THE CLASSICAL REACTION
The nineteenth century both in Europe and America was a period of
revolt, of breakings away from tradition, of voices in the wilderness.
It was the age of Byron and Shelley, of Carlyle and Tolstoy, of Heine
and Hugo. Literature came everywhere as the voice of revolution. It
rang with protest--Dickens and George Eliot, Kingsley, Whittier, and
Mrs. Stowe; it dreamed of a new social era--Fourier and the sons
of Rousseau in France, the Transcendentalists in America; it let
itself go in romantic abandon and brought back in a flood feeling and
sentiment--the _spaetromantiker_ and Bulwer-Lytton and Longfellow.
Everywhere conviction, intensity, travail of soul.
The school died in the last quarter of the century consumed of its
own impetuous spirit, and it left no heirs. A feminine age had
come, an age of convention and of retrospect. The romantic gave way
to the inevitable classic; the hot passion of revolt to the cool
fit of deliberate art. In America, the New England school that had
ruled the mid years of the century became reminiscent, fastidious,
self-contained, to awake in sudden realization that it no longer was a
power, that its own second generation were women led by Aldrich, James,
Howells, immigrants from New York and the West. The early leaders,
Emerson, Whittier, Lowell, all intensity and conviction, had been
replaced by the school of deliberate workmen who had no message for
their times, only technique and brilliancy.
I
This reaction from the New England school can be studied nowhere more
convincingly than in the personalities and work of Henry James, father
and son. The elder James, companion of Carlyle and Emerson and Alcott,
disciple and interpreter of Swedenborg and Sandeman, was a typical
product of the mid-century school--mystical, intense, concerned with
the inner rather than the other aspects of man. "Henry James was
true comfort," Emerson wrote in his diary in 1850; "wise, gentle,
polished, with heroic manners and a serenity like the sun." He pursued
no profession, but like Alcott devoted his life to philosophy and to
literature. He wrote for the few a small handful of books, mostly
forgotten now, though he who would read them will find them clothed in
a richness of style and a felicity of expression that reminds one of
the prose of the greater periods of English literature.[92]
The son of this mid-century genius, Henry James, Jr., cultured, cold,
scientific, disciple of Turgenieff, of Flaubert and Daudet, Maupassant
and Zola--"grandsons of Balzac"--stands as the type of the "later
manner," the new school that wrote without message, that studied with
intensity the older models, that talked evermore of its "art."
"We know very little about a talent," this younger James has written
in his essay on Stevenson, "till we know where it grew up." The James
family, we know, grew up outside the New England environment, in the
State of New York--first at Albany, where the future novelist was born
in 1843, then until he was twelve in New York City. But this in reality
tells us nothing. The boy grew up in London rather than New York. The
father had inherited means that permitted a retired and scholarly life.
Following the birth of Henry, his second son, he had taken his family
for a year and a half to England, and he had come back, both he and his
wife, to quote his son's words, "completely Europeanized." "Had _all_
their talk for its subject, in my infant ears, that happy time?--did it
deal only with London and Piccadilly and the Green Park?... I saw my
parents homesick, as I conceived, for the ancient order."[93] He grew
up in the presence of imported books and papers, the smell of whose ink
fresh from London and the Strand fed his imagination.
Even his playmates transported him into the old world. It was one
Louis De Coppet, a small boy, "straight from the Lake of Geneva," that
first really aroused in him "the sense of Europe ... that pointed
prefigurement of the manners of 'Europe,' which, inserted wedge-like,
if not to say peg-like, into my young allegiance was to split the
tender organ into such unequal halves. His the toy hammer that drove
in the very point of the golden nail. It was as if there had been a
mild magic in that breath, however scant, of another world."[94] While
other lads were reading their juveniles, the young James was poring
over _Punch_. "From about 1850 to 1855," he writes in his essay on
Du Maurier, speaking of himself in the third person, "he lived, in
imagination, no small part of the time, in the world represented by the
pencil of Leech.... These things were the features of a world which he
longed so to behold that the familiar woodcuts grew at last as real to
him as the furniture of his home."
II
Such was the early environment of Henry James. Refinement and rare
culture breathed upon his cradle and surrounded his whole boyhood like
an atmosphere. He was kept sheltered from the world without, as from
something coarse and degrading. He was not allowed to attend the public
schools. "Considering with much pity our four stout boys," the father
wrote to Emerson in 1849, "who have no playroom within doors and import
shocking bad manners from the street, we gravely ponder whether it
wouldn't be better to go abroad for a few years with them, allowing
them to absorb French and German and get such a sensuous education as
they cannot get here."[95]
The plan did not mature until 1855 when the boy was twelve. In the
_interim_ tutors were employed for his education who instructed
him with desultory, changing methods, allowing him always to take
apparently the paths of his preference. In these same paths he seems to
have continued during the four years of his residence abroad with his
parents in London, Geneva, Boulogne-sur-Mer, and Paris. All harshness
he avoided, all sharpness of discipline--mathematics, examinations. He
would sit, boy as he was, only in the places of beauty and refinement.
"The whole perfect Parisianism I seemed to myself always to have
possessed mentally--even if I had but just turned twelve."[96]
One does not understand Henry James who neglects this formative period
of his life. He returned to America an esthete, a dreamer, with his
heart in the lands of culture, dissatisfied with the rush and rudeness
that were preparing a new world for its future. He was too frail in
health to enter the armies which soon were recruiting about him for the
great war; he had no inclination, because of his father's prejudice,
to undertake a college course; he shrank from the usual professions
open to young men of his class. He did for a year attend lectures at
the Harvard Law School, but it was with no thought of preparing for a
legal career. He dreamed of literature as a profession. He would woo
the muse, but the muse he would woo "was of course the muse of prose
fiction--never for the briefest hour in my case the presumable, not
to say the presuming, the much-taking-for-granted muse of rime, with
whom I had never had, even in thought, the faintest flirtation." For
this profession he trained himself as deliberately and as laboriously
as if it were the violin that he was to master, or the great organ. He
read industriously, especially in the French; he resided now in Boston,
where his father at last had settled, now in France, now in Italy. Like
Story, the sculptor, whom in so many ways he resembled, he would live
at the richest centers of his art. Finally, in the late seventies,
he took up his residence permanently abroad to return only as a rare
visitant.
III
Henry James more than any other American author stands for
specialization, for a limited field cultivated intensively and
exclusively. Poetry, as he has explained, was no part of his endowment;
he never attempted it even at the age when all men are poets; romance
never attracted him. He approached his chosen field of prose fiction
deliberately as a scientist, and prepared himself for it as a man
studies medicine. He began as he ended--more crude in his art to be
sure, more conventional, more youthful in thought and diction, yet not
fundamentally different from his final manner.
His first published work, _The Story of a Year_, which appeared in
the March, 1865, number of the _Atlantic_, at first reading seems
little different from the hundreds of tales of the Civil War that were
appearing everywhere during the period. It is full of a young man's
smartness and literary affectations: "In early May, two years ago, a
young couple I wot of," etc. "Good reader, this narrative is averse to
retrospect," etc. And yet the story, despite its youthfulness, contains
all the elements that we now associate with the fiction of Henry
James. It is first of all a slight story--not so slight as some of the
later work, but nevertheless a mere episode expanded into a novelette;
furthermore, it was written not so much for the displaying of movement
of incident as for the analysis of movements of feeling and the growth
of elements of character: "I have to chronicle," he says at one point,
"another silent transition." Then too its ending suggests the French
school:
"No, no, no," she almost shrieked, turning about in the path.
"I forbid you to follow me."
But for all that he went in.
We stand uncertain, startled, piqued--then the suggestion comes surging
over us: Perhaps the author means that she married him after all! Could
she do it? Did she do it? And then we find with a thrill of surprise
that he has given us the full answer in his previous analysis of her
character. It is finesse, it is the careful adjustment of parts, it is
deliberate art.
There are other characteristics in the story that were to mark all the
work of James. The tale, for instance, leaves us unmoved. We admire
its brilliancy, but at no point does it grip us with its tragedy or
its comedy. The faithlessness of the heroine and the death of the
hero alike leave us cold. We do not care. Sympathy, the sympathy of
comprehension, that sympathy that enters into the little world the
author has created and for a time loses itself as if it were actually
native there--of this there is nothing. It is all objective, external
phenomena observed and recorded on a pad--a thing alone of the
intellect.
