WORK OF THE FAWCETT SCHEME COMMITTEE—A NOTABLE PAMPHLET—MR.
RAIKES AND THE “AGITATOR”—A NEW POSTAL ORGAN—THE FAWCETT SCHEME
AND THE “LUMINOUS COMMITTEE.”
The seed had germinated; the plant had taken root even in such seemingly
stony and barren soil, and was destined within a short while, despite
chill winds and frost-bite, to become flourishing and fruitful.
The newly-constituted Fawcett Scheme Committee set about in real earnest
in preparing the further petition which should suitably represent the
united claims of the two classes. As the representatives of the first
and second classes of sorters, they called attention to the fact that
several important provisions of the scheme of reorganisation, recommended
by the late Mr. Fawcett when Postmaster-General, and sanctioned by the
Treasury in 1881, had not been carried into effect; and on behalf of
the sorters, they wished to take such steps as may be in their power to
have those provisions effectuated. The improvements of position which
had been sanctioned by the Treasury, and which, they submitted, they had
been entitled to since April 1, 1881, were comprised in the sanctioned
recommendation of Mr. Fawcett to redress the grievances coming under the
first two of the five points to which, in his letter to the Treasury, he
reduced the whole of the representations and petitions which had been
addressed to him by the various classes of the postal and telegraph
services, viz.:—
“1. Inadequacy of pay arising to some extent from stagnation in promotion.
“2. The excessive amount of overtime, the small rate of pay allowed for
it, and the severity of the night duty. The inadequacy of pay referred
to in the first point was redressed by a new classification and scale of
wages, which was to be uniform for the postal staff of the Sorting Branch
and for the telegraphists (_vide_ Treasury reply), and which was ‘based
upon the intelligible principle of paying for work solely according to
its quality’ (_vide_ Mr. Fawcett’s report to the Treasury).”
The grievances embodied in the second point were redressed by the
recommendation in paragraphs 5 and 6 of Mr. Fawcett’s report, viz.:—
“5. That the period of ordinary night attendance, both for telegraphists
and sorting clerks, be reduced from eight to seven hours; already
recognised at several offices as the proper amount of night attendance
for the postal staff.
“6. That payment as for overtime work at provincial offices, whether of
telegraphists or sorting clerks, be, in the case of male officers, at the
rate of one-fiftieth part of a week’s pay per hour, and in the case of
female officers (who, as a rule, are not called upon to do more than 48
hours’ work per week) at the rate of one-forty-eighth part of a week’s
pay. That when the overtime at any given office on a single occasion
exceeds three hours, the rate of pay for such excess shall be one-quarter
higher than the ordinary rate. As a rule the 16 hours which form an
officer’s work for two days shall be so divided as to avoid giving him
more than 11 hours’ work on either day; when an occasional exception is
necessary, all excess beyond 11 hours in any one day shall be paid for as
overtime, although the two days’ work in the aggregate may not exceed 16
hours.”
The petition proceeded to point out that:—
“None of these provisions have been carried into effect. The scale of
wages under which we are paid should, as stated in the Treasury reply,
be uniform with that of the Central Telegraph Office, which is detailed
in Schedule B in the copy of the papers ordered to be printed by the
Honourable the House of Commons. Nor is work paid for according to
its quality, as sorters of the second class are regularly required to
perform duties of the highest quality, and consequently appertaining to
the first class. On this point we hold that a hard and fast limitation
of the classes within certain prescribed numbers is opposed to Mr.
Fawcett’s recommendation, and therefore not in accordance with the
letter or spirit of this reorganisation scheme sanctioned by the Lords
of the Treasury; for it is clearly explained, that the paying for such
work solely according to its quality is to be effected by regulating the
‘number of places’ in the class carrying any particular scale, ‘strictly
in accordance with the aggregate number’ of duties appertaining to that
class. The number of places in the class carrying the first-class scale
should, consequently, be limited solely by the number of first-class
duties.
“The recommendation to reduce the night duty to seven hours has not been
carried out, as in the N.P.B. and I.B. a duty exists extending from 5
P.M. to 12.30 A.M., and in the E.C.D.O. there is in existence a duty
extending from 4 P.M. until 12 midnight. We are aware that a portion of
these duties comes within the hours of the ordinary evening attendance,
but in the case of a midnight duty of seven hours (say from 12 midnight
to 7 A.M.), a certain portion also comes within the hours of the equally
ordinary morning attendance, and we therefore contend that the duties
we have mentioned come within the reference of the scheme of midnight
duties, and should not therefore exceed seven hours.
“We need not point out that overtime is not paid for in accordance with
the recommendation of the scheme. That we are entitled to payment at this
rate is certain, for although the paragraph reads, ‘for ordinary overtime
work at provincial offices,’ it is expressly stated in another paragraph
of the report that the sorting force in London cannot be excluded from
any improvement of position which may be conceded to the telegraphists
and provincial sorting clerks.
