THE POINT OF VIEW OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM
The great idealistic philosophers of Germany, Schelling and Hegel,
understood the insufficiency of the human nature point of view. Hegel,
in his "Philosophy of History," makes fun of the Utopian bourgeoisie in
search of the best of constitutions. German Idealism conceived history
as a process subject to law, and sought the motive-power of the
historical movement _outside the nature of man_. This was a great step
towards the truth. But the Idealists saw this motive-power in the
absolute idea, in the "Weltgeist;" and as their absolute idea was only
an abstraction of "our process of thinking," in their philosophical
speculation upon history, they reintroduced the old love of the
Materialist philosophers--human nature--but dressed in robes worthy of
the respectable and austere society of German thinkers. Drive nature out
of the door, she flies in at the window! Despite the great services
rendered to social science by the German Idealists, the great problem of
that science, its essential problem, was no more solved in the time of
the German Idealists than in the time of the French Materialists. What
is this hidden force that causes the historic movement of humanity? No
one knew anything about it. In this field there was nothing to go upon
save a few isolated observations, more or less accurate, more or less
ingenious--sometimes indeed, very accurate and ingenious--but always
disjointed and always incomplete.
That social science at last emerged from this No Thoroughfare, it owes
to Karl Marx.
According to Marx, "legal relations, like forms of State, can neither be
understood in themselves nor from the so-called general development of
the human mind, but are rather rooted in those material conditions of
life, whose totality Hegel, following the English and the French of the
18th century, summed up under the name of 'bourgeois society.'" This is
almost the same as Guizot meant when he said that political
constitutions had their roots in "the condition of property." But while
for Guizot "the condition of property" remained a mystery which he
vainly sought to elucidate with the help of reflections upon human
nature, for Marx this "condition" had nothing mysterious; it is
determined by the condition of the productive forces at the disposal of
a given society. "The anatomy of bourgeois society is to be sought in
political economy." But Marx himself shall formulate his own conception
of history.
"In the social production of their lives, men enter upon certain
definite, necessary relations, relations independent of their will,
relations of production that correspond with definite degrees of
development of their material productive forces. The totality of these
relations of production constitute the economic structure of society,
the true basis from which arises a juridical and political
superstructure to which definite social forms of consciousness
correspond. The mode of production of material life determines the
social, political and intellectual processes of life. It is not the
consciousness of mankind that determines their being, but, on the
contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. In a
certain stage of their development, the material forces of production of
society come into contradiction with the existing relations of
production, or, which is only a juridical expression for the same thing,
with the relations of property within which they had hitherto moved.
From forms for the development of these forces of production, they are
transformed into their fetters. We then enter upon an epoch of social
revolution."[3]
This completely materialist conception of history is one of the greatest
discoveries of our century, so rich in scientific discoveries. Thanks to
it alone sociology has at last, and for ever, escaped from the vicious
circle in which it had, until then, turned; thanks to it alone this
science now possesses a foundation as solid as natural science. The
revolution made by Marx in social science may be compared with that made
by Kopernicus in astronomy. In fact, before Kopernicus, it was believed
that the earth remained stationary, while the sun turned round it. The
Polish genius demonstrated that what occurred was the exact contrary.
And so, up to the time of Marx, the point of view taken by social
science, was that of "human nature;" and it was from this point of view
that men attempted to explain the historical movement of humanity. To
this the point of view of the German genius is diametrically opposed.
While man, in order to maintain his existence, acts upon nature outside
himself, he alters his own nature. The action of man upon the nature
outside himself, pre-supposes certain instruments, certain means of
production; according to the character of their means of production men
enter into certain relations within the process of production (since
this process is a social one), and according to their relations in this
social process of production, their habits, their sentiments, their
desires, their methods of thought and of action, in a word, their
nature, vary. Thus it is not human nature which explains the historical
movement; it is the historical movement which fashions diversely human
nature.
