had received, in one day, no less than six letters.

These productions were full of metaphor and over-strained expressions

of anxiety for our health and safety, with trite sayings about the

advantages of friendship, and a letter being half an interview. There

is no difference between the manners of Europe and Asia so striking

as in correspondence. The natives of the East commit the writing and

diction of their compositions to a native secretary, simply telling him

to write a letter of friendship, congratulation, or whatever may be the

subject, to which he affixes his seal, sometimes without a perusal.

If the signet is not legible, one may often try in vain to find out

his correspondent; for he never names himself in his letter. In my

epistles, I told the Khyrpoor chief that his friendship and kindness

had brought us without an accident, and with unprecedented speed,

against the mighty stream of the Indus; and I thought it as well, for

the edification of the Hydrabad Ameer, to add, that _the Indus was

a navigable river_ from the ocean, and had abundance of water every

where! I did not quit Sinde favourably impressed, either with his

character or policy; but we should not try such a man by an European

standard, and he doubtless opposed our choice of the route by the Indus

on sufficiently good grounds. I parted from our Khyrpoor friends really

with reluctance; for their hospitality and kindness had been great,

and it was with difficulty that I was permitted to reward the boatmen.

The Mihmandar said that he had been ordered to prohibit it; and his

master only desired to please the British Government. This person was

very inferior to our former companion the Syud; but, if less learned

and intelligent, he had the more sterling qualities of sincerity and

honesty: his name was Inayut Khan Ghoree.

~Sindian escort.~

We here dismissed, and with regret, our Sindian escort, which had

followed us from the mouths of the Indus. They seemed to have become

attached to us, and followed us in our walks and rides with unusual

alacrity; as we were leaving, they accompanied us to the water’s

edge, with loud cries of thanks for our kindness and prayers for

our welfare. They consisted of twenty-four men; twelve of whom were

Beloochees and the rest Jokeeas, a tribe of mountaineers near Curachee.

We had not, I am sure, done much to deserve such gratitude; for they

had only received an additional month’s pay (eight rupees each) to

take them back to their country, a distance of three hundred and

fifty miles. Some of them begged to accompany us to Lahore; but, on

the same principle that they had been hired in Sinde, it would be

proper to enlist natives of the new country we were entering, and I

civilly declined their request. These men used to kill game for us;

and were ever ready to anticipate our wishes. Their honesty we found

unimpeachable; and we never lost any thing in our progress through a

strange country, protected by strangers on whom we had no tie, and who

had been brought from the fields to enter our service.

[Illustration: NATIVES OF SINDE.

Lith^d. for Burnes’ Travels into Bokhara,--by Day & Haghe Lith^{rs}. to

the King.

John Murray Albemarle S^t. 1834.

_On Stone by L. Haghe._

_Capt^n. R. M. Grindlay del^t._

]

~Fish diet.~

~Manners, &c. Costume.~

The natives of the neighbouring countries, and the higher class of

people in Sinde, have a singular notion regarding the fish diet of

the inhabitants. They believe it prostrates the understanding; and,

in palliation of ignorance in any one, often plead that “he is but a

fish-eater.” The lower order of the Sindians live entirely on fish and

rice; and the prevailing belief must be of an old date, as they tell

an anecdote of one of the Emperors of Delhi who addressed a stranger

in his court with the question from whence he came; he replied, from

Tatta, and the king turned away his head. The stranger, recollecting

the prejudice against his country, immediately rejoined, that he was

not a “fish-eater.” I am not prepared to state how far a fish diet

may affect the intellect of the Sindian, but I certainly remarked the

prolific nature of the food in the number of children on the banks of

the Indus. The greatest fault which an European would find with the

people of Sinde is their filthy habits. They always wear dark-coloured

garments from religious motives; but the ablutions of the Prophet are

little attended to. People must be in easy circumstances, I believe, or

cease to feel want before they adopt habits of cleanliness. The change

of costume in the people, announced already a change of country. Since

leaving Bukkur, we had met many Afghans and natives of the kingdom

of Cabool. The boots of some of these strangers, made of variegated

leather, ribbed, in some instances, not unlike the skin of the tiger,

formed an extraordinary dress for a long-bearded old man.

~Quit Sinde. Bhawul Khan’s country~.