“These are the provisions which have been expressly sanctioned by the
Treasury for our benefit, and which we have been elected to endeavour
to have carried into effect; but we may also mention the reference
in Mr. Fawcett’s report to point 3 respecting holidays, viz.:—‘I am
now considering a scheme the effect of which I hope may be to give
one month’s leave in the course of the year to many who now have only
three weeks, and three weeks to many who now have only a fortnight,
respecting which we have been instructed to inquire, if the order of the
Postmaster-General in the Post-Office Circular of 30th November 1886
is the effectuation of Mr. Fawcett’s contemplated scheme, and, if so,
to ascertain if the fortnight’s leave of absence enjoyed by the second
class should not be extended as in the case of the first class to three
weeks. We are also instructed to inquire what foundation exists for the
prevalent impression, that the payment as for overtime work given for all
work done on Christmas Day and Good Friday should be at the rate of pay
for overtime work on Sundays, and not on week days.
“We think it the most courteous and respectful method we could adopt to
bring these facts under your notice, and before taking any further steps
to ask you for any information on these points which may be within your
knowledge, and for guidance as to the methods we should pursue, which,
while fulfilling the trust reposed in us by our brother officers, would
meet with your commendation. In conclusion, we beg to press on your
consideration the fact that this is a representation emanating from the
entire sorting staff of the Circulation Department, who feel sure that
some of the most important provisions granted to them by the Lords of
the Treasury have been withheld from them since 1881, and that you will
therefore be kind enough to regard this letter as a matter of urgency,
and favour us with an immediate intimation of its having reached you, and
a reply at your earliest convenience.”
[Signed by the Committee.]
This petition from the united classes of the London sorting force broadly
covered the whole of the ground on which they based their claims to the
Fawcett scheme, and the various other petitions presented to Mr. Raikes
were modelled upon it. As was almost inevitable under the circumstances,
and as was almost expected by the promoters themselves, another
unfavourable reply to their petition was received from the Controller.
It was therefore soon afterwards determined to seek for permission, this
time from the Postmaster-General himself, to hold another general meeting
inside the official building.
In the meantime, however, Clery, the enthusiastic and resourceful young
leader of the new movement, had written and published a pamphlet, “An
Exposition of the Fawcett Scheme,” which gained a ready sale among the
interested and expectant men. The exposition was a clever piece of
literary dissection, and a clear analysis of the much-debated question
of Mr. Fawcett’s intended meaning. With rare legal acumen the text and
spirit of the 1881 scheme were compared and examined, and considered at
some length. The conclusion was, of course, favourable to the contention
that the sorting force were still being robbed of their rightful
privileges.
The audacity of openly and undisguisedly rushing into print in the face
of what were supposed to be most hard and fast regulations against it,
caused in the minds of many no little anxiety as to the safety of the
author. There were even some protests from the committee, and at least
one resignation. But the men as fully appreciated the necessity of some
explanatory information on the subject as did the writer, and almost
every one possessed himself of a copy, if only to try and discern through
the chink in the door of the treasure-chamber what proportion of the
promised treasure should be his, and to speculate as to his chances of
getting it in the sweet by-and-by. The pamphlet undoubtedly did good,
and had no inconsiderable educational value, while it strengthened the
conviction that their cause was a just one, and their course a safe one.
The recent general meeting at which it was thought that every one had
arrived at a perfect understanding had left much to be desired in the
way of information, and the majority came away from that meeting with as
varied and divergent opinions as if a text of Scripture had been under
discussion. It was indeed only to be expected. It is a peculiar quality
of the human mind that the more a given printed text is discussed and
debated the less definite is the understanding upon it. There is scarcely
a paragraph in the daily newspaper as to the literal and actual meaning
of which a heated discussion, and possibly sectarian differences, could
not centre upon. There had been all sorts of rumours bandied about and
opinions expressed about this wonderful scheme, till at last, while every
one agreed to believe that it was next to divinely inspired and that
the spirit of the dead lawgiver still hovered about it, very distinct
differences prevailed as to the meaning and bearing of particular
paragraphs. Every man had his own pet paragraph, and wore it about his
person in his waistcoat pocket or elsewhere, as a Mohammedan wears texts
of the Koran, for ready reference and the confusion of one of opposite
view. It was to meet this state of things that Clery very sensibly
conceived the idea of supplying a long-felt want at threepence per copy.
