"Fishing with a line is seldom attempted in the deep sea, excepting

for sharks, rays, and other large fish. The hooks employed are of two

descriptions, the roughest, although perhaps the strongest, being of

native manufacture; the others are of English make, denominated China

hooks. The hook is fastened to a species of fibre called thumboo,

said to be derived from a seaweed, but more probably from one of the

species of palms. The lines are either hemp, cotton, or the fibre of

the talipot palm (Caryota urens), which is obtained by maceration. In

Europe they are called Indian gut.

"Trolling from the shore at the river's mouth is only carried on

of a morning or evening, during the winter months of the year, when

the sea is smooth. The line is from 80 to 100 yards in length, and

held wound round the left hand; the hook is fastened to the line by a

brass wire, and the bait is a live fish. The fisherman, after giving

the line an impetus by twirling it round and round his head, throws

it with great precision from 50 to 60 yards. A man is always close by

with a cast net, catching baits, which he sells for one quarter of an

anna each. This mode of fishing is very exciting sport, but is very

uncertain in its results, and therefore usually carried on by coolies

either before their day's work has commenced, or after its termination.

"Fishing with a bait continues all day long in Cochin during the

monsoon months, when work is almost at a standstill, and five or

six persons may be perceived at each jetty, busily engaged in this

occupation. The Bagrus tribe is then plentiful, and, as it bites

readily, large numbers are captured.

"Fishing in small boats appears at times to be a dangerous occupation;

the small canoe only steadied by the paddle of one man seated in

it looks as if it must every minute be swamped. Very large fish are

sometimes caught in this way. Should one be hooked too large for the

fisherman to manage, the man in the next boat comes to his assistance,

and receives a quarter of the fish for his trouble. This is carried

on all through the year, and the size of some of the Bagri is enormous.

"Fish are shot in various ways, by a Chittagong bamboo, which is a

hollow tube, down which the arrow is propelled by the marksman's

mouth. This mode is sometimes very remunerative, and is followed

by persons who quietly sneak along the shores, either of sluggish

streams or of the backwater. Sometimes they climb up into trees,

and there await a good shot. Or, during the monsoon, the sportsman

quietly seats himself near some narrow channel that passes from one

wide piece of water into another, and watches for his prey. Other

fishermen shoot with bows and arrows, and again others with cross-bows,

the iron arrow or bolt of which is attached by a line to the bow, to

prevent its being lost. But netting fish, catching them with hooks,

or shooting them with arrows, are not the only means employed for

their capture. Bamboo labyrinths, bamboo baskets, and even men's

hands alone, are called into use.

"Persons fish for crabs in shallow brackish water, provided with

baskets like those employed in Europe for catching eels, but open at

both ends. The fishermen walk about in the mud, and, when they feel a

fish move, endeavour to cover it with the larger end of the basket,

which is forced down some distance into the mud, and the hand is

then passed downward through the upper extremity, and the fish taken

out. Another plan of catching them by the hand is by having two lines

to which white cocoanut leaves are attached tied to the fisherman's

two great toes, from which they diverge; the other end of each being

held by another man a good way off, and some distance apart. On these

lines being shaken, the fish become frightened, and, strange as it may

appear, cluster for protection around the man's feet, who is able to

stoop down, and catch them with his hands, by watching his opportunity.

"Bamboo labyrinths are common all along the backwater, in which a good

many fish, especially eels and crabs, are captured. These labyrinths

are formed of a screen of split bamboos, passing perpendicularly out

of the water, and leading into a larger baited chamber. A dead cat is

often employed as a bait for crabs. A string is attached to its body,

and, after it has been in the water some days, it is pulled up with

these crustacea adherent to it. Persons are often surprised at crabs

being considered unwholesome, but their astonishment would cease,

if they were aware what extremely unclean feeders they are.

"Fish are obtained from the inland rivers by poisoning them, but

this can only be done when the water is low. A dam is thrown across

a certain portion, and the poison placed within it. It generally

consists of Cocculus indicus (berries) pounded with rice; croton oil

seeds, etc."

Valangai.--Valangai, Valangan, Valangamattan, or Balagai, meaning those

who belong to the right-hand faction, has, at times of census, been

returned as a sub-division, synonym or title of Deva-dasis, Holeyas,

Nokkans, Panisavans, Paraiyans, and Saliyans. Some Deva-dasis have

returned themselves as belonging to the left-hand (idangai) faction.

Valayakara Chetti.--A Tamil synonym of Gazula Balijas who sell glass

bangles. The equivalent Vala Chetti is also recorded.

Valekara.--A Badaga form of Billekara or belted peon. The word

frequently occurs in Badaga ballads. Taluk peons on the Nilgiris are

called Valekaras.