That James should have followed this story with an essay on "The
Novels of George Eliot" is no mere coincidence. How completely he had
saturated himself with all the work of the great English sibyl, appears
on every page. Her faithfulness to her material, her vivid photographs,
her devotion to science which little by little crushed out her woman's
heart, her conception of the novel as the record of a dissection--the
reactions of human souls under the scalpel and the microscope, her
materialism that refused all testimony save that of the test-tube and
the known reagents, that reduced man to a problem in psychology--all
this made its reflex upon the young student. He too became a scientist,
taking nothing for granted, stripping himself of all illusions,
relegating the ideal, the intuitive, the spiritual to the realm of the
outgrown; he too became a taker of notes--"The new school of fiction in
France is based very much on the taking of notes," he remarks in his
essay on Daudet. "The library of the great Flaubert, of the brothers
Goncourt, of Emile Zola, and of the writer of whom I speak, must have
been in a large measure a library of memorandum-books."[97] In his
earlier work at least, he was George Eliot with the skill and finesse
of Maupassant, and he may be summed up with his whole school in the
words he has put into the mouth of his own Anastasia Blumenthal: "It
was meager," he makes her say of the singing of Adelina Patti, "it was
trivial, it lacked soul. You can't be a great artist without a great
passion."
IV
During the first period of his literary life, the period that ended
somewhere in the early nineties, James took as the subject of his study
that vagrom area that lies on the borderland between the old culture
of Europe and the new rawness of America. Howells has made much of the
longings of certain classes in the older parts of his native land to
visit the European cities, and he has pictured more than once their
idealizations of foreign things, their retrospections and dreamings.
James showed these Americans actually in Europe, their manners as seen
against the older background, their crudeness and strength; and in
doing so he produced what was widely hailed as the new international
novel. There was nothing really new about it. James wrote of Americans
in Europe just as Mark Twain wrote of Americans on the Mississippi
or in California. As a scientist he must deal only with facts which
had passed under his own observation--that was his much-discussed
"realism"--and the life that he was most familiar with was the life of
the pensions and grand hotels of Rome and Switzerland and Paris and
London.
His world in reality was small. He had been reared in a cloister-like
atmosphere where he had dreamed of "life" rather than lived it. It is
almost pathetic to think of him going up to the Harvard Law School
because in a vague way it stood for something which he had missed and
longed to feel. "I thought of it under the head of 'life,'" he says. He
had played in his childhood with books rather than boys; he had been
kept away from his natural playmates because of their "shocking bad
manners"; he had never mingled with men in a business or a professional
way; he had never married; he stood aloof from life and observed
it without being a part of it. Americans he knew chiefly from the
specimens he had found in Europe during his long residences; European
society he knew as a visitor from without. With nothing was he in
sympathy in the full meaning of the word, that sympathy which includes
its own self in the group under observation.
For ten years he wrote studies, essays on his masters, George Eliot,
Balzac, Daudet, and stories that were not greatly different from
these essays--analyses of types, and social conditions, and of the
reactions that follow when a unit of one social system is thrust into
another. In 1875 he enlarged his area with _Roderick Hudson_, a novel
of length, and he followed it with _The American_, _The Europeans_,
_Daisy Miller_, and others, all of them international in setting. In
his later period, the period, say, after 1890, he confined himself
to the depicting of society in London, the rapid change toward
unconventionality in manners that marked the end of the century. He was
so far now from contact with his native land that of necessity he must
cease to use it as his source of literary material.
The earlier group of stories center about a comparatively few
types. First, there are the young men of the Roland Mallet, Ralph
Touchett order, "highly civilized young Americans," he calls them in
_Confidence_, "born to an easy fortune and a tranquil destiny"; "men
who conceive of life as a fine art." His novels are full of them,
creatures of whim who know nothing of the bitterness of struggle, who
drift from capital to capital of Europe mindful only of their own
comfort, highly sensitive organisms withal, subject to evanescent
emotions which they analyze with minuteness, and brilliant at every
point when their intellectual powers are called into play. They talk
in witty flashes for hours on end and deliver finished lectures at
the call of an epigram. They cannot talk without philosophizing or
hear a maiden laugh without analysis. They are brilliant all the time.
The conversation of Gilbert Osmond and Mrs. Merle fills Isabel with
amazement: "They talked extremely well; it struck her almost as a
dramatic entertainment, rehearsed in advance." Page after page they
talk in a staccato, breathless profusion of wit, epigram, repartee,
verbal jewels worthy of Alexander Pope flying at every opening of the
lips--is even French culture as brilliant as this? Mr. Brand in _The
Europeans_ listening to the Baroness Muenster, bursts out rapturously
at last, "Now I suppose that is what is called conversation, real
conversation. It is quite the style we have heard about--the style of
Madame de Stael, of Madame Recamier."
Within this narrow circle of Europe-visiting, highly civilized,
occupationless men and women, James is at his best. Had he not been
reared by Henry James, Senior? Had he not lived his whole life in the
charmed circle of the highly civilized? But once outside of this small
area he ceases to be convincing. Of the great mass of the American
people he knows but little. He has seen them only at a distance.
As some rich woman, on a winter's morn,
Eyes through her silken curtains the poor drudge
Who with numb, blacken'd fingers makes her fire ...
And wonders how she lives, and what the thoughts
Of that poor drudge may be,
so of James when he attempts to portray the great mass of his
countrymen. One needs to examine only the case of Christopher Newman
in _The American_. Given a man who left home at eight years of age to
work in the mills, who at length manufactures wash tubs, then leather,
and at last by sheer Yankee impudence and energy makes himself a
millionaire at forty. Thrust this man suddenly into the circles of
French nobility, place him in the presence of the Countess de Belgrade
and ask yourself if he will talk like this:
She is a woman of conventions and proprieties; her world is
the world of things immutably decreed. But how she is at home
in it, and what a paradise she finds it. She walks about in it
as if it were a blooming park, a Garden of Eden; and when she
sees "This is genteel," or "This is improper," written on a
mile-stone she stops ecstatically, as if she were listening to
a nightingale or smelling a rose.
This is not Christopher Newman; this is no American self-made man
talking; it is Henry James himself. Did he realize his mistake when
his art was more mature and his judgment more ripe? Collate the
changes which he made thirty years later for the final edition of _The
American_. Newman is asked, for instance, if he is visiting Europe for
the first time. According to the earlier version he replies, "Very much
so"; according to the latest version, "Quite immensely the first." Is
more proof needed? All his average Americans--Daisy Miller, Henrietta
Stackpole, Casper Goodwood, and the others, fall short in the same
way. Objectively they are true to life. As a painter of external
portraits, as a depicter of tricks of personality, of manners, of all
that makes up a perfect external likeness, James is surpassed not
even by Howells; but he fails to reach the springs of life. Howells's
Silas Lapham is a living personality; James's Christopher Newman is
a lay figure in Yankee costume. For James knows Americans chiefly as
he has studied them in pensions and hotels along the grand tour. He
has not been introduced to them, he has simply watched them--their
uneasiness in their new element, their attempts at adjustment, their
odd little mistakes; he hears them talk at the tables around him--their
ejaculations, their wonder, their enthusiasm, and he jots it all down.
He has no sympathy, he has no feeling, he has no object, save the
scientific desire to record phenomena.
This material he weaves into novels--stories, but not stories told with
narrative intent, not stories for entertainment or wonder or sensation.
The story is a clinic, a dissection, a psychological seminar. _What
Maisie Knew_ is an addition to the literature of child study. It is
as if he had set himself to observe case after case for his brother,
William James, to use as materials for psychological generalizations
and a final treatise. The data are often inaccurate because of the
observer's personal equation; it does not always conform with the
results of our own observing--we wonder, for instance, if he is as far
afield in his pictures of the European aristocracy as in those of his
average Americans--yet the process is always the same.
Rapidity of movement is foreign to his method; he is not concerned
with movement. On the portrait of one lady he will expend two hundred
thousand words. Basil in _The Bostonians_ passes the evening with his
Cousin Olive: the call occupies nine chapters; Verena Tarrant calls
on Miss Chancellor: it is two chapters before either of them moves
or speaks. It transports us back into the eighteenth century to the
nine-volume novel. At every step analysis, searchings for the springs
of thought and act--philosophizing. Lord Warburton stands before Miss
Archer to propose marriage, but before we hear his voice we must
analyze minutely his sensations and hers. Her first feeling was alarm.