The publication of this pamphlet was for the most part thought the most
daring thing that Clery had ever attempted, especially as it was so
unblushingly offered for sale within the Post-Office itself, and under
the very noses of the authorities. None knew what would become of the
man who could fly in the face of one of the most cherished traditions of
officialism; for it had never yet been doubted that the same rules which
governed the action of “communicating with the public press” covered such
a case as this, and was sufficient to proclaim the author an outlaw.
But the writer himself, so far from acting in ignorance of existing
rules on the subject, in this very pamphlet challenged the authority of
the Postmaster-General in this matter of personal liberty, and in one
movement swept the musty cobwebs of tradition aside. In this pamphlet it
was incidentally pointed out for the first time that there was absolutely
no prohibition against an officer of the Post-Office being, if he chose,
actually connected with the public press while performing his official
duties. The whole matter had been immersed in obscurity; not one person
in five thousand could have quoted the rule which was supposed to
overshadow their actions in this respect. But herein for the first time
it was shown that the minute issued by the Treasury so recently as 1875,
and adopted by the Postmaster-General as a rule of the postal service—and
which had been regarded as a menace because not understood—was directed
against “Unauthorised Communications to the Public Press of Information
derived from Official Sources.” It was scarcely likely that the rule
would be so strained in the present instance; and if it were Clery was
prepared to fight it.
Certain it is that Clery in no way enhanced his character in the service
by taking up such an exposed position. His character officially indeed
had been represented as scarcely anything to be proud of; he met with
scant leniency at the hands of those over him, and it was rumoured that
his days would not be long in the land, that is, of the postal service.
It is said that during this troublous period he was “suspended” no less
than thirteen times. Then, to the surprise of every one, the supervising
officials especially, young Clery, the agitator, was suddenly informed
that Mr. Raikes, the Postmaster-General, had expressed a desire to see
him. Such a proceeding on the part of any former Postmaster-General was
wholly unheard of; and if it was regarded as _infra dig._ for the gilded
figurehead of a great public department to voluntarily and unasked grant
an interview to an underling so low down in the rungs of the service, the
subordinate himself was to gain a little more credit and respect from
that moment. The youth was doing the ordinary work of the juniors at the
time, and his duty had to be provided for by the superintendent of his
branch, to enable him to gratify the Postmaster-General’s extraordinary
request for an interview with this agitating subordinate, whose
notoriety had reached the august ears. He had but to step across St.
Martin’s-le-Grand to find himself in the presence of Mr. Cecil Raikes,
and that gentleman he found all smiles instead of all frowns, as he had
been led to anticipate, and a welcoming nod reassured him that at least
the Postmaster-General was not about to order him to be bow-strung on the
spot.
“I have sent for you, Mr. Clery,” said the Postmaster-General, eyeing
the stripling whose height was by no means dwarfed by Mr. Raikes’s own
six feet three or four inches, “principally because I wanted to satisfy
my curiosity. You have such an exceptionally bad official character that
it made me curious to see what you are like.” This private interview
lasted an hour or more; and many points were discussed between them;
and from that interview it is probable that Mr. Raikes learnt more
of the actual grievances of the staff than he might have learnt in a
month through the ordinary channels, and wading through memorials and
petitions. It was the very first time in the annals of the Post-Office
that a Postmaster-General had invited an agitator into his presence;
but it is more than probable that Mr. Raikes had some knowledge of the
man before he met him. He must have learnt something of his antecedents,
his connections, and his character beforehand; and when he met the
youthful agitator face to face, it is likely in a man of Mr. Raikes’s
disposition that he felt some sort of a sympathy with the ambitious and
energetic youth whose literary aspirations were to an extent a reflex
of those of his own earlier days. For Mr. Raikes himself had been an
industrious literary hand, a leader-writer for the _Standard_, a poet,
and a playwright. But over and above all that it is only reasonable to
think that Mr. Raikes’s principal motive was to gather first-hand and
in an informal way, from an accredited authority, the leading agitator
himself, what really were the grievances of the postal side of the
service. In selecting Clery he selected a ready and a logical exponent
of the case. If Clery was not flattered, he certainly went away with a
better understanding of Mr. Raikes than before. His and others’ estimate
of the Postmaster-General had been based on a misconception of him; his
utterances in regard to him, though always as respectful as the official
regulations demanded, betrayed the impression that Mr. Raikes was one of
whom they had to expect scant consideration.
Meanwhile the Fawcett Scheme Committee were not idle, and proceeded
with the work of organising the men on a more definite basis; voluntary
subscriptions per man being collected systematically, and the principles
of trades unionism quietly disseminated. Clery and his immediate
following were now agreed that the time had arrived when the sorting
force should set an example to other postal servants who were not yet
organised by combining on trades-union lines. The project was privately
discussed in all its bearings; meetings were held in every available nook
and corner, at Clery’s residence and elsewhere, till at last a definite
resolution was decided on, to be moved at the next general meeting. A
requisition was sent to the Postmaster-General for the use of one of the
branches in which to hold it, and this was accompanied with the polite
request that one or two newspaper reporters might be allowed to be
present.
