Man, as Goethe conceives him, is essentially active. The happiness he

seeks is not passive enjoyment, but an occupation, a pursuit adapted

to his inborn capacities. It follows that a principal condition of

happiness is a just self-knowledge. He will be happy, who knows what

he wants and what he can do. Here again Goethe gives importance

to a doctrine which in itself is obvious enough by the persistent

energy with which he applies it. He has been himself bewildered by

the multiplicity of his own tastes and aptitudes. He has wanted to

do everything in turn, and he has found himself capable to a certain

extent of doing everything. Hence the question—What is my true

vocation? has been to him exceptionally difficult. In studying it

he has become aware of the numberless illusions and misconceptions

which hide from most men the true nature of their own aptitudes, and

therefore the path of their happiness. He finds that the circumstances

of childhood, and especially our system of education, which “excites

wishes, instead of awakening tastes,” have the effect of creating a

multitude of unreal ambitions, deceptive impulses and semblances of

aptitudes. He finds that most men have been more or less misled by

these illusions, have more or less mistaken their true vocation, and

therefore missed their true happiness. On this subject he has collected

a vast mass of observations, and, in fact, added a new chapter to

practical morality. This is the subject of “Wilhelm Meister,” not

the most attractive nor the most perfect, but perhaps the most

characteristic, of Goethe’s works and, as it were, the text-book

of the Goethian philosophy. It is said not to be widely popular in

Germany. Most English readers lay it down bewildered, wondering what

Goethe’s admirers can see in it so extraordinary, and astonished at

the indifference to what we have agreed to call morality—that is, the

part of morality that concerns the relations of the sexes—which reigns

throughout it. I shall touch on this latter point later. Meanwhile, let

me remark, that few books have had a deeper influence upon modern

literature than this famous novel. It is the first important instance

of a novel which deals principally and on a large scale with opinions

or views of life. How Wilhelm mistook his vocation, and how this

mistake led to many others; how a secret society, the Society of the

Tower, taught a doctrine on the subject of vocations, and of the

method by which men are to be assisted in discovering their true

vocations; how Wilhelm is assisted and by what stages he arrives at

clearness—this is the subject of a long and elaborate narrative. It

is throughout most seriously instructive; it is seldom very amusing;

and we may add that the moral of the story is not brought out with very

convincing distinctness. But it has been the model upon which the novel

of the present day is formed. Written twenty years before the Waverley

Novels, which are in the opposite extreme, since they make no serious

attempt to teach anything and dwell upon everything which Goethe

disregards, adventure, surprise, costume, it began to produce its

effect among us when the influence of the Waverley Novel was exhausted.

The idea now prevalent, which gives to the novel a practical as well

as an artistic side, the idea which prompts us, when we wish to preach

any kind of social or moral reform, to write a novel about it, seems to

have made way chiefly through Goethe’s authority.

But the substance of “Wilhelm Meister” is even more important than the

form. It presents the whole subject of morality under a new light, and

as in this respect it is only the fullest of a number of utterances

to the same effect made by Goethe, it can never be fully appreciated

when it is considered by itself, but must be judged in the closest

connection with his other works and with his life. Every attempt to

treat such a subject as morality in an original manner has something

alarming about it. Such attempts ought to be laid only before minds

strong enough to consider them calmly, and yet of necessity they

come to the knowledge of “the weak brethren,” who are frightened

or unsettled by them. Moreover, such attempts are always likely to

be one-sided. As it is usually an intense perception of something

overlooked into the orthodox morality that prompts them, the innovator

is apt to be hurried into the opposite extreme, and to overlook in his

turn what the orthodox morality has taught rightly. Goethe laid himself

open to the charge of immorality. “Wilhelm Meister” was received

with horror by the religious world; it was, if I remember right,

publicly burnt by Count Stolberg. In England, Wordsworth spoke of it

with disgust, and it still remains the book which chiefly justifies

the profound distrust and aversion with which Goethe has been and is

regarded among those who are Christian either in the dogmatic or in the

larger sense. Not unnaturally it must be confessed.