"This alarm was composed of several elements, not all of which were
disagreeable; she had spent several days in analyzing them," etc. A
review of this analysis fills a page. Then we study the psychology
of the lover. First, he wonders why he is about to propose: "He
calculated that he had spent about twenty-six hours in her company. He
had summed up all this--the perversity of the impulse, the--" etc.,
etc. A proposal each step and speech of which is followed by a careful
clinic to determine the resultant emotion, and a rigid analysis of
all the elements that combined to produce that particular shade of
emotion and no other, can hardly satisfy the demands of the average
modern reader of fiction. It is the province of the novel to produce
with verisimilitude an area of human life and to make the reader for a
swift period at home in that area; it is not the record of a scientific
investigation.
V
James has dealt almost wholly with exceptions and unusual cases. His
"Bostonians" are not typical Bostonians at all--it is not too strong to
declare that they are abnormalities; his "Europeans" are almost as bad;
his characters studied along the grand tour are rare exceptions if we
compare them with the great average American type. Of strong, elemental
men and women, the personalities shown by novelists like Fielding and
Tolstoy and Hardy and Mark Twain, he knows nothing. He is feminine
rather than masculine; he is exquisite rather than strong. In his essay
on Turgenieff he records that the great Russian was never one of his
admirers. "I do not think my stories struck him as quite meat for men."
There is a lack, too, of seriousness: the novels really accomplish
nothing. "The manner," according to Turgenieff's opinion, "is more
apparent than the matter." Style is preferred to message. There is
no humor, no stirring of emotions, nothing pitched above the key of
perfect refinement--the reader does not feel and therefore does not
care. It is a mere intellectual exercise, a problem in psychology.
That James himself was aware of this weakness we learn from his essay
on Daudet. Of Sidonie Chebe he writes, "She is not _felt_," and again,
"His weakness has been want of acquaintance with his subject. He has
not _felt_ what he has observed." It is a judgment that sweeps over
the whole fiction of Henry James. He has never been possessed by his
subject or by his characters, he has never been seized and hurried
along by his stories, he has never told them because they had to be
told, he has never written a single sentence with held breath and
beating heart, and as a result his work can never find for long an
audience save the select few; an audience indeed that at length must
become as restricted as that which now reads the exquisite creations of
the elder James, his father.
There is another element that must be weighed before we can understand
fully the work of this writer, an element that is distinctly
classical. The basis underlying all of this mass of analysis is
self-consciousness. Never was author more subjective and more enamoured
of his own psychological processes than Henry James. Never does he lose
sight of himself. These characters of his are all of them Henry James.
They slip out of their costumes at slightest provocation to talk with
his tones, to voice his philosophy, to follow his mental processes. In
externals they are true to model though not always deeply; the hands
are the hands of Christopher Newman, but the voice is the voice of
Henry James.
The tendency to self-consciousness has colored everything. Even his
criticism has had its personal basis. It has consisted of studies
in expatriation: the life of Story, that prototype of James; the
life of Hawthorne, that exposition of the rawness of America and the
unfitness of the new land for the residence of men of culture; _The
American Scene_--that mental analysis tracing every shade of emotion
as he revisits what has become to him a foreign land. His literary
essays cover largely the experiences of his apprenticeship. They trace
the path of his own growth in art. They are strings of brilliants,
flashing, often incomparable, but they are not criticism in the highest
sense of the word criticism. Few men have said such brilliant things
about Balzac, Maupassant, Daudet, Stevenson as James, yet for all that
a critic in the wider sense of the term really he is not. He lacks
perspective, philosophy, system. He makes epigrams and pithy remarks.
The ability to project himself into the standpoint of another, to view
with sympathy of comprehension, he did not have. Within his limited
range he could measure and the rules of art he could apply with
brilliancy, but he could not feel.
Self-study, the pursuit of every fleeting impression, became in the
author at last a veritable obsession. In his later books like _Notes
of a Son and Brother_, for instance, and _The American Scene_, his
finger is constantly upon his own pulse. He seeks the source of his
every fleeting emotion. He does not tell us why he did not want to
enter Harvard; he tries rather to trace the subtle thread of causation
that could have led him not to _want_ to want to go. When _A Small Boy
and Others_ appeared the world cried out, "Is it possible that at last
Henry James has revealed himself?" whereas the truth was that few men
ever have revealed themselves more. All this endless dissection and
analysis and scrutiny of the inner workings is in reality an analysis
of Henry James himself. Objective he could not be. He could only stand
in his solitude and interpret his own introspections.
And his solitude it has been and his self-contemplation that have
evolved his later manner. A consciously wrought-out style like Pater's
or Maupassant's comes always as a result of solitude, of self-conscious
concentration, of classicism. Eternal contemplation of manner can
result only in mannerism more and more, until mannerism becomes
the ruling characteristic. Classicism perishes at last of its own
refinement.
VI
The evolution of William Dean Howells is a problem vastly different. To
place Howells as a leader of those forces of refinement that followed
after the New England period is seemingly to ignore the facts of his
origin and his early training, for the little river town on the Ohio
where he was born in 1837 was as far removed from New England manners
and sentiments as was even the Hannibal of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry
Finn. He was reared to despise Yankees as a mean-spirited race, and he
spent his childhood and young manhood in close contact with the rough,
virile material that was shaping up the great West.
Howells was of the third generation in Ohio, a Westerner of the
Westerners. His grandfather, a Welsh manufacturer, "came to this
country early in the nineteenth century and settled his family in a
log cabin in the Ohio woods, that they might be safe from the sinister
influences of the village where he was managing some woolen mills."[98]
He finally settled down as a druggist and bookseller in a small
village, and his son, perhaps from contact with his father's wares,
developed a passion for literature--strange acquisition, it would seem,
to gain in the wilderness.
It was from this literary father rather than from his mother, who was
from the river-faring folk of the region, that the young William Dean
Howells was to derive his early love for books. He seems to have been
a Henry James, Senior, with Southwestern training and environment and
a lack of means that forbade his following the path of his desires. He
too was a Swedenborgian and a mystic, and he too, despite unfavorable
surroundings, kept in his household a literary atmosphere. Moore's
_Lalla Rookh_, Thomson's _Seasons_, Dickens, Scott, Cowper, Burns, he
read to his family--poetry the most of it, for "his own choice was
for poetry, and most of our library, which was not given to theology,
was given to poetry." An unusual character indeed in the headlong,
practical West of the mid century! While the mother was about her tasks
and the children were shelling peas for dinner, he would sit and tell
of Cervantes and the adventures of Don Quixote, transporting the little
group into castles in Spain, and creating visions and longings that
were to dominate the whole life of his little son. He watched with
pleasure the literary tendencies of the boy: "when I began to show a
liking for literature he was eager to guide my choice."
The father satisfied his literary longings by editing country
newspapers and serving as reporter at various times at the State
capital during sessions of the legislature. He remained in no place
long. With what Howells has called "the vagarious impulse which is so
strong in our craft," he removed his family to new fields of labor with
surprising regularity. There was little chance for schooling. Almost
from infancy the boy was a part of his father's printing office. In _A
Boy's Town_, that delightful autobiographic fragment told in the third
person, he has given a glimpse of this early period:
My boy was twelve years old by that time and was already a
swift compositor, though he was still so small that he had to
stand on a chair to reach the case in setting type on Tyler's
inaugural message. But what he lacked in stature he made up
in gravity of demeanor; and he got the name of "The Old Man"
from the printers as soon as he began to come about the office,
which he did almost as soon as he could walk. His first attempt
in literature, an essay on the vain and disappointing nature
of human life, he set up and printed off himself in his sixth
or seventh year; and the printing office was in some sort his
home, as well as his school, his university. He could no more
remember learning to set type than he could remember learning
to read.
The autobiographical writings of Howells leave us with the impression
of a gentle, contemplative boy given rather to reading and dreaming in
a solitary corner than to Mark-Twain-like activities with Tom Sawyers
and Huck Finns. Though by birth and rearing he was a complete Westerner
of the river section, mingling freely with all its elements, he seems
never to have taken root in the region or to have been much influenced
by it. He has spoken somewhere of De Quincey as a man "eliminated from
his time and place by his single love for books." Howells, like James,
was a detached soul. From his earliest youth he was not a resident
of Ohio, but a resident of the vaster world of literature. He read
enormously and with passion, and from his boyhood he seems--also like
Henry James--to have had no dream of other than a literary career.