It was a rather cool request under the circumstances, and very naturally,
perhaps, Mr. Raikes at first demurred. But eventually the little matter
was negotiated; and the use of the Foreign Newspaper Branch was given
them, and reporters were allowed to be present to take notes of the
proceedings. This was a distinct concession, which was thought to be as
much due to Mr. Raikes’s desire to be generous as to the pertinacity
of the men’s representatives. Perhaps the significance of this little
concession may be better understood when it is remembered that the
resolution which Clery and his supporters had decided to submit at that
general meeting within the Post-Office building was to the effect, “That
the time had arrived for the sorting force to combine on trades-union
principles.”
In moving this, reliance was doubtless placed on the fact that previously
Mr. Raikes in the House of Commons had proclaimed his belief that civil
servants had a right to combine for mutual benefit. At this time, before
it became fashionable for Tory ministers to express such tolerant views
in regard to the claims of labour and the recognition of trades-union
doctrines, such a declaration was perhaps a little remarkable.
The meeting was accordingly held on December 11, 1889, practically under
the smiling patronage of the Postmaster-General, whose action and whose
judgment was to afford food for criticism. It was the greatest gathering
that had ever assembled within the General Post-Office, far exceeding
even the one of ten or eleven years before, which had been called by
Booth the postman. The Foreign Branch, which was not used after eight
o’clock ordinarily, was on this occasion literally packed almost to
suffocation with considerably over two thousand men of all grades. The
wildfire of enthusiasm permeated the meeting from the first moment till
the last. Men from every district office and from every branch squeezed
themselves into the place, and climbed even into the girders of the roof,
and the very weight of the enormous mass of humanity almost constituted
a grave danger, of which, however, they were not at the time cognisant.
Subsequently, when Mr. Raikes went over the building and visited the
scene of that memorable meeting, he observed, “What! over two thousand
men here! It is a wonder the floor stood the strain.”
Overcrowded and enthusiastic as was the meeting, nothing more serious
occurred than some damage to a few sorting-tables and the unanimous
passing, amidst the wildest excitement, of the all-important resolution.
Williams was in the chair, and in his measured, cold, metallic fashion,
as a lecturer of the Hunterian Society might, with scalpel in hand,
deliver a clinical lecture on nerve tissues and their ramifications, he
once more pulled the Fawcett scheme thread from thread.
The sorters were by this time pretty well acquainted with the _pros_
and _cons_ of the Fawcett scheme in its application to themselves. The
proposition, therefore, that they now petition the Postmaster-General in
connection with the unfulfilled conditions of the Fawcett scheme required
but little argument to convince them of the desirability of doing so
speedily. The second, and perhaps the more important resolution of the
two, that they now combine on trades-union lines for purposes of mutual
benefit, they were equally agreed on. Both resolutions were carried
unanimously, and it was also resolved that the Fawcett Scheme Committee
should be forthwith dissolved, and that its members should become the
provisional executive of the new organisation, to be called the “London
Sorting Clerks’ Association.” The immediate outcome of this great meeting
was that a monster petition, embodying the points of former petitions,
was signed by the whole of the London sorting force.
The Postmaster-General almost immediately this time consented to receive
a deputation of the aggrieved men at an early date. The well-worn facts
were once more refurbished, and the necessary preparations were made to
recite before him the thrice-told tale. The deputation almost expected
to find themselves confronted by an austere, frowning official, ready
to trip them up and to limit them both in points and minutes. But to
their agreeable surprise the ogre they had come to storm in his castle
turned out to be a gentleman who treated them with studied courtesy, who
immediately put them at their ease, telling them to feel quite at home
and to sit down with him, so that they might reason together and settle
the matter in dispute amicably and without prejudice. The various points
were urged at length by each speaker, Mr. Raikes meanwhile listening
patiently and taking voluminous notes. At the conclusion he turned to
Clery, who was in the deputation, and pleasantly remarked, “Now perhaps
Mr. Clery will sum up.” Nothing loth, Clery did promptly and briefly. He
said the sorters had not got the missing portion of the Fawcett scheme,
and they should never be contented or happy till they got it, and he
suggested that it should be referred to a small committee of public men,
who might satisfactorily solve the difficult problem and interpret the
scheme to every one’s satisfaction. Mr. Raikes smiled and responded,
“That is a very luminous suggestion, Mr. Clery, and I will talk it
over with the Secretary. In the meantime, although from your point of
view your contention appears a very just one, I must say I do not read
this scheme as you do.” “Then,” said Clery, “it resolves itself into
a literary exercise.” There was some merriment expressed, and joined
in by Mr. Raikes. The Postmaster-General further assured them that he
deeply sympathised with them in their disappointment that he did not
read the scheme as they did; but it appeared to him nevertheless that
there was a substantial equality between them and the telegraphists,
who were supposed to be so much better off. Entering more fully on
the ground of his difference with them, he pleaded that Mr. Fawcett’s
intentions could not be assumed by them, inasmuch as the language in
which they were couched was of such an ambiguous character. Second, that
the interpretation which the permanent authorities put upon the more
important passages was directly opposite to that which the deputation
claimed to be their true meaning. Third, that at the time the Fawcett
scheme was formulated the authorities and Mr. Fawcett understood each
other, and that the arrangements at present in existence were exactly
what the late Mr. Fawcett desired to see.