But if this is so, what is the value of all the more or less laborious,
more or less ingenious enquiries into "perfect legislation" and the best
of possible social organisations? None; literally none! They can but
bear witness to the lack of scientific education in those who pursue
them. Their day is gone for ever. With this old point of view of human
nature must disappear the Utopias of every shade and colour. The great
revolutionary party of our day, the International Social-Democracy, is
based not upon some "new conception" of human nature, nor upon any
abstract principle, but upon a scientifically demonstrable economic
necessity. And herein lies the real strength of this party, making it as
invincible as the economic necessity itself.
"The means of production and exchange on whose foundation the
bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a
certain stage in the development of these means of production and
exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and
exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing
industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property become no longer
compatible with the already developed productive forces, they become so
many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and
political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and
political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on
before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of
production, of exchange, and of property, a society that has conjured up
such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer,
who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he
has called up by his spells. For many a decade past the history of
industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern
productive forces against the property relations that are the conditions
for the existence of the bourgeoisie and its rule. It is enough to
mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on
its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the entire
bourgeois society.... The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled
feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie
itself."[4]
The bourgeoisie destroyed the feudal conditions of property; the
proletariat will put an end to the bourgeois conditions of property.
Between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie a struggle, an implacable
war, a war to the knife, is as inevitable as, was in its way, the
struggle between the bourgeoisie and the privileged estates. _But every
class war is a political war._ In order to do away with feudal society
the bourgeoisie had to seize upon political power. In order to do away
with capitalist society the proletariat must do the same. Its political
task is therefore traced out for it beforehand by the force of events
themselves, and not by any abstract consideration.
It is a remarkable fact that it is only since Karl Marx that Socialism
has taken its stand upon the class war. The Utopian Socialists had no
notion--even an inexact one--of it. And in this they lagged behind their
contemporary theorists of the bourgeoisie, who understood very well the
historical significance at any rate of the struggle of the third estate
against the nobles.
If every "new conception" of human nature seemed to supply very
definite indications as to the organisation of "the society of the
future," Scientific Socialism is very chary of such speculations. The
structure of society depends upon the conditions of its productive
forces. What these conditions will be when the proletariat is in power
we do not know. We now know but one thing--that the productive forces
already at the disposal of civilised humanity imperatively demand the
socialisation and systematised organisation of the means of production.
This is enough to prevent our being led astray in our struggle against
"the reactionary mass." "The Communists, therefore, are practically the
most advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every
country ... theoretically they have over the great mass of the
proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march,
the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian
movement."[5] These words, written in 1848, are to-day incorrect only in
one sense: they speak of "working class parties" independent of the
Communist party; there is to-day no working class party which does not
more or less closely follow the flag of Scientific Socialism, or, as it
was called in the Manifesto, "Communism."
Once again, then, the point of view of the Utopian Socialists, as indeed
of all social science of their time, was human nature, or some abstract
principle deriving from this idea. The point of view of the social
science, of the Socialism of our time is that of economic reality, and
of the immanent laws of its evolution.
It is easy, therefore, to form an idea of the impression made upon
modern Socialists by the arguments of the bourgeois theorists who sing
ceaselessly the same old song of the incompatibility of human nature and
communism. It is as though one would wage war upon the Darwinians with
arms drawn from the scientific arsenal of Cuvier's time. And a most
noteworthy fact is that the "evolutionists" like Herbert Spencer,
themselves are not above piping to the same tune.[6]
And now let us see what relation there may be between modern Socialism
and what is called Anarchism.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] "Zur Kritik der Politischen OEkonomie," Berlin, 1859. Preface iv. v.
[4] "Manifesto of the Communist Party." By Karl Marx and Frederick
Engels. Authorised English translation by S. Moore, pp. 11-12.
[5] "Communist Manifesto," p. 16.
[6] "The belief not only of the Socialists, but also of those so-called
Liberals who are diligently preparing the way for them, is that by due
skill an ill-working humanity may be framed into well-working
institutions. It is a delusion. The defective nature of citizens will
show themselves in the bad acting of whatever social structure they are
arranged into. There is no political alchemy by which you can get golden
conduct out of leaden instincts."--Herbert Spencer's "The Man _versus_
the State," p. 43.