He saw not the headlong West that surged about him but the realms of
poetry and romance. "To us who have our lives so largely in books," he
wrote in later years, "the material world is always the fable, and the
ideal the fact. I walked with my feet on the ground, but my head was
in the clouds, as light as any of them.... I was living in a time of
high political tumult, and I certainly cared very much for the question
of slavery which was then filling the minds of men; I felt deeply the
shame and wrong of our fugitive slave law; I was stirred by the news
from Kansas, where the great struggle between the two great principles
in our nationality was beginning in bloodshed; but I cannot pretend
that any of these things were more than ripples on the surface of my
intense and profound interest in literature."[99]
It is suggestive that his earliest "passions" among the authors
were Goldsmith, Irving, and Cervantes, and later Pope, Macaulay,
and Curtis--the most of them literary artists and finishers, with
grace of style and softness and dreaminess of atmosphere, rather than
stormy creators who blazed new trails and crashed into the unknown
with lawless power. He taught himself the use of literary English by
painstaking imitation of the classics which took his young fancy. His
passion for Pope was long continued. When other boys in the schools
were shirking their English grammar, Howells week after week and month
after month was toiling at imitations of the great master of incisive
English, "rubbing and polishing at my wretched verses till they did
sometimes take on an effect, which, if it was not like Pope's, was
like none of mine." From him "I learned how to choose between words
after a study of their fitness." Juveniles and boys' books of adventure
he seems never to have known. From the first he was enamoured of the
classics, and of the classics best fitted to educate him for the career
that was to be his: "my reading from the first was such as to enamour
me of clearness, of definiteness."
Never was youth more industrious in his efforts at self-mastery. He
wasted not a moment. He discovered Macaulay and read him as most boys
read pirate stories. "Of course I reformed my prose style, which had
been carefully modeled after that of Goldsmith and Irving, and began
to write in the manner of Macaulay, in short, quick sentences and with
the prevalent use of brief Anglo-Saxon words." His health began to
suffer from his application, but he worked steadily on. He produced
quantities of poems and even a novel or two which he either destroyed
or consigned to the oblivion of the newspaper upon which he worked.
Later he enlarged the field of his literary apprenticeship by securing
a position on a Columbus journal, or as he has himself expressed it,
he was "for three years a writer of news paragraphs, book notices, and
political leaders on a daily paper in an inland city."[100] Then he
began to enlarge his literary field by contributing "poems and sketches
and criticisms for the _Saturday Press_ of New York."[100]
In December, 1859, he issued his first book, _Poems of Two Friends_,
a small volume of rather ordinary verses written in conjunction with
J. J. Piatt, and a few months later he published a campaign life of
Abraham Lincoln, a book more notable for its effect upon its author's
fortunes than for any quality it may have had, for it was as a result
of it that he was sent in 1861 to Italy for a glorious four years
of graduate study, if we may so term it, in Italian literature and
language and life.
One cannot dwell too carefully upon these years of Howells's literary
apprenticeship. As one reads his published work one finds from the
first no immaturities. He burst upon the reading public as a finished
writer. When his work first began to appear in the East, the _North
American Review_ of Boston voiced its astonishment:
We made occasion to find out something about him, and what
we learned served to increase our interest. This delicacy,
it appeared, was a product of the rough and ready West, this
finish the natural gift of a young man with no advantage of
college training, who, passing from the compositor's desk
to the editorship of a local newspaper, had been his own
faculty of the humanities. But there are some men who are born
cultivated.[101]
But Howells was not born cultivated; he achieved cultivation by a
process of self-discipline that has few parallels in the history of
literature. He is a classicist as James is a classicist. If his style
is clear and concise, if he knows as few modern authors the resources
of the English tongue, it is because he gave without reserve to the
mastering of it all the enthusiasm and time and strength of his
youth and young manhood. He was not a genius: he was a man of talent
of the Pope-Macaulay order that makes of literature not a thing of
inspirations and flashes and visions, but a profession to be learned as
one learns the pipe organ after years of practice, as an art demanding
an exquisite skill to be gained only by unremitting toil.
VII
The Howells of the earlier period was a poet. Speaking of the winter
of 1859-60, which saw the publication of his first volume, he writes:
"It seemed to me as if the making and the reading of poetry were to go
on forever, and that was to be all there was to it." "Inwardly I was a
poet, with no wish to be anything else, unless in a moment of careless
affluence I might so far forget myself as to be a novelist."
His reading more and more was in the poets. Heine he read with passion,
and Longfellow and Tennyson, and then Heine, evermore Heine. "Nearly
ten years afterwards Mr. Lowell wrote me about something of mine that
he had been reading: 'You must sweat the Heine out of your bones as men
do mercury.'" The seven poems which Lowell accepted and printed in the
_Atlantic_ in 1860 and 1861 are redolent of Heine, with here and there
traces of Longfellow. When he came East just before his appointment
to Venice it was as a poet, and a poet making a pilgrimage to the
mother-land of poesy.
New England was to him indeed a land of dreams and romance. "As the
passionate pilgrim from the West," to use his own words, "approached
his Holy Land at Boston," he felt like putting the shoes from off his
feet. New England was the home of Emerson and Longfellow and Holmes, of
Whittier and Hawthorne and Lowell, and all the _Atlantic_ immortals,
and he appreciated it as Irving and Willis had appreciated old England
earlier in the century, or as Longfellow and Taylor had appreciated the
continent of Europe.
Following this passionate pilgrimage with its glimpses of the New
England Brahmins, came the transfer of the young Westerner to Venice,
"the Chief City," as he somewhere has termed it, "of sentiment and
fantasy." It was like stepping from the garish light of to-day into
the pages of an old romance. The duties of his office were light,
the salary was fifteen hundred dollars a year, and he was enabled to
give, to use his own words, "nearly four years of nearly uninterrupted
leisure" to a study of Italian literature and to poetic composition.
We may catch glimpses of what the four years meant to the eager young
Westerner in _A Foregone Conclusion_ and _A Fearful Responsibility_,
stories that center about an American consul at Venice. The poetic
quality of the period was heightened in the second year of his official
life by his marriage--spring and Venice and a bride with whom to
share them--no wonder that he completed a long poem in _terza rima_,
"dealing," as he has expressed it, "with a story of our Civil War in a
fashion so remote that no editor would print it," and that he deluged
the magazines of two continents with poems and poetic sketches.
For the earlier Howells was a poet--until one realizes it one fails
completely to understand him. He turned from poetry reluctantly,
compelled by the logic of his time and by the fact that he had no
compelling message for his age. He was of the contemplative, classical
school, more at home in the eighteenth century than in the stormy
nineteenth. He published in 1867 _No Love Lost, A Romance of Travel_,
in unrimed pentameters, a refined, leisurely poem classical in form and
spirit. He issued editions of his poems in 1873 and 1886, and again
as late as 1895, but the age refused to regard him as a poet and he
was forced into other fields. "My literary life," he observes almost
sadly as he reviews his Venetian period, "almost without my willing it,
had taken the course of critical observance of books and men in their
actuality."[102]
From poetry Howells turned to sketches, a variety of composition
which he had cultivated since his boyhood. Irving had been one of
his earliest passions, and following Irving had come Ik Marvel and
Hawthorne and Curtis--gentle, contemplative writers with the light of
poetry upon their work. Even like Irving and Longfellow and Taylor,
he would record the strange new world in which he found himself. "I
was bursting with the most romantic expectations of life in every
way, and I looked at the whole world as material that might be turned
into literature." He lived note-book in hand. Everything was new and
entrancing, even the talk of servants on the street or the babble of
children at their play. It was all so new, so romantic, so removed from
the world that he always had known. He would reproduce it in its naked
truth for his countrymen; he would turn it all into literature for the
magazines of America, and he would republish it at length as a new
_Sketch Book_.
_Venetian Life_ belongs on the same shelf as _Outre Mer_ and _Views
Afoot_ and _Castilian Days_--prose sketches with the golden light
of youth upon them. _Italian Journeys_ is the first and best of
a long series of sentimental "bummelings" that its author was to
record--delicious ramblings, descriptions, characterizations--realistic
studies, we may call them, made by a poet. Nothing that Howells ever
wrote has been better than these earlier travel sketches, half poetry,
half shrewd observation. In his later travel sketches--_Tuscan Cities_,
_London Films_, _Certain Delightful English Towns_, and the like--this
element grew constantly less and less. Wiser they undoubtedly are, and
more scholarly and philosophic, but the freshness and poetic charm of
the earlier Howells is not in them. The philosopher has taken the place
of the poet.