The deputation withdrew naturally disappointed in their quest, but none
the less impressed with the surprising difference between their first
picture of him and the man personally.
Following on this deputation yet another meeting within the precincts of
the General Post-Office building was asked for and official permission
obtained; and on January 16, 1890, the combined sorting force met, again
two thousand strong. The temper and enthusiasm of this monster gathering
was if anything more pronounced than the last, curiosity running high
as to the result of the recent meeting between their leaders and the
Postmaster-General. J. H. Williams and W. E. Clery were the moving
spirits of the platform, and the men looked to them as the heralds of
good tidings. It was resolved that the sorting force express their
regret that while the Postmaster-General seemed to consider their view
a justifiable one and sympathised with them in their disappointment, he
was not prepared to immediately carry into effect that which had been
for so long withheld from them. He was also reminded of the “luminous
suggestion” of a “three-cornered committee” of public men. It was
decided to request that official permission be granted for holding a
further meeting in a more convenient place, so that public men could be
invited. Further, it was definitely decided to form an organisation on
trades-union lines.
The want of an official organ for the interchange of ideas among
the members and for the advocacy of accepted principles among the
letter-sorting staff was at this time beginning to be strongly felt.
Clery, seeing the necessity which the new movement had created, now
determined to supply the deficiency. At his own risk he started a small
journal, the _Post_. The first number appeared February 8, 1890, and
was an unpretentious, pamphlet-like little print of eight pages, sold
at a penny weekly. Clery himself was not only editor, but almost the
sole contributor; as few dared to join in the risk of “writing for
the press,” and the fact is to be commented on only because of the
surprising amount of work and responsibility he saddled himself with at
this period. Besides performing his ordinary eight hours’ duty at the
General Post-Office, and his association as an officer with the Fawcett
Scheme Committee, and the efficient discharge of all the detail work
which such an office entailed, he was an industrious contributor to the
public press, a prolific writer of fiction, and a playwright of some
little repute. Under a _nom de plume_ which afterwards became well known,
he found an entrance into the pages of the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, and
found himself, among other things, special dramatic correspondent of
the _Morning Advertiser_—no mean attainments, it will be confessed,
remembering his years and the hampering conditions under which he worked.
The _Post_ appeared, but it was predicted by many that its life would be
short, as, if it did not die of ill-nutrition on the part of its patrons,
the Postmaster-General would undoubtedly strangle it with red-tape. But
Mr. Raikes, though he could not have been wholly oblivious to the daring
innovation in postal journalism, did not in any way attempt to burke it,
and for a considerable period it was allowed to be sold and circulated
within the precincts of the Post-Office. Clery himself was prepared to
defend his action if called on to do so, and stoutly maintained that
before the authorities could legitimately question his right to act
as the editor of a Service paper, they would have to institute a new
regulation.
Preparations by this time had been set afoot for the great occasion
towards which all the events of the preceding few years had been slowly
but surely trending, the formation of a real postal trades-union. There
was no attempt at disguising the object and the nature of it; and
somewhat to the surprise of the older and more cautious among them, there
was no opposition from the authorities. Indeed, the then Controller, Mr.
R. C. Tombs, who, it may be mentioned, in his callow youth had himself
been an agitator among his own class, seemed only too glad to remove
every unnecessary official obstacle. He offered the use of the old
disused prison-chapel at the parcel depot at Mount Pleasant for their
forthcoming inaugural meeting, and even deputed Clery and Nevill to go
there and complete arrangements. But finding it to be scarcely suitable
for the purpose, a new difficulty arose. Then it was proposed that the
postal authorities hire the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, and for the
time being turn it into an official annexe, so as to meet the existing
rule that meetings might not be held outside Government buildings. This
proposal was actually seriously considered. It was then decided by Mr.