In the evening of the 27th we quitted Sinde, and ascended the river for

a few miles, where we were met by Gholam Kadir Khan, a Nuwab and person

of high rank, who had been sent to welcome us by Bhawul Khan, the chief

of the Daoodpootras, in whose country we had now arrived. He was a

little, pot-bellied old man, with a happy expression of countenance;

and he said that he was sent to communicate the delight with which his

master hailed our approach. He brought a most kind message--that a

fleet of fifteen boats had been collected, and was now in readiness to

convey us through the Daoodpootra country, while the Khan had fitted up

a boat expressly for our accommodation. He brought likewise a purse of

a hundred rupees, which he said he had been desired to send me daily:

this I declined, saying, that money was useless where every necessary

and luxury of life was furnished by his master’s hospitality. We soon

got on easy terms with our new hosts, and weighed anchor next evening

for the frontier village, where we halted. Many Daoodpootras came to

see us; they differ in appearance from the Sindians, and wear turbans

formed of tight and round folds of cloths.

~Quit the Indus.~

On the 30th of May our fleet, now swelled to eighteen boats, quitted

the Indus at Mittuncote, where it receives the united waters of the

Punjab rivers; and, as if to remind us of its magnitude, the stream

was here wider than in any other part of its course, and exceeded 2000

yards. We took a last farewell of its waters, and entered the Chenab or

Acesines of the Greeks. Alexander sailed down this river to the Indus;

but no tradition of that event is preserved on its banks. The Sindians

point to Cabool as the theatre of his exploits, where Sikunder the

Persian achieved many memorable deeds. In the East, as in the West,

there have not been wanting ages of darkness to draw a mist over truth,

and substitute, in poetical language, the fables of an Eastern country

for one of the most authentic facts in ancient history--the voyage of

Alexander on the Indus. Mittun is a small town, about a mile distant

from the Indus, and occupies, I imagine, the site of one of the Grecian

cities, since the advantage of its position for commerce attracted the

attention of Alexander.

~Elevated houses of Sinde.~

~Effects of the Indus on the climate.~

In Lower Sinde the pastoral tribes live in reed houses, and rove from

one place to another. In these parts of the Indus they dwell in

habitations elevated eight or ten feet from the ground, to avoid the

damp and the insects occasioned by it. These are also built of reeds,

and entered by a ladder. They are small neat cottages, and occupied by

wandering tribes, who frequent the banks of the river till the season

of inundation. Herodotus mentions that the Egyptians slept in turrets

during the rise of the Nile. The inhabitants have strange notions

regarding the influence of the Indus on the climate. They believe that

it gives out a perpetual breeze; and they, therefore, seek a habitation

near it, for the heat of Sinde is most oppressive. The father of

history expressed his belief that such also was the case with the Nile;

and it is curious that a similar opinion should be entertained by the

people of Sinde. I can readily understand that a vast volume of running

water would cool the banks of a river: the heat is said to increase on

receding from the Indus.

~Chenab or Acesines.~

We reached Ooch, where the joint streams of the Sutlege and Beas, here

called the Garra, fall into the Chenab. The name of Punjnud, or Five

Rivers, is unknown to the natives; and we now navigated the Chenab

or Acesines of the Greeks, the name of the five rivers being lost in

that of the greater stream. It is curious to observe that this fact

is expressly mentioned by Arrian:--“The Acesines retains its name till

it falls at last into the Indus, after it has received three other

rivers.” The Sutlege, or Hesudrus, is not mentioned by Alexander’s

historians. These united rivers form a noble stream; and the banks of

the Chenab are free from the thick tamarisk jungles of the Indus. They

were studded with innumerable hamlets, particularly towards the Indus;

for the rich pasture attracts the shepherd.

~Incident.~

Our arrival at Ooch had been so much earlier than was anticipated as to

give rise to an incident which might have proved serious. The troops

of Bhawul Khan were encamped on the banks of the river, and in a dusky

day our numerous fleet was mistaken for the Seik army, which had been

threatening to invade his territories. A discharge of a cannon and some

musquetry arrested the progress of our advanced boat. The mistake was

readily discovered, and the chagrin and vexation that followed afforded

us some amusement. I thought that apologies and regrets would never

have ceased.