Vali Sugriva.--A synonym of the Lambadis, who claim descent from Vali

and Sugriva, the two monkey chiefs of the Ramayana.

Valinchiyan.--See Velakkattalavan.

Valiyatan (valiya, great, tan, a title of dignity).--Recorded, in

the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nayar.

Vallabarayan.--A title of Occhan.

Vallamban.--The Vallambans are a small Tamil cultivating class

living in the Tanjore, Trichinopoly, and Madura districts. They are

said [100] to be "the offspring of a Vellalan and a Valaiya woman,

now a small and insignificant caste of cultivators. Some of them

assert that their ancestors were the lords of the soil, for whose

sole benefit the Vellalans used to carry on cultivation. Tradition

makes the Vellambans to have joined the Kallans in attacking and

driving away the Vellalans. It is customary among the Vallambans, when

demising land, to refer to the fact of their being descendants of the

Vallambans who lost Vallam, i.e., the Vallama nadu in Tanjore, their

proper country." Some Vallambans claim to be flesh-eating Vellalas,

or to be superior to Kallans and Maravans by reason of their Vellala

ancestry. They call themselves Vallamtotta Vellalas, or the Vellalas

who lost Vallam, and say that they were Vellalas of Vallam in the

Tanjore district, who left their native place in a time of famine.

Portions of the Madura and Tanjore districts are divided into areas

known as nadus, in each of which a certain caste, called the Nattar,

is the predominant factor. For example, the Vallambans and Kallans

are called the Nattars of the Palaya nadu in the Sivaganga zemindari

of the Madura district. In dealing with the tribal affairs of the

various castes inhabiting a particular nadu, the lead is taken by the

Nattars, by whom certain privileges are enjoyed, as for example in the

distribution to them, after the Brahman and zamindar, of the flowers

and sacred ashes used in temple worship. For the purposes of caste

council meetings the Vallambans collect together representatives from

fourteen nadus, as they consider that the council should be composed

of delegates from a head village and its branches, generally thirteen

in number.

It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway that the Vallambans "speak of

five sub-divisions, namely, Chenjinadu, Amaravatinadu, Palayanadu,

Melnadu, and Kilnadu. The Mel and Kilnadu people intermarry, but

are distinguishable by the fact that the former have moustaches,

and the latter have not. The women dress like the Nattukottai

Chettis. Tattooing is not allowed, and those who practice it are

expelled from the caste. The men generally have no title, but some who

enjoy State service inams call themselves Ambalakaran. The Melnadu

people have no exogamous divisions, though they observe the rule

about Kovil Pangolis. The Kilnadus have exogamous kilais, karais,

and pattams." As examples of exogamous septs, the following may be

cited:--Solangal (Chola), Pandiangal (Pandyan), Nariangal (jackal),

and Piliyangal (tiger).

The headman of the Vallambans is referred to generally as the

Servaikaran. The headman of a group of nadus is entitled Nattuservai,

while the headman of a village is known as Ur Servai, or simply Servai.

Marriage is celebrated between adults, and the remarriage of widows

is not objected to. It is stated [101] that "the maternal uncle's

or paternal aunt's daughter is claimed as a matter of right by a

boy, so that a boy of ten may be wedded to a mature woman of twenty

or twenty-five years, if she happens to be unmarried and without

issue. Any elderly male member of the boy's family--his elder

brother, uncle, or even his father--will have intercourse with her,

and beget children, which the boy, when he comes of age, will accept

as his own, and legitimatise." This system of marriage, in which

there is a marked disparity in the ages of the contracting couple,

is referred to in the proverb: "The tali should be tied at least by

a log of wood." The marriage rites are as a rule non-Brahmanical,

but in some well-to-do families the services of a Brahman purohit

are enlisted. The presence of the Umbalakaran or caste headman at a

marriage is essential. On the wedding day the contracting couple offer,

at their homes, manaipongal (boiled rice), and the alangu ceremony is

performed by waving coloured rice round them, or touching the knees,

shoulders, and head with cakes, and throwing them over the head. The

wrist-threads, consisting of a piece of old cloth dyed with turmeric,

are tied on by the maternal uncle. Cooked rice and vegetables are

placed in front of the marriage dais, and offered to the gods. Four

betel leaves are given to the bridegroom, who goes round the dais,

and salutes the four cardinal points of the compass by pouring water

from a leaf. He then sits down on a plank on the dais, and hands the

tali (marriage badge) to his sister. Taking the tali, she proceeds

to the bride's house, where the bride, after performing the alangu

ceremony, is awaiting her arrival. On reaching the house, she asks

for the bride's presents, and one of her brothers replies that such

a piece of land, naming one, is given as a dowry. The bridegroom's

sister then removes the string of black and gold beads, such as is

worn before marriage, from the bride's neck, and replaces it by the

tali. The conch shell should be blown by women or children during

the performance of manaipongal, and when the tali is tied. The bride

is conveyed to the house of the bridegroom, and sits with him on the

dais while the relations make presents to them.