Raikes to relax the rule. By showing confidence in the men in this
matter, he thought they might be relied on not to abuse the liberty so
far accorded them. While still retaining the right to send an official
reporter, none was present, though it was generally understood that the
proceedings were under the espionage of known spies. It was originally
intended to call the new organisation by the name of the “London Sorting
Clerks’ Association,” but the title “sorting clerk” being one of the
minor points in dispute—it is still in dispute—some official exception
was taken to its being used in this connection. It was then decided
to rechristen it the “Fawcett Association,” partly because it was a
development of the Fawcett Scheme Committee, and partly out of respect
to the memory of Professor Henry Fawcett, the benefactor, whose full
benefits they were endeavouring to obtain after now eight years.
The new postal trades-union of letter-sorters, the Fawcett Association,
was inaugurated February 10, 1890, at the Memorial Hall, Farringdon
Street. There had been many meetings of postal officials before,
indeed much of the history of postal agitation had been made up of
meetings either open or illicit; but this was memorable, as it marked
an epoch and proclaimed a new departure. It was the first meeting held
in public by postal servants since 1866 which had not been proscribed
and officially banned. During a previous agitation, that of 1872-74,
there had been enormous mass meetings at Cannon Street Hotel and at
Exeter Hall, and many public men of weight and influence supported
their platforms; nevertheless each of those meetings was held in open
defiance of the existing rule, and in spite of the official warnings
against them. But now Mr. Raikes had shown his confidence in them by
removing the restriction so far as they were concerned. Henceforth they
would be free to meet when and where they liked, the only slender link
of connection between them and the Post-Office being the presence of the
official reporter. And this right to send an official reporter to the
public meetings of postal servants was by some regarded as not wholly
objectionable, as it had the compensating advantage of providing a ready
communication between the departmental chief and themselves. Mr. Raikes
had been the first Postmaster-General who had condescended to receive a
deputation of lower subordinates for the purpose of discussing points of
difference between them and the department. He had also been the first to
set aside an old-established rule, and to allow postal servants a fuller
liberty to meet in places of their own selection, where they might engage
in discussion amidst more congenial surroundings than the Post-Office
could offer. Their deliberations were henceforth not to be so cramped,
cabined, and confined as they had hitherto, but brought into the freer
light of publicity. It was a concession much to be appreciated, and one
which set a valuable precedent.
The indefatigable Williams presided; and once more, with lawyer-like
precision, he stated the case for the fulfilment of the Fawcett scheme;
and the numerous speakers who followed, including Clery, drove home the
necessity of forming this association, not only for securing immediate
benefits, but for safeguarding the privileges already possessed. The
result of this inaugural meeting was that a membership of over a thousand
was immediately enrolled, and within a short time the number was more
than doubled.
Scarcely to be compared numerically with the former postal trades-union,
embracing the letter-carriers and letter-sorters, which was led by
Booth, the Fawcett Association was yet to succeed as a movement where
the other had failed. The enormous movement of 1872-74, covering so
wide a field as it did, and numbering its branches in almost every town
throughout the kingdom, with great resources financially and morally, and
counting among its sponsors and supporters dozens of the most notable
men of the day, after living through a brief and stormy period, had
achieved little. The withdrawal of the personal influence of Booth, the
organising and the dominating spirit, caused it to shrink and crumble
away in decay and disaster. It had spent thousands of pounds one way
and another, in expensive mass meetings at Exeter Hall and elsewhere,
with their bands of music and colours flying, and public men parading
their platforms in pomp; but the agitation had produced little beyond a
sensation. The postal servants for whom the movement was begun were left
practically just where they were in the beginning. It was an agitation
which, while it ran its brief course, filled both the public eye and
ear; it bedecked itself with trappings and tinsel; it was magnificent in
a way, but directly Booth left it, it was no longer war. He undoubtedly
it was mainly who inspired and inflated it; and his withdrawal in a
moment of pique following indisposition, left it without a responsible
leader, and the fight became a rout. With victory almost within sight,
the principal leader withdrew and others followed, and the rank and
file of the movement, left to their own resources, abandoned the siege
and unaccountably beat a hasty retreat, as if a panic had seized them.
The very looseness and wavering in their ranks was an invitation and an
encouragement to the official patricians who garrisoned the till now
beleaguered citadel of privilege, and directly this was seen the cavalry
issued forth and smote them. The Assyrian came down like a wolf on the
fold; and the undisciplined and leaderless organisation had to return
captive along the paths of submissiveness and obedience. Hope for the
redress of their grievances was abandoned for years to come.
This, then, was the first real opportunity since the collapse of the
previous agitation that had been afforded the men of the sorting force
to reassert their liberty to organise. But for the tact and moderation
of the Postmaster-General, Mr. Raikes, and had he been less sympathetic
towards them, that opportunity might have been still further delayed.
That the opportunity would have been sought for or forced ultimately
there can be no doubt. The younger men were not to be expected to be
intimidated by the warnings issued fifteen or sixteen years before.