~Ooch.~

~Arrival of Bhawul Khan.~

The town of Ooch stands on a fertile plain at a distance of four miles

from the Acesines, beautifully shaded by trees. It is formed of three

distinct towns, a few hundred yards apart from each other, and each

has been encompassed by a wall of brick, now in ruins. The population

amounts to 20,000. The streets are narrow, and covered with mats as a

protection from the sun; but it is a mean place. We were accommodated

in a garden well stocked with fruit trees and flowers, which was an

agreeable change from our confined boats. When preparing for a journey

to visit the Khan,--who was absent at Dirawul, in the desert,--we were

surprised by the arrival of a messenger, with the information that he

had reached Ooch from a distance of sixty miles, that he might save us

the trouble of coming to him, and evince his respect for the British

Government. The messenger brought us a deer, which the Khan had shot,

and of which he begged our acceptance, with forty vessels of sherbet,

and as many of sweetmeats and preserves; also a bag containing 200

rupees, which he requested I would distribute in charity, to mark the

joyful event of our arrival.

~Interview with him.~

On the morning of the 3d of June we visited Bhawul Khan, who had

alighted at a large house outside the town, a mile distant: he sent

an escort of his regular troops, with horses, palankeens, and various

other conveyances,--one of which deserves description. It was a sort

of chair, covered with a red canopy of cloth, supported by two horses,

one in front and the other behind, and the most awkward vehicle that

can be imagined; for it could be turned with difficulty, and the

horses did not incline to such a burden. We passed a line of soldiers,

about 600 in number, dressed in uniforms of red, blue, white, and

yellow; and then entered the court yard, under a salute of eighty

guns. The passages were lined with officers and chiefs; and we found

the Khan seated in an area spread with carpets, attended only by about

ten persons: he rose and embraced us. He made particular enquiries

regarding Mr. Elphinstone, who, he said, had been the means of raising

up a sincere and lasting friendship between his family and the British

Government.

Bhawul Khan is a handsome man, about thirty years of age, somewhat

grave in his demeanour, though most affable and gentlemanlike; during

the interview he held a rosary in his hand, but the telling of the

beads did not interrupt his conversation. He dilated at length on the

honour which Runjeet Sing had had conferred upon him in receiving

presents from the King of Great Britain; nor did he, in any way,

betray his feelings towards the Lahore chief, though they are far from

friendly. The Khan, unlike most natives, seemed to avoid all political

subjects. He produced his matchlock, and explained to us his manner

of hunting deer, his favourite sport; and expressed a strong wish

that we should accompany him to his residence in the desert. We left

him quite charmed with his kindness, and the sincere manner in which

he had shown it. In the evening the Khan sent for our perusal the

testimonials that had been given to his grandfather by Mr. Elphinstone,

which are preserved with great pride and care in the archives of his

government. For my own part, I felt equal satisfaction to find the

English character stand so high in this remote corner of India, and the

just appreciation of the high-minded individual who had been the means

of fixing it.

~Merchants at Bhawulpoor.~

During our stay at Ooch, we were visited by some of the principal

merchants of Bhawulpoor, who had followed the Khan. The intelligence

of these people, and extent of their travels, surprised me. Most

of them had traversed the kingdom of Cabool, and visited Balkh and

Bokhara: some had been as far as Astracan; and they used the names

of these towns with a familiarity as if they had been in India. They

had met Russian merchants at Bokhara, but assured me that they never

came to the eastward of that city. The intervening countries they

represented as perfectly safe, and bestowed the highest commendations

on Dost Mahommed, of Cabool, and the Uzbeks, who encouraged commercial

communication. These merchants are chiefly Hindoos, whose disposition

peculiarly adapts them for the patient and painstaking vocation of a

foreign merchant. Some of them are Jews, who retain the marks of their

nation in all countries and places.[10]

~History of Ooch.~

We continued at Ooch for a week. The place is ancient, and highly

celebrated in the surrounding countries from the tombs of two saints

of Bokhara and Bagdad. The Ghorian emperors expelled the Hindoo Rajas

of Ooch, and consigned the surrounding lands to pious Mahommedans.

The tombs of the two worthies I have named are handsome, and held in

much reverence by the people; they are about five hundred years old,

and tradition is silent regarding the history of the place beyond that

period. The posterity of these saints enjoy both spiritual and temporal

power to the present day; but, instead of ministering to the wants of

the inhabitants, who are needy and poor, they waste their fortunes

in the chase, and retain hounds and horses for their amusement. An

inundation of the Acesines, some years back, swept away one half of the

principal tomb, with a part of the town; and, though the return of the

river to its original bed is attributed to the miraculous interference

of the deceased saint, the people have, as yet, failed to testify their

gratitude by repairing his tomb. The town of Ooch stands on a mound

of earth or clay, like the city of Tatta, which I judge to have been

formed by the ruins of houses. The Chenab has swept away a portion of

the mound; and the section of it which has been thus exposed seems to

support the conjecture which I have stated.