VIII
The first period of Howells's literary life, the period of sketches
and prose studies, covers the fifteen years of his connection with
the _Atlantic Monthly_, first from 1866 to 1871 as assistant editor,
and then from 1871 to 1881 as editor. He had returned from Venice a
cosmopolitan and an accomplished Italian scholar. There was no trace
of the West upon him; it was as if he had always lived in Boston. His
sketches now centered about Cambridge life, just as earlier they had
centered upon Italian themes--careful little character studies like
"Mrs. Johnson" and "My Doorstep Acquaintance," little sentimental
journeys like "A Pedestrian Tour" and "A Day's Pleasure," and chatty
talks about himself and his opinions and experiences, something after
the manner of Dr. Holmes, a variety of composition in which he was to
grow voluminous in later years.
His book reviewing in the _Atlantic_ during this period is notable from
the fact that almost all of the chief works of the new national period
of which he was a part passed under his pen. Freshness and truth and
originality never failed to arrest his attention; he was a real force
in the directing of the _Atlantic_ element of the American reading
public toward the rising new school of authors, but aside from this his
criticism is in no way significant. His art and his enthusiasm were
in his sketches--American sketches now with the light of Europe over
them. _Their Wedding Journey_ is an American counterpart to _Italian
Journeys_, and it is made coherent by introducing a married pair on
their bridal tour and describing places and manners as they became
acquainted with them. The interest comes not at all from the narrative;
it comes from the setting. It is an American sentimental journey over
which the author strives to throw the soft light of European romance.
Rochester was like Verona; and Quebec--"on what perverse pretext was it
not some ancient town of Normandy?"
Sketches, pictures of life, studies of manners, these are the object of
the book. The author is not writing to record incidents, for there are
few incidents to record. "That which they [the bridal pair] found the
most difficult of management," he declares, "was the want of incident
for the most part of the time; and I who write their history might
also sink under it, but that I am supported by the fact that it is
so typical in this respect. I even imagine the ideal reader for whom
one writes as yawning over these barren details with the life-like
weariness of an actual traveling companion of theirs."
As a story from the standpoint of Bonner's _New York Ledger_, then in
the high tide of its prosperity, it was dreary reading. But it was
true in every line, true of background, and true to the facts of human
life as Howells saw those facts. "Ah! poor real life, which I love,"
he exclaims, after a minute sketch of a commercial traveler and some
loud-voiced girls on the train, "can I make others share the delight I
share in thy foolish and insipid face?"
But this earlier Howells gives us more than real life: he gives us
real life touched with the glow of poetry, for the poet in Howells
died a lingering death. It seems as if novel-writing had come to him,
as he declares all of his literary life had come, almost without his
willing it. It grew gradually and naturally out of his sketch-writing.
In his early sketch books he had studied places and "men in their
actuality," and he would now make his sketches more comprehensive and
bind them with a thread of narrative. A sketch like "A Day's Outing"
in _Suburban Sketches_, and a "novel" like _Their Wedding Journey_
differ only in the single element of quantity. _A Chance Acquaintance_,
the record of another sentimental journey, with its careful sketches
along the St. Lawrence and the Saguenay, and at Quebec, and its
_Pride-and-Prejudice_-like study of a typical Bostonian and a Western
girl, has more of story than the earlier book, but it is still a sketch
book rather than a novel. _Private Theatricals_, his fourth essay at
fiction, is so minute a study of a particular summer boarding house and
its patrons that it was never allowed to get beyond serial publication,
at least one can think of no other reason for its suppression, and
_The Undiscovered Country_ might be entitled _Sketches Among the
Spiritualists and the Shakers_.
The Howells of this earlier period has little of story and little of
problem. His object is to present men and manners "in their actuality."
_A Foregone Conclusion_, the most idyllic of his novels, in reality is
an added chapter to _Venetian Life_, written in the retrospect of later
years. The golden light of Venice is over it, a Venice now more mellow
and poetic because it is a part of the author's vanishing youth--his
_alma mater_, as it were; more golden every year. The springtime is in
every page of it.
The day was one of those that can come to the world only in
early June at Venice. The heaven was without a cloud, but a
blue haze made mystery of the horizon where the lagoon and
sky met unseen. The breath of the sea bathed in freshness the
city at whose feet her tides sparkled and slept.... The long
garland of vines that festoons all Italy seemed to begin in
the neighboring orchards; the meadows waved their long grasses
in the sun, and broke in poppies as the sea-waves break in
iridescent spray; the poplars marched in stately procession on
either side of the straight, white road to Padua, till they
vanished in the long perspective.
One loves to linger over this early Howells, despite all his
diffuseness and his lack of dramatic power. One knows that there is a
fatal weakness in the attempted tragedy of the priest, that the tale
does not grip and compel and haunt the soul as such a tale must if it
be worth telling at all, that its ending is sprawling and conventional,
and yet one cannot but feel that there is in it, as there is in all
of the work of this earlier period of the author's life, youth and
freshness and beauty--and poetry. These earlier studies are not merely
cold observations upon life and society, analysis as of reactions in
a test-tube; these are the creations of a young poet, a romancer, a
dreamer: the later manner was an artificial acquirement like the taste
for olives.
IX
Howells's second literary period begins with the year 1881 when he
resigned the editorship of the _Atlantic Monthly_ and settled in the
country at Belmont to devote all his time to the writing of fiction for
the _Century_ magazine. During the decade that followed he produced
his two strongest works, _A Modern Instance_, and _The Rise of Silas
Lapham_, and also _A Woman's Reason_, _The Minister's Charge_, _Indian
Summer_, and others. He had found his life work. During the earlier
period he had been, as it were, experimenting; he had published fifteen
books, only five of which were novels, but it was clear now that the
five pointed the way he was to go.
He began now with larger canvas and with more sweep and freedom. No
more idyllic sketches now: his business was to make studies at full
length of American character and American manners. He would do for New
England what Jane Austen had done for her narrow little corner of old
England. He too had "the exquisite touch," to use the words of Sir
Walter Scott, "which renders ordinary commonplace things and characters
interesting from the truth of the description and the sentiment." Like
her he would bring no message and analyze no passion more intense than
the perplexity of a maiden with two lovers; and like her he would deal
not with the problems of the soul of man, but with the manners of a
small province.
His essay on Henry James in the _Century_ of November, 1882, the
proclamation of the new Howells, raised a tempest of discussion that
did not subside for a decade. "The stories," he declared, "were all
told long ago; and now we want to know merely what the novelist
thinks about persons and situations." "The art of fiction has become
a finer art in our day than it was with Dickens and Thackeray. We
could not suffer the confidential attitude of the latter now, nor the
mannerism of the former, any more than we could endure the prolixity of
Richardson or the coarseness of Fielding. These great men are of the
past--they and their methods and interests; even Trollope and Reade
are not of the present." And of the new novel--"The moving accident is
certainly not its trade; and it prefers to avoid all manner of dire
catastrophes." James he classified not as a story-teller, but as a
character-painter, and he proceeded to set forth the thesis that "the
novelist's main business is to possess his reader with a due conception
of his characters and the situations in which they find themselves. If
he does more or less than this he equally fails." "It is, after all,
what a writer has to say rather than what he has to tell that we care
for now-a-days."
But the Howells of the eighties was not ready yet for grounds so
advanced when it came to his own work. The romancer within him died
hard. "I own," he admitted, "that I like a finished story," and he
proceeded to tell finished stories with plots and moving accidents
and culminating ends. _A Woman's Reason_ is as elaborate in plot and
incident as a novel by Mrs. Braddon, and it has as conventional an
ending. The heroine, apparently deserted by her lover, is forced to
live in a humble boarding house where she is wooed persistently by a
member of the English nobility. She is true, however, to her old lover,
who after having lived years on a desert island which for a time we
are permitted to share with him, returns at last to rescue her, and
the marriage crowns the book with gold. _A Modern Instance_ and _The
Rise of Silas Lapham_, undoubtedly his strongest work, are first of all
stories, and to the great majority of all who have ever read them they
have been _only_ stories. In other words, they have been read for what
the author had to tell, and not necessarily for what he has had to say.