But I do seriously submit that Christians should learn to be less timid

than they are. In their absorbing anxiety for “the weaker brethren”

they often seem to run the risk of becoming “weak brethren” themselves.

We ought not to come to the consideration of moral questions under the

influence of panic and nervous fright. It is true that few books seem

at first sight more directly opposed than “Wilhelm Meister” to that

practical Christianity which we love to think of as beyond controversy,

that spirit which, as it breathes from almost all Christian churches

and sects alike, strikes us as undoubtedly the essential part of

religion. At first sight the book seems secular, heathenish in an

extraordinary degree. Let us, then, if we will, warn young people

away from it; but let us ask ourselves at the same time how a man so

gifted, so serious and also so good natured—for there is no appearance

of rancor in the book, which even contains a picture, tenderly and

pleasingly drawn, of Christian pietism—could come to take a view so

different from that commonly accepted of questions about which we are

all so anxious. Such a course may lead us to see mistakes made by

modern Christianity, which may have led Goethe also into mistakes by

reaction; whereas the other course, of simply averting our eyes in

horror, can lead to no good.

We may distinguish between the positive and the negative part of this

moral scheme. All that “Wilhelm Meister” contains on the subject of

vocations seems valuable, and the prominence which he gives to the

subject is immensely important. In considering how human life should be

ordered, Goethe begins with the fact that each man has an occupation,

which fills most of his time. It seems to him, therefore, the principal

problem to secure that this occupation should be not only worthy, but

suited to the capacity of the individual and pursued in a serious

spirit. What can be more simple and obvious? And yet, if we reflect, we

shall see that moralists have not usually taken this simple view, and

that in the accepted morality this whole class of questions is little

considered. Duties to this person and to that, to men, to women, to

dependents, to the poor, to the State—these are considered; but the

greatest of all duties, that of choosing one’s occupation rightly, is

overlooked. And yet it is the greatest of duties, because on it depend

the usefulness and effectiveness of the man’s life considered as a

whole, and, at the same time, his own peace of mind, or, as Goethe

calls it, his inward harmony. Nevertheless, it is so much overlooked

that in ordinary views of life all moral interest is, as it were,

concentrated upon the hours of leisure. The occupation is treated as a

matter of course, a necessary routine about which little can be said.

True life is regarded as beginning when work is over. In work men may

no doubt be honest or dishonest, energetic or slothful, persevering or

desultory, successful or unsuccessful, but that is all; it is only in

leisure that they can be interesting, highly moral, amiable, poetical.

Such a view of life is, to say the least, unfortunate. It surrenders to

deadness and dulness more than half of our existence.

In primitive times, when the main business of life was war, this was

otherwise. Then men gave their hearts to the pursuit to which they

gave their time. What was most important was also most interesting,

and the poet when he sang of war sang of business too. Hence came the

inimitable fire and life of Homeric and Shakspearian poetry. But when

war gave place to industry, it seemed that this grand unity of human

life is gone. Business, the important half of life, became unpoetical,

from the higher point of view uninteresting—for how could the

imagination dwell on the labors of the office or the factory?—and all

higher interest was confined to that part of life in which energy is

relaxed. Goethe’s peculiar realism at once prompts and enables him to

introduce a reform here. He denies that business is uninteresting, and

maintains that the fault is in our own narrowness and in our slavery

to a poetical tradition. It is the distinction of “Wilhelm Meister”

that it is actually a novel about business, not merely a realistic

novel venturing to approach the edge of that slough of dulness which

is supposed to be at the centre of all our lives, but actually a novel

about business as such, an attempt to show that the occupation to which

a man gives his life is a matter not only for serious thought, but that

it is a matter also for philosophy and poetry. That such a novel must

at first sight appear tame and dull is obvious; it undertakes to create

the taste by which it can be enjoyed, and will be condemned at once by

all who are not disposed to give it a serious trial. But the question

it raises is the fundamental question of modern life. Comprehensive and

practical at once, Goethe’s mind has found out that root of bitterness

which is at the bottom of all the uneasy social agitations of the

nineteenth century. We live in the industrial ages, and he has asked

the question whether industry must of necessity be a form of slavery,

or whether it can be glorified and made into a source of moral health

and happiness.