That was ancient history written on a slate. On top of the grievances
left unredressed by Booth’s agitation, others had accumulated; and none
but those contented with being born into serfdom could much longer have
tolerated or accepted such conditions. But it was due to Mr. Raikes not
only that the moment for starting a new movement was brought nearer,
but that that movement was made to run along the constitutional and
legitimate lines it did. Mr. Raikes, unconsciously perhaps, pointed
the road they should take, and by following that direction they found
the road travelled to success. However he may have been averse to the
introduction of organised trades-unionism in the Post-Office, Mr. Raikes
took the sensible view that open and deliberate opposition to the
sorters’ agitation at that time of day and in the circumstances would not
only give a fillip to it, but probably force it into a less commendable
shape. Mr. Raikes was a man of the world, who knew human nature and
human impulses as it showed itself in the aggregate. He had his duty
to himself, to the department, and the public to consider, and in this
instance the just motive of the man was not inconsistent with that of the
tactician. It had been conveyed to him that there was a general storm
brewing among the telegraphists and the letter-carriers, as well as the
sorters, and he was not blind to the necessity, from a departmental point
of view, of keeping each organisation distinct and confined to its own
ground of operations. He probably knew by this time that the sorters were
sufficiently determined to run an organisation of some kind; and failing
to prevent it, even if he would, he decided to show some tolerance as
the best means of arresting or suppressing what might otherwise become
a turbulent spirit among them. It was under these auspices and these
conditions that the sorters’ association was inaugurated.
From this moment a better feeling of security and a consciousness of
strength took possession of what had hitherto been but a loosely united
crowd, and, disciplined and organised as they now were, they felt
that some material benefit must be the outcome of their efforts. The
Postmaster-General evidently recognised that it was necessary to make
some concession to the spirit of demand everywhere manifesting itself
throughout the postal service, and shortly afterwards appointed a small
Committee of Inquiry to deal particularly with the interpretation of
the Fawcett scheme. The “luminous suggestion” of the young leader
Clery became translated into the “Luminous Committee.” This committee,
formed to assist the Postmaster-General in determining the correct
interpretation of the much-discussed document, consisted of Sir Francis
Sandford, Sir Rupert Kettle, Q.C., Mr. William Woodall, M.P. for Hanley,
and Mr. F. J. Dryhurst, a personal friend of the late Mr. Fawcett, as
secretary. A deputation of the staff were invited to attend the sittings,
and Messrs. Williams, Clery, Kemp, Groves, Leader, and Macartney, as
representing the men, attended and stated their case. The Fawcett scheme,
which had for so long remained a bone of contention over the grave of
the dead benefactor, was, it seemed, at last to be removed beyond cavil
or dispute.
It was on this occasion that a high compliment, intentional or
unintentional, was paid to the young secretary of the Fawcett
Association, W. E. Clery, the author of the “Exposition of the Fawcett
Scheme.” The deputation had no sooner taken their seats than the late Mr.
Joyce, one of the leading officials of the General Post-Office, handed to
each a copy of the pamphlet, though where and how they had been obtained
was something of a mystery. Not only the deputation, but every member of
the committee were provided with a copy, and the incident occasioned no
little surprise.
The points were discussed and the evidence given, and the representatives
of the men entertained high hopes of the matter being speedily settled
in their favour. “Waiting to hear the verdict” became a watchword and a
commonplace saying among the men for several weeks, and few seriously
doubted what that verdict would be. On March 25, 1890, the report of the
committee was issued, and it was then found, greatly to the surprise
and disappointment of all, that the decision was against them on every
single point. There was a feeling that they had been betrayed; but this
speedily gave way to a new hope that Mr. Raikes, after all, intended to
compensate them for the disappointment sustained; for, in the meantime,
the Postmaster-General had offered a still further compromise to the
general spirit of discontent by instituting a departmental Committee of
Inquiry to inquire fully into the quality of postal duties. The new hope
that had inspired them became clouded with much uncertainty during the
next few weeks; but a general meeting of the men decided to await the
result a reasonable time before taking further action.
The verdict of the Luminous Committee was taken strong exception to by
the general body of the force as being inconclusive and unconvincing.
The official verdict, so far as the Fawcett scheme was concerned, had
gone against them certainly, but they had lost nothing but the verdict.