He has been careful always that his tales end well, as careful indeed
as an E. P. Roe. The ending of _A Foregone Conclusion_ and of _The
Minister's Charge_ fly in the very face of realism. He is bold in his
theories, but in the application of these theories to his own work he
has an excess of timidity. Realism should flout the conventionalities;
it should have regard only for the facts in the case, affect the reader
as they may, but Howells had continually on his mind the readers of the
_Atlantic_ and the nerves of the "Brahmins." The end of _An Imperative
Duty_, for instance, could have come only as a concession to the
conventional reader. He allows the woman with the negro blood to marry
the man she loves, and then hastens to say that they lived the rest of
their lives in Italy, where such matches are not criticized and where
the woman passed everywhere as an Italian. It would have been stronger
art to have made her rise superior to her selfishness, the soul
triumphant over the flesh, and refuse to marry the man, and to do it
for the sole compelling reason that she loved him.
The much-discussed realism of the Howells of the eighties was simply a
demand for truth, an insistence that all characters and backgrounds be
drawn from nature, and that no sequence of events be given that might
not happen in the life of the average man. His stories therefore, like
James's, move slowly. There is much in them of what is technically
called "lumber"--material that is brought in for other reasons than
to advance the progress of the story. Every character is minutely
described; cravats and waistcoats, hats and watch-charms, dresses and
furbelows, are dwelt upon with thoroughness. The author stops the
story to describe a carpet, a wardrobe, a peculiarity of gesture. A
page is taken up with a description of the heroine's drawing-room,
another is given to the view from her window. As a result we get
from the reading of the book, in spite of our impatience at its slow
movement, a feeling of actuality. Bartley Hubbard and Marcia seem at
the end like people we have known; we are sure we should recognize
Squire Gaylord even if we met him on Tremont Street. Silas Lapham,
the typical self-made American of the era, and his wife and daughters,
are speaking likenesses, done with sympathy; for the early years of
Howells had enabled him, unlike James, to enter into bourgeois life
with comprehension. Everywhere portraits done with a thousand careful
touches--New England types largely drawn against a minute background of
manners.
It cannot fail that these novels, even like those of Jane Austen, will
be valued in years to come as historical documents. As a picture of
the externals of the era they portray there is nothing to compare with
them. The Boston of the seventies, gone now as completely as the Boston
of the Revolution, lives in these pages. Every phase of its external
life has been dwelt upon: its underworld and its lodging houses and
its transformed country boys in _The Minister's Charge_; the passing
of the old Boston of the India trade days and the helplessness of
the daughters of the patricians in _A Woman's Reason_; literary and
journalistic Boston in _A Modern Instance_; the high and low of Boston
society in _The Rise of Silas Lapham_; the entry of woman into the
learned professions in _Dr. Breen's Practice_, and so on and on--he has
covered the field with the faithfulness of a sociological historian. He
is a painter of manners, evermore manners.
As to whether or not he touched the soul of New England as did Rose
Terry Cooke, for instance, is another question. His knowledge of
the region was an acquirement, not a birthright. The surface of its
society, the peculiarities of its manners and its point of view, the
unusual traits of its natives, these he saw with the sharpened eyes
of an outsider, but he never became so much a part of what he wrote
that he could treat it, as Mrs. Wilkins-Freeman treated it, from the
heart outward. The thing perhaps that impressed him first and most
deeply as he came a stranger into the provincial little area was the
so-called New England conscience, "grim aftercrop of Puritanism, that
hypochondria of the soul into which the Puritanism of her father's
race had sickened in her, and which so often seems to satisfy its
crazy claim upon conscience by enforcing some aimless act of self
sacrifice."[103] All of his New England characters have this as
their humor, using the word in the Ben Jonsonian sense. Novels like
_A Woman's Reason_ and _The Minister's Charge_ turn upon it. With
Hawthorne the thing became a moving power, a tragic center of his art
that could move the soul to pity or to terror, but Howells treats it
never with the sympathy of comprehension. He never so treats it that we
feel it; he never shows us a character possessed by its power until it
is driven over the brink of tragedy. It is simply one of the details
that make up the portrait of a New Englander, as in _The Lady of the
Aroostook_, the maiden cries out at the happy moment when her lover
declares himself: "'Oh, I knew it, I knew it,' cried Lydia. And then,
as he caught her to him at last, 'Oh--Oh--are you _sure_ it's right?'"
It is an element of manners, a picturesque peculiarity, a "humor."
X
In his first period Howells was poetic and spontaneous, in his second
he was deliberate and artistic, in his third he was scientific and
ethical. The last period began in a general way at the opening of the
nineties with the publication, perhaps, of _A Hazard of New Fortunes_.
He had spent another year in Europe, and in 1886 had removed to New
York to do editorial work for the Harpers.
Now began what undoubtedly was the most voluminous literary career in
the history of American literature. He took charge of the "Easy Chair"
in _Harper's Monthly_, writing for it material equivalent to a volume a
year, and in addition he poured out novels, books of travel, sketches,
reviews, juveniles, autobiographies, comedies, farces, essays,
editings, biographies--a mass of material equaled in bulk only by the
writings of men like Southey or Dumas. He had learned his art with
completeness. The production of clear and precise and brilliant English
had become second nature, and he could pour it out steadily and with
speed.
His novels more and more now began to conform to his realistic
theories. The story sank gradually from prominence, and gradually
analysis and scientific purpose took its place. _Annie Kilburn_, 1888,
may be taken as the point of transition. The story could be told in a
single chapter. There is no love-making, no culminating marriage or
engagement, no passion, no crime, no violence greater than the flashing
of eyes, no mystery, no climax. It is the afternoon talk of the ladies
of a rural parish. For chapter after chapter they babble on, assisted
now and then by the doctor or the minister or the lawyer who drops in
for a cup of tea. As in the work of James, one may turn a dozen pages
and find the same group still refining upon the same theme over the
same tea-cups. The object of the author is not progress in events, but
progress in characterization and ethical analysis. Through the mouths
of these talkers he is discussing the problems of the rural church and
the rural community. He attempts to settle nothing finally, but he sets
the problem before the reader in all its phases, and the reader may
come to his own conclusion.
This novel is typical of all the fiction of the later Howells.
Everywhere now problems--moral, social, psychological--problems
discussed by means of endless dialogue. _A Hazard of New Fortunes_ is
almost as long as _Pamela_, and when it is ended there is no logical
reason for the ending save that the novelist has used the space
allotted to him. Another volume could easily have been added telling of
the experiences of the Dreyfooses in Europe. The novelist may stop at
any point, for he is not telling a story, he is painting character, and
manners and developing a thesis. In _Annie Kilburn_ the effect of the
sudden ending is disconcerting. It is like the cutting off of a yard of
cloth.
Howells had passed under the powerful influence of Tolstoy. "As much
as one merely human being can help another," he declares, "I believe
that he has helped me; he has not influenced me in esthetics only, but
in ethics, too, so that I can never again see life in the way I saw it
before I knew him." It is absurd, however, to think that any influence
could fundamentally have changed the art of a man like Howells in his
fiftieth year. What Tolstoy did for him was to confirm and deepen
tendencies in his work that already had become established and to turn
his mind from the contemplation exclusively of manners and men in their
actuality to problems ethical and social. He gave to him a message and
a wider view of art. "What I feel sure is that I can never look at life
in the mean and sordid way that I did before I read Tolstoy." "He has
been to me that final consciousness, which he speaks of so wisely in
his essay on 'Life.'"
As an example of this final Howells we may read _The Landlord of Lion's
Head_, or _The Traveler from Altruria_, or _The Quality of Mercy_,
which are not so much novels as minute studies of social or moral
phases of the times, illustrated by means of a particular case and
made clear by voluminous details. Minor characters serve as a chorus
as the case proceeds, and the final effect is sermonic rather than
novelistic. The poetic and the esthetic have yielded to the ethical and
socialistic. In America every art ends at last in a sermon.