~Visit from Bhawul Khan.~

On the 5th of June we had a visit from Bhawul Khan. He insisted on

coming in person to see us; and sent a large tent to be pitched by our

garden, in which we received him. He sat for about an hour; and put

numerous questions regarding the manufactures of Europe. The chief is

of a mechanical turn of mind; he produced a detonating gun, which had

been made under his directions from an European pattern, and certainly

did credit to the artificer; he had also manufactured the necessary

caps and fulminating powder. He expressed, at this interview, much

satisfaction with the presents which we had sent him; they consisted

of a brace of pistols, a watch, and some other articles. The Khan came

in an open sort of chair, to which we conducted him on his departure.

He was attended by about a thousand persons; and I observed that he

distributed money as he passed along. After the visit, our Mihmandar

brought us presents from the Khan; they consisted of two horses richly

caparisoned with silver and enamel trappings, a hawk, with shawls and

trays of the fabrics made at Bhawulpoor, some of which were very rich;

to these were added a purse of 2000 rupees, and a sum of 200 for the

servants; and, last of all, a beautiful matchlock, which had its value

doubled by the manner in which it was presented. “The Khan,” said the

messenger, “has killed many a deer with this gun; and he begs you will

accept it from him, and, when you use it, remember that Bhawul Khan is

your friend.”

~Audience of leave.~

In the evening we had a parting interview with Bhawul Khan. I gave him

a handsome percussion gun; and assured him, what I felt most sincerely,

that we should long remember his kindness and hospitality. He embraced

us on our leaving him; and intreated us to write to him and command his

services. The courtiers and people were as polite as their chief.

We left Ooch on the following morning, and pitched our camp at the

junction of the Chenab with the Garra, or united streams of the Beas

and Sutlege.

~Mountains of Sooliman.~

The country about Ooch is flat and exceedingly rich; there are many

signs of inundation between the town and the river. The dust was

most intolerable; but it always cleared up towards evening, and we

saw the sun set in splendour behind the mountains of Sooliman across

the Indus, eighty miles distant. They did not appear high, and were

not distinguished by any remarkable peaks. It is a little below the

latitude of Ooch that they assume a direction parallel to the Indus,

which they afterwards preserve. We lost sight of the range on our

voyage to Mooltan the day after leaving Ooch.

~Embouchure of the Sutlege.~

On the morning of the 7th we passed the mouth of the Sutlege, and

continued our voyage on the Chenab to the frontiers of Bhawul Khan,

which we reached on the evening of the 8th. The Chenab receives the

Sutlege without turmoil, and appears quite as large above as below the

conflux. The waters of either river are to be distinguished some miles

below the junction by their colour: that of the Chenab is reddish; and,

when joined by the Sutlege, the waters of which are pale, the contrast

is remarkable. For some distance the one river keeps the right, and the

other the left, bank; the line of demarcation between the two being

most decided. The nature of the soil through which the Chenab flows,

no doubt, tinges its waters. This peculiarity is well known to the

natives, who speak of the “red water,” but none of the ancient authors

allude to the circumstance. The nature of the country between Ooch and

the Indus has been mistaken, as it is never flooded. Several decayed

canals, if cleared, would yet lead the water of the Chenab to the

Indus, and may account for Major Rennell’s conducting that river into

the great stream, so many miles above the true point of union, until

the geographical error was rectified by the mission to Cabool.

~The Mihmandar.~

We parted with our Mihmandar, Gholam Cadir Khan, before passing into

the Seik territory. We had seen a great deal of him, and found him

well informed on all such subjects as he could be supposed to know.