They lost neither courage in themselves nor hope for the future. They had
pursued an ideal that had eluded their grasp, but it had enticed them
into pastures they might never have explored. It had taught them how
to organise; it had taught them self-reliance, and gave them a better
appreciation of their own value as public servants. Their pursuit of the
Fawcett scheme ideal, while it had given them some acquaintance with
the difficulties to be faced, had taught them how to surmount those
difficulties. It had inspired them with a new and a stronger ambition
to better the conditions of postal life; and it had been the means of
discovering to themselves that in their two leaders, Clery and Williams,
they had two officers of more than ordinary ability, and to whom they
could confidently look for ultimate victory. They had lost the verdict,
but this much they had gained, and more. If nothing more substantial had
been gained from the Postmaster-General, they had at least secured his
respect and even his goodwill, and that respect they reciprocated. At
first, unwilling to consider their claims, Mr. Raikes had come to realise
that they were deadly in earnest, and were not easy to refuse. And they
had reason to think that from this realisation had sprung the conviction
that, after all, they had grievances which, at any cost, would have to be
remedied.
The impression had gained ground among the leaders of the sorters’
agitation that though the verdict had gone against them Mr. Raikes was
disposed to do all that was within his power to improve the position and
prospects of the sorting force, on similar lines to those laid down in
the Fawcett scheme itself. The Postmaster-General was asked to receive
a further deputation from the men, and fourteen points were submitted
for his consideration, these fourteen points covering all the ground of
their previous demands. Mr. Raikes consented to receive the deputation
to discuss with him all the points submitted with the exception of two,
which were, the reorganisation of the medical department, and the request
to have some voice in the formation of any revision before it was finally
applied. The points the Postmaster-General was asked to discuss with the
deputation were:—
“1. Uniform scales and privileges for the chief office of the Sorting
Branch with the Central Telegraph Office; and holidays in accordance with
the Post-Office Circular of 30th November 1886.
“2. That the number of officers on each class be regulated strictly in
accordance with the number of duties rightly appertaining to that class,
due provision being made for lack of promotion by the establishment of a
class of seniors as in the Central Telegraph Office; and that allowances
be abolished in favour of higher scales where duties of a higher quality
are performed, except in cases of risk or _temporary_ performance of
superior duties, when the minimum of the higher scale should be paid.
“3. That the minimum rate of pay for any appointed officer of the
sorting force be 24s. per week; and that the first class be restored to
the metropolitan district offices, the scale of pay to be that of the
district telegraphists.
“4. That officers of the sorting force may have the right of promotion
to superior appointments, especially to those dealing directly with the
control of the work.
“5. That in order to generally abolish ‘split’ attendances, and reduce
the extreme pressure under which the duties are performed, a sufficient
increase of the permanent staff be at once granted.
“6. The abolition (1) of indirect punishment, such as the capricious
ordering of midday attendance, &c. (not officially recorded as
punishment); and also (2) of confidential reports, except in suspected
criminal cases; and (3) that the notification in the Post-Office Circular
of punishment awarded to any officer be discontinued.
“7. That compulsory extra duty be abolished.
“8. That inquiry be made into the pay, duties, and position of the
sorting staff attached to the Savings-Bank Department, with a view of
readjusting their position in the service, no such inquiry having been
made for the past seventeen years.
“9. That the term ‘sorting clerk’ be in all cases substituted for that of
‘sorter.’
“10. That the official duty be seven hours per diem, such to be
continuous; but where a ‘split’ duty or night attendance is necessary,
six hours.
“11. That full pay be granted during absence on sick-leave.
“12. That Sunday rates be paid for all work performed on Christmas Day
and Good Friday; all other public holidays to be paid for at the ordinary
extra-duty rates.
“13. That the Medical Department as at present constituted be abolished,
a medical officer being retained solely for the examination of candidates
for employment and superannuation claimants through physical incapacity.
“14. That in order to render satisfactory to those concerned any future
revision we urge the necessity of our being consulted before it assumes
its final form.”
Early in the June following Mr. Raikes received a deputation of six,
including the indispensable Williams and Clery, and the points were
amicably discussed between them, a shorthand writer being present. The
Postmaster-General gave every attention, and treated them as usual with
consideration. And his kindliness of nature displayed itself on this
occasion when spontaneously he made one very valuable concession on
the spot. He had been reminded that members of the postal staffs had
not yet enjoyed the privilege extended to telegraphists, that of being
transferred to country and seaside offices when in ill health. “I should
like _that_ done,” said he, turning to the Controller. And this privilege
was to be enjoyed from that moment for years to come. The business of the
deputation having concluded, the Postmaster-General complimented them for
having urged their case with great reason and moderation, and promised
he would give every consideration to the matters laid before him; and
that they might expect an answer at as early a date as possible. Besides
the concession of temporary transfer to seaside offices in cases of ill
health, which they had gained at the interview, Mr. Raikes had already a
few days before granted full pay in sickness, and this was now made to
extend to the whole of the London postal service. After this they had
to curb their impatience for four months, for other happenings of more
serious moment were directing Mr. Raikes’s attention elsewhere.