XI
The realism of Howells is of the eighteenth-century type rather than
the nineteenth. It is classicism, as Henry James's is classicism. His
affinity is with Richardson rather than with Zola. He was timid and
conscious of his audience. He had approached Boston with too much of
reverence; the "tradition of the _Atlantic_" lay heavily upon him
during all of his earlier period; the shadow of Lowell was upon his
page and he wrote as in his presence; the suggestive words in a review
of one of his earlier books by the _North American Review_, final voice
of New England refinement, compelled him: "He has the incapacity to be
common." Thus his early writings had in them nothing of the Western
audacity and newness. A realistic reaction from the romantic school
of the early nineteenth century was everywhere--on the Continent, in
England, in America--changing literary standards; Howells felt it and
yielded to it, but he yielded only as Longfellow would have yielded
had he been of his generation, or Holmes, or Lowell. He yielded to a
modified realism, a timid and refined realism, a realism that would
not offend the sensibilities of Boston, the "Boston," to quote from _A
Chance Acquaintance_, "that would rather perish by fire and sword than
to be suspected of vulgarity; a critical, fastidious, reluctant Boston,
dissatisfied with the rest of the hemisphere." He records scarcely a
crime in all his volumes: he has not in his voluminous gallery a woman
who ever broke a law more serious than indiscretions at an afternoon
tea. As a result there is no remorse, no problems of life in the face
of broken law, no decisions that involve life and death and the agony
that is sharper than death. In his pages life is an endless comedy
where highly conventional and very refined people meet day after
day and talk, and dream of Europe, and make love in the leisurely,
old-fashioned way, and marry happily in the end the lover of their
choice.
He is as tedious as Richardson and at times nearly as voluminous.
He uses page after page of _The Lady of the Aroostook_ to tell what
might have been told in a single sentence. The grandfather and the
aunt set the general situation before the reader, then the aunt and
the clergymen, then the two passengers, then the passengers and
the captain, then the heroine and the cabin boy in six pages, and
finally at the very end of the book the heroine and the transplanted
New England woman in Venice. Art is "nothing too much." We feel
instinctively that the author is making a mountain out of a molehill
because he believes his readers will expect him to do it. To Bostonians
he believes it would be inexpressibly shocking for a girl to sail
for Europe the only woman on board the ship, though she be under the
express care of the fatherly old sea captain and though two of the
three other passengers are Boston gentlemen. The perturbation of
these two model young men, their heroic nerving of themselves to live
through the experience, their endless refinings and analyzings of the
situation, and all of their subsequent doings are simply Howells's
conception of "the quality of Boston."
It is Richardsonism; it is realism of the _Pamela_ order; it is a
return to the eighteenth century with its reverence for respectability
and the conventions, its dread of letting itself go and making scenes,
its avoidance of all that would shock the nerves of the refined circle
for which it wrote. The kinship of Howells with Richardson indeed is
closer even than that between Howells and James. They approach life
from the same angle. Both profess to deal with men and manners in
their actuality, both would avoid the moving accident and discard
from their fictions all that is fantastic or improbable; both would
keep closely within the circle of the highly respectable middle-class
society of which they were a part; both professed to work with no
other than a moral purpose; and both would reveal the inner life of
their characters only as the reader might infer it after having read
endless descriptions and interminable conversations; and both wrote, as
Tennyson termed _Pamela_ and _Clarissa_, "great still books" that flow
on and on with sluggish current to no particular destination.
Howells is less dramatic than Richardson, yet one may turn pages and
chapters of his novels into dramatic form by supplying to the dialogue
the names of the speakers. Howells, indeed, acquired a faculty in
the construction of sparkling dialogue so brilliant that he exercised
it in the production of a surprising number of so-called comedies:
_A Counterfeit Presentiment_, _The Mouse-Trap_, _The Elevator_, and
the like, dramatic in form but essentially novelistic in all things
else. His genius was not dramatic. He evolves his characters and
situations slowly. The swift rush and culminating plot of the drama
are beyond him. His comedies are chapters of dialogue from unwritten
novels--studies in character and manners by means of conversations.
Richardson's novels centered about women; they were written _for_
women; they were praised first of all for their minute knowledge of the
feminine heart. There was indeed in his own nature a feminine element
that made him the absolute opposite of a masculine type, for instance
like Fielding. Howells also centered his work about women. In one of
the earliest reviews of his work is the sentence "his knowledge of
women is simply marvelous." Like his earlier prototype, he has expended
upon them a world of analysis and dissection and description. With what
result? To one who has read all of his fictions straight through there
emerges at last from the helpless, fluttering, hesitating, rapturous
and dejected, paradoxical, April-hoping, charming throng of his
heroines--Mrs. March, Kitty Ellison, Lydia, Marcia, Mrs. Campbell, Mrs.
Roberts, Helen Harkness, Florida, Mrs. Lapham and her daughters, Dr.
Breen, Clara Kingsbury, Rhoda Aldgate, Annie Kilburn, Mrs. Dreyfoos and
the hundred others--there emerges a single woman, the Howells type, as
distinct a creature as the Richardson type, and as one compares the two
he is startled to find them almost identical. The Richardson feminine
is a trembling, innocent, helpless creature pursued by men; the Howells
type is the same woman transported into the nineteenth century,
inconsequent, temperamental, often bird-like and charming, electric
at repartee, pursued by men and fleeing flutteringly from them, yet
dependent upon them for her very existence. In all of these fictions
there is scarcely a feminine figure, at least in a leading role, of
whom her sex may be proud. His masculine characters are many of them
strong and admirable, even to the minor figures like Mr. Harkness
and Captain Butler and Squire Gaylord. He has, perhaps, created two
characters--Silas Lapham and Bartly Hubbard--to place beside Natty
Bumppo, and Uncle Remus, and Yuba Bill, Sam Lawson, Colonel Sellers,
and a few others, as permanent additions to the gallery of American
types. But with all his studies of women he has added nothing original,
no type that can be accepted as characteristic or admirable.
XII
The art of Howells is essentially of this present world. Of the soul of
man and the higher life of his dreams and aspirations he has nothing
to tell. He writes of Hawthorne: "In all his books there is the line
of thoughts that we think of only in the presence of the mysteries of
life and death. It is not his fault that this is not intelligence,
that it knots the brow in sore doubt rather than shapes the lips to
utterance of the things that can never be said." Howells would ignore
such themes. He is of the age of doubt, the classical age, rather than
of the age of faith that sees and creates. Lightly he skims over the
surface of material things, noting the set of a garment or the shade of
a cravat, recording rather than creating, interested in life only as
it is affected by manners, sketching with rapid pen characters evolved
by a provincial environment, tracing with leisurely thoroughness
the love story of a boy and girl, recording the April changes of a
maiden's heart, the gossip of an afternoon tea--a feminine task one
would suppose, work for a Fanny Burney, a Maria Edgeworth or a Mrs.
Gaskell, no work indeed for a great novelist at the dawn of a new
period in a new land. While the West, of which his earlier life was a
part, was crashing out a new civilization; while the air was electric
with the rush and stir of rising cities; while a new star of hope for
the nations was rising in the West; while a mighty war of freedom
was waging about him and the soul of man was being tried as by fire,
Howells, like Clarissa Harlowe, is interested "in her ruffles, in her
gloves, her samplers, her aunts and uncles."
And yet even as we class him as a painter of manners we remember that
America has no manners in the narrower sense of the term. New England
had the nearest approach to manners, yet New England, all must admit,
was wholly imitative; she was enamoured of Europe. Howells has another
side to his classicism, one utterly wanting in Richardson--he is a
satirist of manners, a critic and a reformer. Richardson took English
manners as he took the English Constitution and the English language
as a matter of course. He never dreamed of changing the order of
things; he would only portray it and teach individuals how best to
deport themselves under its laws. Howells, after his first awe of
New England had subsided, became critical. He would change manners;
he would portray them that men by seeing them would learn their
ridiculousness--in short, he became, what every classicist must sooner
or later become, a satirist--a chafer under the conventions that bind
him,--a critic.
Howells then is the rare figure of a lyric poet and a romanticist
who deliberately forced himself into classicism as a result
of his environment. His earlier works are the record of a
transition--enthusiasm, poetic glow, romance, tempered more and
more with scientific exactness and coldness and skill. Like James,
he learned his profession with infinite toil; like James, he formed
himself upon masters and then defended his final position with a
summary of the laws of his art. Like James, he schooled himself to
distrust the emotions and work wholly from the intellect. The result
in the case of both, in the case of all classicists in fact, has been
that the reader is touched only in the intellect. One smiles at the
flashes of wit; one seldom laughs. No one ever shed a tear over a
page either of Howells or James. One admires their skill; one takes
a certain pleasure in the lifelikeness of the characters--especially
those of Howells--but cold lifelikeness is not the supreme object of
art; manners and outward behavior are but a small part of life. Unless
the novelist can lay hold of his reader's heart and walk with him with
sympathy and conviction he must be content to be ranked at last as a
mere showman and not a voice, not a leader, not a prophet.