It is commonly said that “Wilhelm Meister,” seems to make Art the one

object of life; but this is not Goethe’s intention. He was himself an

artist, and, as the work is in a great degree autobiographical, art

naturally comes into the foreground, and the book becomes especially

interesting to artists, but the real subject of it is vocations in

general. In the later books, indeed, art drops into the background, and

we have a view of feminine vocations. The “Beautiful Soul” represents

the pietistic view of life; then Therese appears in contrast,

representing the economic or utilitarian view; finally, Natalie hits

the golden mean, being practical like Therese but less utilitarian,

and, ideal like her aunt, the pietist, but less introspective. On the

whole, then, the lesson of the book is that we should give unity to

our lives by devoting them with hearty enthusiasm to some pursuit, and

that the pursuit is assigned to us by Nature through the capacities

she has given us. It is thus that Goethe substitutes for the idea of

pleasure that of the satisfaction of special inborn aptitudes different

in each individual. His system treats every man as a genius, for it

regards every man as having his own unique individuality, for which

it claims the same sort of tender consideration that is conceded to

genius. But in laying down such rules Goethe thinks first of himself.

He has spent long years in trying to make out his own vocation. He has

had an opportunity of living almost every kind of life in turn. It was

not till he returned from Italy that he felt himself to have arrived at

clearness. What was Goethe’s vocation? Or, since happiness consists in

faithful obedience to a natural vocation, what was Goethe’s happiness?

His happiness is a kind of religion, a perpetual rapt contemplation, a

beatific vision. The object of this contemplation is Nature, the laws

or order of the Universe to which we belong. Of such contemplation he

recognizes two kinds, one of which he calls Art and the other Science.

He was in the habit of thinking that in Art and Science taken together

he possessed an equivalent for what other men call their religion.

Thus, in 1817, on the occasion of the tercentenary of the Reformation,

he writes a poem in which he expresses his devout resolution of showing

his Protestantism, as ever, by Art and Science.[37] It was because

his view of Art was so realistic, that he was able thus to regard

Art as a sort of twin-sister of Science. But the principle involved

in this twofold contemplation of Nature is the very principle of

religion itself, and in one sense it is true that no man was ever more

deliberately and consciously religious than Goethe. No man asserted

more emphatically that the energy of action ought to be accompanied by

the energy of feeling. It is the consistent principle of his life that

the whole man ought to act together, and he pushes it so far that he

seems to forbid all division of labor in science. This is the position

taken up in “Faust” which perhaps is seldom rightly understood.

Science, according to “Faust,” must not be dry analysis pursued at a

desk in a close room; it must be direct wondering contemplation of

Nature. The secrets of the world must disclose themselves to a loving

gaze, not to dry thinking (_trocknes Sinnen_), man must converse with

Nature “as one spirit with another,” “look into her breast as into

the bosom of a friend.” How we should _not_ study is conveyed to us

by the picture of Wagner, who is treated with so much contempt. He is

simply the ordinary man of science, perhaps we may think the modest

practical investigator, of the class to which the advance of science

is mainly due. But Goethe has no mercy on him—why? Because his nature

is divided, because his feelings do not keep pace with his thoughts,

because his attention is concentrated upon single points. Such a man

is to Goethe “the dry creeper,” “the most pitiable of all the sons of

earth.”

Thus it is, then, that Art and Science taken together, the living,

loving, worshipping contemplation of Nature, out of which comes the

knowledge of Nature, are to Goethe religion. But is not such a religion

wholly different from religion as commonly understood, wholly different

from Christianity?