The messenger who conveys the news of a death in the community is

a Paraiyan. The corpse is placed within a pandal (booth) supported

on four posts, which is erected in front of the house. Some paddy

(unhusked rice) is poured from a winnow on to the ground, and rice

is thrown over the face of the corpse. On the second day rice,

and other articles of food, are carried by a barber to the spot

where the corpse has been buried or burnt. If the latter course

has been adopted, the barber picks out some of the remains of the

bones, and hands them to the son of the deceased. On the third day,

the widow goes round the pandal three times, and, entering within

it, removes her tali string, and new clothes are thrown over her

neck. On the sixteenth day the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram)

are performed. A feast is given, and new cloths are tied on the heads

of those under pollution. Pollution lasts for thirty days.

The Vallambans profess to be Saivaites, but they consider Periya

Nayaki of Velangkudi as their tribal goddess, and each nadu has its own

special deity, such as Vembu Aiyanar, Nelliyandi Aiyanar, etc. In some

places the tribal deity is worshipped on a Tuesday at a festival called

Sevvai (Tuesday). On this day pots containing fermented rice liquor,

which must have been made by the caste people and not purchased,

are taken to the place of worship. On a Friday, those families which

are to take part in the festival allow a quantity of paddy (rice) to

germinate by soaking it in water, and on the following Tuesday flower

spikes of the palmyra palm are added to the malted rice liquor in the

pots. The pots of ordinary families may be placed in their houses,

but those of the Umbalakarans and Servaikarans must be taken to the

temple as representing the deity. Into these pots the flower spikes

should be placed by some respected elder of the community. A week

later, a small quantity of rice liquor is poured into other pots,

which are carried by women to the temple car, round which they go

three times. They then throw the liquor into a tank or pond. The pots

of the Umbalakaran and Servaikaran must be carried by young virgins,

or grown-up women who are not under menstrual pollution. One of the

women who carries these pots usually becomes possessed by the village

deity. At the time of the festival, cradles, horses, human figures,

elephants, etc., made by the potter, are brought to the temple as

votive offerings to the god.

Valli Ammai Kuttam.--A synonym of the Koravas, meaning followers of

Valli Ammai, the wife of the God Subrahmanya, whom they claim to have

been a Korava woman.

Vallodi.--The name denotes a settlement in the Valluvanad taluk of

Malabar, and has been returned as a sub-division of Nayar and Samantan,

to which the Raja of Valluvanad belongs.

Valluvan.--The Valluvans are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart [102]

as being "the priests of the Paraiyans and Pallans. Tiruvalluvar,

the famous Tamil poet, author of the Kural, belonged to this caste,

which is usually regarded as a sub-division of Paraiyans. It appears

that the Valluvans were priests to the Pallava kings before the

introduction of the Brahmans, and even for some time after it. [103]

In an unpublished Vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the ninth

century, the following sentence occurs 'Sri Velluvam Puvanavan, the

Uvac'chan (Oc'chan) of this temple, will employ daily six men for

doing the temple service.' Again, the Valluvans must have formerly

held a position at least equal to that of the Vellalas, if the story

that Tiruvalluva Nayanar married a Vellala girl is true. [104] He

is said to have "refused to acknowledge the distinctions of caste,

and succeeded in obtaining a Vellala woman as his wife, from whom a

section of the Valluvans say it has its descent. As their ancestor

amused himself in the intervals between his studies by weaving,

they employ themselves in mending torn linen, but chiefly live by

astrology, and by acting as priests of Paraiyans, and officiating at

their funerals and marriages, though some refuse to take part in the

former inauspicious ceremony, and leave the duty to those whom they

consider impure Valluvans called Paraiya Tadas. Another section of the

Valluvans is called Alvar Dasari or Tavadadhari (those who wear the

necklace of tulsi beads). Both Saivites and Vaishnavites eat together,

but do not intermarry. Unlike Paraiyans, they forbid remarriage of

widows and even polygamy, and all males above twelve wear the sacred

thread." According to one account, the Valluvans are the descendants of

an alliance between a Brahman sage and a Paraiyan woman, whose children

complained to their father of their lowly position. He blessed them,

and told them that they would become very clever astrologers, and,

in consequence, much respected. At the Travancore census, 1901, the

Valluvans were defined as a sub-division of the Pulayas, for whom

they perform priestly functions.