He carried four or five historical works with him, among which was

the Chuchnamu, or History of Sinde, to which I have alluded, one or

two books on medicine, and some volumes of poetry: yet he made a most

particular request, at our last interview, that I would tell him the

secret of magic, which he was certain we possessed. I assured him of

the error under which he laboured: “But,” said he, “how is it that

you have had a favourable wind ever since I met you, and performed a

twenty days’ voyage in five, when a breath of air does not sometimes

stir in this country for months?” I told him that such was the good

fortune of the English. When the Nawaub found me wanting in the black

art, he whispered that he himself was a dealer in spells and magic;

but very sensibly added, that he had no faith in his own incantations,

high as they stood in the opinion of others; though it was not his

part to say so. He begged I would give him some medicine to prevent

him growing fatter; but neither regular exercise, nor vinegar, which

I prescribed, seemed to suit his taste. What a whimsical creature man

is. In Sinde, every person of rank seeks for rotundity to support his

dignity; and but a few miles from that country, the “martyr to obesity”

is considered unfortunate.

There is little cordiality subsisting between the Seiks and Bhawul

Khan; and it was with the utmost difficulty that I prevailed on the

Nawaub to let us proceed to the Seik camp, a distance of six miles,

in the boats belonging to his master. “The Seiks,” he said, “are my

master’s enemies, and no boat of ours shall cross their frontier.”

He at last assented, on my becoming answerable for the return of the

vessels.

~Runjeet Sing’s country.~

A few hours’ sail brought us to the place of rendezvous late at night,

and the fires of the soldiers blazing in the darkness only increased

our anxiety to meet our new friends. It was the camp of the party which

had been sent from Lahore to await our arrival, and had long expected

us. Immediately on landing, we were received by Sirdar Lenu Sing, who

came with considerable state on an elephant, and was attended by a

large retinue. The Sirdar was richly dressed, and had a necklace of

emeralds, and armlets studded with diamonds. In one hand he held a bow,

and in the other two Persian letters in silken bags. He congratulated

us, in the name of Maharajah Runjeet Sing, on our arrival, and had been

desired by his Highness to communicate that he was deeply sensible of

the honour conferred upon him by the King of England, and that his army

had been for some time in readiness on the frontier, to chastise the

barbarians of Sinde, who had so long arrested our progress. He then

delivered to me the letters which appointed himself as our Mihmandar,

in conjunction with two other persons; presenting at the same time

a bow, according to the custom of the Seiks. On the ceremony being

terminated, the Sirdar and several others placed bags of money at my

feet, amounting to about 1400 rupees, and then withdrew.

The first intercourse with a new people can never be destitute of

interest, and the present was far from being so.

These Seiks are tall and bony men, with a very martial carriage: the

most peculiar part of their dress is a small flat turban, which

becomes them well; they wear long hair, and from the knee downwards

do not cover the leg. When the deputation had withdrawn, an escort of

regular troops attended to receive orders, and sentries were planted

round our camp. It was novel to hear the words of command given in the

French language.

~Exhibition of the dray horses.~

No sooner had the day broke, than the Maharajah’s people evinced much

anxiety to view the dray horses, and we had them landed for exhibition.

Their surprize was extreme; for they were little elephants, said

they, and not horses. Their manes and tails seemed to please, from

their resemblance to the hair of the cow of Thibet; and their colour,

a dappled grey, was considered a great beauty. It was not without

difficulty that I replied to the numerous questions regarding them;

for they believed that the presents of the King of England must be

extraordinary in every way; and for the first time, a dray horse was

expected to gallop, canter, and perform all the evolutions of the

most agile animal. Their astonishment reached its height when the

feet of the horses were examined; and a particular request was made

of me to permit the despatch of one of the shoes to Lahore, as it was

found to weigh 100 rupees, or as much as the four shoes of a horse in

this country. The curiosity was forthwith despatched by express, and

accompanied by the most minute measurement of each of the animals, for

Runjeet Sing’s special information. The manner in which this rarity was

prized, will be afterwards seen, when it is gravely recorded, that the

new moon turned pale with envy on seeing it!

~Civilities.~

Our own comforts were not forgotten among their wonder and admiration,

for the attentions of the people were of the most marked description.

Our Mihmandar said that he had the strictest injunctions regarding

our reception; and he rigidly acted up to the spirit of the following

document, which will best show the distinguished and kind manner we

were treated in the territories of Maharajah Runjeet Sing.

~Purwanu of Runjeet Sing.~

COPY OF THE MAHARAJAH’S “PURWANU,” OR COMMAND TO HIS OFFICERS.