It was, indeed, very different from such Christianity as he found

professed around him. In his youth Goethe was acquainted with several

eminently religious persons, Fräulein von Klettenberg, the Frankfurt

friend of his family, Jung Stilling, and Lavater. He listened to

these not only with his unfailing good humor, but at times with more

conviction than “Dichtung und Wahrheit” would lead us to suppose. In

some of his early letters he himself adopts pietistic language. But

as his own peculiar ideas developed themselves, they separated him

more and more from the religious world of his time. At the time of his

Italian journey and for some years afterwards, we find him speaking

of Christianity not merely with indifference, but with a good deal of

bitterness. This hostility took rather a peculiar form. As the whole

disposition of his mind leads him towards religion, as he can no more

help being religious than he can help being a poet, he does not reject

religion but changes his religion. He becomes, or tries to become,

a heathen in the positive sense of the word; for the description of

Goethe as the Great Heathen is not a mere epithet thrown at him by

his adversaries. He provoked and almost claimed it in his sketch of

Winckelmann, where, after enthusiastic praise of the ancients and of

Winckelmann as an interpreter of the ancient world, he inserted a

chapter entitled, “Heidnisches,” which begins thus: “This picture of

the antique spirit, absorbed in this world and its good things, leads

us directly to the reflection that such excellences are only compatible

with a heathenish way of thinking. The self-confidence, the attention

to the present, the pure worship of the gods as ancestors, the

admiration of them, as it were, only as works of art, the submission

to an irresistible fate, the future hope also confined to this world,

since it rests on the preciousness of posthumous fame; all this belongs

so necessarily together, makes such an indivisible whole, creates a

condition of human life intended by Nature herself, that we become

conscious, alike at the height of enjoyment, and in the depth of

sacrifice and even of ruin, of an indestructible health.” Clearly when

he wrote this (about 1804) Goethe wished and intended to pass for a

heathen. And, indeed, the antique attracts him scarcely at all from the

historical side—he is no republican, no lover of liberty—but almost

exclusively because it offers a religion which is to him the religion

of health and joy.

Is it, then, true that Christianity is a system of morbid and

melancholy introspectiveness, sacrificing all the freshness and glory

of the present life to an awful future? He makes this assumption, and

had almost a right to make it, since the Christianity of his time had

almost exclusively this character. He was, however, himself half aware

that there was all the difference in the world between the Christianity

of his time and original Christianity or Christianity as it might be.

And even at the time of his greatest bitterness he drops expressions

which show that he does not altogether relinquish his interest in

Christianity, but keeps open for himself the alternative of appearing

as a reformer rather than an assailant of it. In the third period and

the old age his tone is a good deal more conciliating than in the

passage above quoted. In the Autobiography he appears, on the whole, as

a Christian, and even makes faint attempts here and there to write in

a style that Christians may find edifying. He tells us expressly that

he had little sympathy with the Encyclopædists, and, in a passage of

the “West-östlicher Divan,” he declares with real warmth that he “has

taken into his heart the glorious image of our sacred books, and, as

the Lord’s image was impressed on St. Veronica’s cloth, he refreshes

himself in the stillness of the breast in spite of all negation and

hindrance with the inspiring vision of faith.” Again, when in the

“Wanderjahre” he grapples constructively, but somewhat too late, with

the problems of the nineteenth century, we find him assuming a reformed

Christianity[38] as the religion of the future.

May we then regard Goethe as one who in reality only opposed the

corruptions of Christianity even when he seemed to oppose Christianity

itself? Certainly _other worldliness_ does not now appear, at

least in England, as a necessary part of Christianity. Surely that

contrast between the healthy spirit of antiquity and the morbidness

of Christianity, which was like a fixed idea in the mind of Goethe’s

generation, need not trouble us now. Those sweeping generalizations

belonged to the infancy of the historical sciences. Mediævalism does

not now seem identical with Christianity. The sombre aspect of our

religion is clearing away. Christian self-denial now appears not as

the aimless, fruitless mortification of desire which Goethe detested,

but as the heroic strenuousness which he practiced. The world which

Christians renounce now appears to be, not the universe nor the present

life, but only conventionalism and tyrannous fashion. With such a

religion, Goethe’s philosophy is sufficiently in harmony. According to

these definitions the spirit even of “Wilhelm Meister” is not secular.