XIII
Howells, like James, was peculiarly a product of the later nineteenth
century and of the wave of democracy in literature that came both
to Europe and America as a reflex from the romanticism of Scott and
Coleridge and the German _Sturm und Drang_. Had he lived a generation
earlier he would have been a poet of the Dr. Holmes type, an Irving, or
a George William Curtis. The spirit of the times and a combination of
circumstances made of him the leader of the depicters of democracy in
America. From the vantage point of the three leading magazines of the
period he was enabled to command a wide audience and to exert enormous
influence. His beautiful style disarmed criticism and concealed the
leanness of his output. Had he been less timid, had he dared like Mark
Twain or Whitman to forget the fastidious circle within which he lived,
and write with truth and honesty and sincerity the great nation-wide
story with its passion, its tragedy, its comedy, its tremendous
significance in the history of humanity, he might have led American
fiction into fields far broader than those into which it finally
settled.
In the process of the new literary discovery of America Howells's part
was to discover the prosaic ordinary man of the middle class and to
make him tolerable in fiction. He was the leading force in the reaction
against the Sylvanus Cobb type of romance that was so powerful in
America in the early seventies. He made the new realism respectable.
All at once America found that she was full of material for fiction.
Hawthorne had taught that the new world was barren of material for
the novelist, Cooper had limited American fiction to the period of
the settlement and the Revolution; Longfellow and Taylor had turned
to romantic Europe. After Howells's minute studies of the New England
middle class, every provincial environment in America produced its
recorder, and the novel of locality for a time dominated American
literature.
In another and more decided way, perhaps, Howells was a potent leader
during the period. He has stood for finished art, for perfection
of style, for literary finish, for perfect English in an age of
slovenliness and slang. No writer of the period has excelled him in
accuracy of diction, in brilliancy of expression, in unfailing purity
of style. There is an eighteenth-century fastidiousness about every
page that he has written.
The tribute of Mark Twain is none too strong: "For forty years his
English has been to me a continual delight and astonishment. In
the sustained exhibition of certain great qualities--clearness,
compression, verbal exactness, and unforced and seemingly unconscious
felicity of phrasing--he is, in my belief, without peer in the
English-speaking world. _Sustained._ I entrench myself behind that
protecting word. There are others who exhibit those qualities as
greatly as does he, but only by intervaled distributions of rich
moonlight, with stretches of veiled and dimmer landscape between,
whereas Howells's moon sails cloudless skies all night and all the
nights."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
HENRY JAMES. (1843-1916.) _Watch and Ward_ [in the _Atlantic_],
1871; _A Passionate Pilgrim_, _Roderick Hudson_, _Transatlantic
Sketches_, 1875; _The American_, 1877; _French Poets and
Novelists_, _The Europeans_, _Daisy Miller_, 1878; _An
International Episode_, _Life of Hawthorne_, _A Bundle of
Letters_, _The Madonna of the Future_, _Confidence_, 1879; _Diary
of a Man of Fifty_, _Washington Square_, 1880; _The Portrait of a
Lady_, 1881; _The Siege of London_, 1883; _Portraits of Places_,
_Tales of Three Cities_, _A Little Tour in France_, 1884;
_The Author of Beltraffio_, 1885; _The Bostonians_, _Princess
Casamassima_, 1886; _Partial Portraits_, _The Aspern Papers_,
_The Reverberator_, 1888; _A London Life_, 1889; _The Tragic
Muse_, 1890; _The Lesson of the Master_, 1892; _Terminations_,
1896; _The Spoils of Poynton_, _What Maisie Knew_, 1897; _In
the Cage_, 1898; _The Awkward Age_, 1899; _The Soft Side_, _The
Sacred Font_, 1901; _The Wings of the Dove_, 1902; _The Better
Sort_, _William Wetmore Story and His Friends_, 1903; _The
Question of Our Speech_, _The Lesson of Balzac_ [Lectures], 1905;
_The American Scene_, 1906; _Italian Hours_, _Julia Bride_,
_Novels and Tales_, 24 volumes, 1909; _Finer Grain_, 1910; _The
Outcry_, 1911; _A Small Boy and Others_, 1912; _Notes of a Son
and Brother_, 1913; _Notes on Novelists, with Some Other Notes_,
1914.
WILLIAM DEAN HOWELLS. (1837----.) _Poems of Two Friends_,
1859; _Lives and Speeches of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal
Hamlin_ [Hamlin by J. L. Hayes], 1860; _Venetian Life_, 1866;
_Italian Journeys_, 1867; _No Love Lost: a Romance of Travel_,
1868; _Suburban Sketches_, 1871; _Their Wedding Journey_,
1872; _A Chance Acquaintance_, _Poems_, 1873; _A Foregone
Conclusion_, 1874; _Amateur Theatricals_ [in the _Atlantic_],
1875; _The Parlor Car: Farce_, 1876; _Out of the Question: a
Comedy_, _A Counterfeit Presentiment_, 1877; _The Lady of the
Aroostook_, 1879; _The Undiscovered Country_, 1880; _A Fearful
Responsibility, and Other Stories_, _Dr. Breen's Practice:
a Novel_, 1881; _A Modern Instance: a Novel_, 1882; _The
Sleeping-Car: a Farce_, _A Woman's Reason: a Novel_, 1883;
_The Register: Farce_, _Three Villages_, 1884; _The Elevator:
Farce_, _The Rise of Silas Lapham_, _Tuscan Cities_, 1885; _The
Garroters: Farce_, _Indian Summer_, _The Minister's Charge_,
1886; _Modern Italian Poets: Essays and Versions_, _April
Hopes_, 1887; _A Sea-Change; or, Love's Stowaway: a Lyricated
Farce_, _Annie Kilburn: a Novel_, 1888; _The Mouse-Trap, and
Other Farces_, _A Hazard of New Fortunes: a Novel_, 1889; _The
Shadow of a Dream: a Story_, _A Boy's Town_, 1890; _Criticism and
Fiction_, _The Albany Depot_, _An Imperative Duty_, 1891; _The
Quality of Mercy: a Novel_, _A Letter of Introduction: Farce_, _A
Little Swiss Sojourn_, _Christmas Every Day, and Other Stories
Told for Children_, 1892; _The World of Chance: a Novel_, _The
Unexpected Guests: a Farce_, _My Year in a Log Cabin_, _Evening
Dress: Farce_, _The Coast of Bohemia: a Novel_, 1893; _A Traveler
from Altruria: Romance_, 1894; _My Literary Passions_, _Stops
of Various Quills_, 1895; _The Day of Their Wedding: a Novel_,
_A Parting and a Meeting_, _Impressions and Experiences_, 1896;
_A Previous Engagement: Comedy_, _The Landlord at Lion's Head:
a Novel_, _An Open-Eyed Conspiracy: an Idyl of Saratoga_, 1897;
_The Story of a Play: a Novel_, 1898; _Ragged Lady: a Novel_,
_Their Silver Wedding Journey_, 1899; _Room Forty-five: a
Farce_, _The Smoking Car: a Farce_, _An Indian Giver: a Comedy_,
_Literary Friends and Acquaintance: a Personal Retrospect of
American Authorship_, 1900; _A Pair of Patient Lovers_, _Heroines
of Fiction_, 1901; _The Kentons_, _The Flight of Pony Baker:
a Boy's Town Story_, _Literature and Life: Studies_, 1902;
_Questionable Shapes_, _Letters Home_, 1903; _The Son of Royal
Langbrith: a Novel_, 1904; _Miss Bellard's Inspiration: a Novel_,
_London Films_, 1905; _Certain Delightful English Towns_, 1906;
_Through the Eye of a Needle: a Romance_, _Mulberries in Pay's
Garden_, _Between the Dark and the Daylight_, 1907; _Fennel and
Rue: a Novel_, _Roman Holidays, and Others_, 1908; _The Mother
and the Father: Dramatic Passages_, _Seven English Cities_,
1909; _My Mark Twain: Reminiscences and Criticisms_, _Imaginary
Interviews_, 1910; _Parting Friends: a Farce_, 1911; _Familiar
Spanish Travels_, _New Leaf Mills_, 1913; _The Seen and Unseen at
Stratford-on-Avon_, 1914.