"Both men and women are employed as astrologers and doctors, and are

often consulted by all classes of people. In many villages they have

the privilege of receiving from each ryot a handful of grain during

the harvest time." [105] Of three Valluvans, whom I interviewed at

Coimbatore, one, with a flowing white beard, had a lingam wrapped up

in a pink cloth round the neck, and a charm tied in a pink cloth round

the right upper arm. Another, with a black beard, had a salmon-coloured

turban. The third was wearing a discarded British soldier's tunic. All

wore necklaces of rudraksha (Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and their

foreheads were smeared with oblong patches of sandal paste. Each of

them had a collection of panchangams, or calendars for determining

auspicious dates, and a bundle of palm leaf strips (ulla mudyan)

inscribed with slokas for astrological purposes. Their professional

duties included writing charms for sick people, preparing horoscopes,

and making forecasts of good or evil by means of cabalistic squares

marked on the ground. Some Valluvans would have us believe that

those who officiate as priests are not true Valluvans, and that the

true Valluvan, who carries out the duties of an astrologer, will not

perform priestly functions for the Paraiyans.

The most important sub-divisions of the Valluvans, returned at times of

census, are Paraiyan, Tavidadari, and Tiruvalluvan. From information

supplied to me, I gather that there are two main divisions, called

Arupathu Katchi (sixty house section) and Narpathu Katchi (forty house

section). The former are supposed to be descendants of Nandi Gurukkal,

and take his name as their gotra. The gotra of the latter is Sidambara

Sayichya Ayyamgar. Sidambara, or Chidambaram, is the site of one of

the most sacred Siva temples. The sub-division Alvar claims descent

from Tiruppan Alvar, one of the twelve Vaishnava saints. In the

Tanjore district, the Valluvans have exogamous septs or pattaperu,

named after persons, e.g., Marulipichan, Govindazhvan, etc.

The Valluvans include in their ranks both Vaishnavites and

Saivites. The majority of the latter, both males and females, wear the

lingam. The affairs of the community are adjusted by a caste council

and there are, in most places, two hereditary officers called Kolkaran

and Kanakkan.

At the betrothal ceremony the bride's money (pariyam), betel, jewels,

flowers, and fruit, are placed in the future bride's lap. The money

ranges from seven to ten rupees if the bridegroom's village is on the

same side of a river as the bride's, and from ten to twenty rupees if

it is on the other side. A small sum of money, called uramurai kattu

(money paid to relations) and panda varisai (money paid in the pandal),

is also paid by the bridegroom's party for a feast of toddy to the

relations. This is the proper time for settling caste disputes by the

village council. On the wedding day, the milk-post, consisting of a

green bamboo pole, is set up, and a number of pots, brought from the

potter's house, are placed near it. On the dais are set four lamps,

viz., an ordinary brass lamp, kudavilakku (pot light), alankara vilakku

(ornamental light), and paligai vilakku (seedling light). The bride and

bridegroom bring some sand, spread it on the floor near the dais, and

place seven leaves on it. Cotton threads, dyed with turmeric, are tied

to the pots and the milk-post. On the leaves are set cakes and rice,

and the contracting couple worship the pots and the family gods. The

Valluvan priest repeats a jumble of corrupt Sanskrit, and ties the

kankanams (threads) on their wrists. They are then led into the house,

and garlanded with jasmine or Nerium flowers. The pots are arranged on

the dais, and the sand is spread thereon close to the milk-post. Into

one of the pots the female relations put grain seedlings, and

four other pots are filled with water by the bridegroom's party. A

small quantity of the seedlings is usually wrapped up in a cloth,

and placed over the seedling pot. Next morning the bundle is untied,

and examined, to see if the seedlings are in good condition. If they

are so, the bride is considered a worthy one; if not, the bride is

either bad, or will die prematurely. The usual nalagu ceremony is next

performed, bride and bridegroom being anointed with oil, and smeared

with Phaseolus Mungo paste. This is followed by the offering of food

on eleven leaves to the ancestors and house gods. Towards evening, the

dais is got ready for its occupation by the bridal couple, two planks

being placed on it, and covered with cloths lent by a washerman. The

couple, sitting on the planks, exchange betel and paddy nine or twelve

times, and rice twenty-seven times. The priest kindles the sacred fire

(homam), and pours some ghi (clarified butter) into it from a mango

leaf. The bridegroom is asked whether he sees Arundati (the pole-star)

thrice, and replies in the affirmative. The tali is shown the sky,

smoked over burning camphor, and placed on a tray together with a

rupee. After being blessed by those present, it is tied round the

neck of the bride by the bridegroom, who has his right leg on her

lap. On the second day there is a procession through the village,

and, on the following day, the wrist-threads are removed.

In some places, the Valluvans, at their marriages, like the Pallis

and some other castes, use the pandamutti, or pile of pots reaching

to the top of the pandal.

Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 7 of 7 · 第 21 / 31 段