Even his avowal of heathenism comes to wear a different aspect, when

we find him writing thus of the religion of the old Testament: “Among

all heathen religions, for to this class belongs that of Israel as much

as any, this one has great points of superiority,” &c. (he mentions

particularly its “excellent collection of sacred books”). So that,

after all, Goethe may only have been a heathen as the prophet Isaiah

was a heathen!

Thus hindrance after hindrance to our regarding Goethe as a great

prophet of the higher life and of the true religion disappears. There

remains one which is not so easily removed. What surprises the English

reader in “Wilhelm Meister” is not merely the prominence given to Art,

or the serious devotion to things present and to the present life, but

also the extraordinary levity with which it treats the relations of men

and women. The book might, in fact, be called thoroughly immoral, if

the use of that word which is common among us were justifiable. More

correctly speaking, it is immoral throughout on one point; immoral, in

Goethe’s peculiar, inimitable, good-natured manner. The levity is the

more startling in a book otherwise so remarkably grave. Every subject

but one is discussed with seriousness; in parts the solemnity of the

writer’s wisdom becomes quite oppressive; but on the relations of men

and women he speaks in a thoroughly worldly tone. Just where most

moralists grow serious, he becomes wholly libertine, indifferent, and

secular. There is nothing in this novel of the homely domestic morality

of the Teutonic races; a French tone pervades it, and this tone is more

or less perceptible in the other writings of Goethe, especially those

of the second period, with the exception of “Hermann und Dorothea.” On

this subject, the great and wise thinker descends to a lower level; he

seems incapable of regarding it with seriousness; or if he does treat

it seriously, as in the Elective Affinities, he startles us still more

by a certain crude audacity.

It seems possible to trace how Goethe fell into this extraordinary

moral heresy. Starting from the idea of the satisfaction of desire,

and with a strong prejudice against all systems of self-denial,

he perceived, further, that chastity is the favorite virtue of

mediævalism, that it is peculiarly Catholic and monastic. Then, as

his mind turned more and more to the antique, he found himself in

a world of primitive morals, where the woman is half a slave. He

found that in the ancient world friendship is more and love less

than in the modern—to this point, too, Winckelmann had called his

attention—and, since he had adopted it as a principle that the

ancients were healthy-minded and that the moderns are morbid, he

jumped to the conclusion that the sentimental view of love is but a

modern illusion. He accustomed his imagination to the lower kind of

love which we meet with in classical poetry, the love of Achilles for

Briseis, of Ajax for Tecmessa. In his early pamphlet against Wieland

(“Götter, Helden und Wieland,” 1773), we find him already upon this

train of reasoning, and his conclusions are announced with the most

unceremonious plainness. How seriously they were adopted may be seen

from the “Roman Elegies,” written fifteen years later. Among the many

reactions which the eighteenth century witnessed against the spirit of

Christianity, scarcely any is so startling and remarkable as that which

comes to light in these poems. Here the woman has sunk again to her

ancient level, and we find ourselves once more among the Hetaeræ of old

Greek cities. After reading these wonderful poems, if we go through the

list of Goethe’s female characters we shall note how many among them

belong to the class of Hetaeræ—Clärchen. Marianne, Philine, Gretchen,

the Bayadere. And if we turn to his life, we find the man, who shrank

more than once from a worthy marriage, taking a Tecmessa to his tent.

The woman who became at last his wife was spoken of by him in a letter

to the Frau von Stein, as “that poor creature.” She is the very beauty

celebrated in the “Roman Elegies.”

Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature, Science, and Art, January 1885 · 第 4 / 26 段