“Be it known to Dewan Adjoodia Pursad, Monsieur Chevalier Ventura, and

the great and wise Sirdar Lenu Sing, and Lalla Sawun Mull, Soobadar

of Mooltan, that when Mr. Burnes reaches the frontier, you are

immediately to attend to all his wants, and previously despatch 200

infantry and the lancers, under Tajee Sing, to Julalpoor, that they

may be ready on his arrival as an honorary escort; and you are at the

same time to make known your own arrival in the neighbourhood. When

Mr. Burnes approaches, you are immediately to despatch an elephant,

with a silver houda, in charge of the Dewan, who is to state that the

animal has been sent for his own express use, and then ask him to be

seated thereon, which will be gratifying, as the friendship between

the states is great.

“When Mr. Burnes has mounted the elephant, then shall the Sirdar Lenu

Sing, and Sawun Mull, seated on other elephants, approach, and have

an interview with that gentleman, paying him every manner of respect

and attention in their power, and congratulating him in a hundred ways

on his safe arrival from a long and distant journey, distributing at

the same time 225 rupees among the poor. You are then to present a

handsome bow, and each of you eleven gold Venetians, and conduct the

gentleman to the halting-place, and there set before him 1100 rupees,

and fifty jars of sweetmeats. You are then to supply the following

articles: grass, grain, bran, milk, eggs, fowls, sheep (doombus),

curds, vegetables, fruit, roses, spices, water-vessels, beds, and

every other thing that may be necessary, in quantities without bounds,

and be neglectful and dilatory in nothing. When you visit, you are

to parade the two companies and the horse, and salute, and then place

guards according to Mr. Burnes’ pleasure.

“When you reach Shoojuabad, you are to fire a salute of eleven

guns, and furnish every thing as before directed, and present 1100

rupees, with sweetmeats and fruits, and attend to every wish that is

expressed. If Mr. Burnes desires to look at the fort of Shoojuabad,

you are to attend on him and show it, and see there is no obstruction,

and that no one even raises his voice.

“On reaching Mooltan, you are to conduct Mr. Burnes with great

respect, and pitch his camp in whatever garden he shall select; the

Huzooree, the Begee, the Shush Muhl, or the Khass wu Am, or any other.

You are then to present him with a purse of 2500 rupees, and 100 jars

of sweetmeats, and fire a salute of eleven guns from the ramparts of

the fortress. When you have complimented him on his arrival, you are

to suggest for his consideration, whether he would not like to halt at

Mooltan for five or six days after his long journey, and act entirely

as he desires; if he wishes to view the fort, you three persons are

to attend him, and allow no one to make a noise, and take most

particular care that the Nihungs, and such other wrong-headed people,

are kept at a distance.

“In quitting Mooltan, you are to load 100 camels with provisions for

the supply of Mr. Burnes to Lahore, and Soobadar Sawan Mull is to

attend him in person for the first stage, and after taking leave,

repair to the camp of Monsieur Chevalier Ventura. Sirdar Lenu Sing and

Dewan Adjoodia Pursad, together with Futih Sing Ramgurree, accompanied

by an escort of two companies and the lancers, shall attend Mr.

Burnes, and proceed by easy stages to Lahore, despatching daily

notice of his approach. At Dehra, Syudwulla the Kardar is to present

1100 rupees, with the usual sweetmeats; and you are all directed to

remember, in every instance, and at all times, the great friendship

which subsists between the two states.”

There is at all times much display and hyperbole in affairs of this

description throughout the East; but in the present instance it will

be observed, that the Maharajah not only evinced his liberality in

other matters, but in throwing open to our inspection the strong holds

of his country, which can be duly appreciated by those only who have

experienced the extreme jealousy of most Indian governments. The Seik

Sirdars in attendance on us were likewise most communicative; and this

is the more remarkable, as it could not have escaped the Maharajah,

that in taking the unfrequented tract we had followed on the Indus we

were seeking for new information, after the spirit of our country.

FOOTNOTE:

[10] It was my conversation with these men which made me decide on

undertaking the journey to Central Asia, which I afterwards performed.

Travels into Bokhara (Volume 3 of 3) Being the Account of A Journey from India to Cabool, Tartary, and Persia; Also, Narrative of a Voyage on the Indus, From the Sea to Lahore, With Presents From the King of Great Britain; Performed Under the Orders of the Supreme Government of India, in the Years 1831, 1832, and 1833 · 第 4 / 7 章