CHAPTER VIII.

[Illustration: W'm Gaston.]

THE

BAY STATE MONTHLY.

_A Massachusetts Magazine_.

VOL. II.

FEBRUARY, 1885.

No. 5.

* * * * *

WILLIAM GASTON.

By ARTHUR P. DODGE.

Victor Hugo has written: "The historian of morals and ideas has a

mission no less austere than that of the historian of events. The latter

has the surface of civilization, the struggles of the crowns, the births

of princes, the marriages of Kings, the battles, the assemblies, the

great public men, the revolutions in the sunlight, all exterior; the

other historian has the interior, the foundation, the people who work,

who suffer and who wait ... Have these historians of hearts and souls

lesser duties than the historian of exterior facts?"

There is much unwritten history of the Bay State: of the exterior, much

is recorded; of the interior, far less. Both are valuable to posterity.

It is believed that succeeding ages will hold of far greater value, and

the youth of our day be benefitted more by the study of the underlying

principles and causes of those events which are given a conspicuous

place in history, rather than by the mere record of the surface facts.

It is profitable to study the habits and methods of individuals who

stand out in bold relief in history. To derive the greatest interest and

value from such lives it is well to follow them from early childhood.

Indeed it is profitable to trace back the ancestry and lineage from

which the man has descended, to study the characteristics peculiar to

each generation, and to note the result of racial mixtures tending to

the typical and representative American of to-day.

Many prominent men received their first incentive to ambition and

industry and perseverence by reading--when their minds were immature,

but fresh and retentive--of the life and achievements of Benjamin

Franklin and such other grand models for the young.

No history of a country or state is complete without studies of the

lives of those men who have made and are making history.

William Gaston comes from an honored and distinguished ancestry on both

his paternal and maternal side as will be seen by the succeeding

genealogical notes.

He was born at Killingly, Connecticut, October 3, 1820.

GENEALOGY.

Jean Gaston was born in France, probably about the year 1600. There

are traditions about the particular family to which he belonged,

but only little is definitely known. He was a Huguenot, and is said

to have been banished from France on account of his religion. His

property was confiscated. His brothers and family, although

Catholics, sent money to him in Scotland for his support. He is

said to have been forty years of age and unmarried when he went to

Scotland. Between 1662 and 1668, during a season of persecution in

Scotland, his sons, John, William, and Alexander, went over into

the north of Ireland, whither many of their friends were fleeing

for safety and religious freedom. There is some uncertainty as to

which of these three brothers was the founder of this branch of the

family, but numerous facts point almost conclusively to John as

such founder. One generation was born in Ireland.

John Gaston had three sons born in Ireland: William, born about

1680; lived at Caranleigh Clough Water; John, born 1703-4, died in

America 1783; Alexander, born 1714, died in America.

The former lived all his days in Caranleigh Clough Water, Ireland,

where he died about 1770. John and Alexander came to New England

during or shortly prior to 1730. Tradition has it that they landed

at Marblehead. From this place they went soon, if not immediately,

to Connecticut. As their ancestors had done, so did they, seek

religious liberty in a foreign land. They were Separatists and

probably were drawn to Voluntown because a Church holding that

faith was there established. Alexander returned to Massachusetts a

few years later, residing in Richmond, where some of his

descendants now reside; but most of that branch of the family are

living in the western states.

John Gaston was made a freeman of Voluntown at the organization of

its town government in 1736-7. He was a prominent member of the

Separatists Church in that town, the meeting for the settlement of

Reverend Alexander Miller, their pastor, being held at his house.

He was the great-grandfather of the subject of this sketch. His

three children were born in America: Margaret, born 1737, died

1810; Alexander, born 1739, was a commissioned officer in the

French and Indian War; John, born 1750, died 1805.

John Gaston married Ruth Miller, daughter of Reverend Alexander

Miller. Their children were Alexander, born in Voluntown, August 2,

1772; Margaret, born December 13, 1781. The latter died in early

childhood.

Alexander Gaston married Olive Dunlap, a daughter of Joshua Dunlap,

of Plainfield, Connecticut, who was born 1769, died in Killingly,

September 7, 1814. He married for his second wife in Killingly, in

April, 1816, Kezia Arnold, daughter of Aaron Arnold, born in

Burrillville, Rhode Island, November, 1779, died in Roxbury,

Massachusetts, January 30, 1856. His death occurred in Roxbury,

February 11, 1856. The children of first marriage: Esther, born

1804, died 1860; John, born 1806, died 1824. William Gaston, of

whom this sketch is written, was the sole issue of the second

marriage. He was born at Killingly October 3, 1820. With his

parents he moved to Roxbury in the summer of 1838. On December 27,

1830, was born at Boston, Louisa A. Beecher to whom Mr. Gaston was

married May 27, 1852. Mrs. Gaston is a daughter of Laban S. and

Frances A. (Lines) Beecher, both of whom were natives of New Haven,

Connecticut, and were direct descendants of the very first settlers

of Connecticut in 1638. The children of Governor and Mrs. Gaston

were: Sarah Howard, William Alexander, and Theodore Beecher. The

latter was born February 8, 1861; died July 16, 1869.

The death of Theodore was a severe blow to his family. He was a

beautiful and promising boy. This sad calamity seemed like the

withdrawal of sunlight from the household, causing his loving

parents the keenest anguish.

Of this branch of the family there are but very few relatives of

Governor Gaston. His son William is the only male representative of

his generation. It is, singularly enough, true that in his family

line of descent there have been three generations where each had

but one male representative, and two generations having but one

representative of either sex. Thus the Carolina Gastons are of the

nearest kindred to Governor Gaston's particular branch.

Kezia (Arnold) Gaston, the mother of Governor Gaston, was a

daughter of Aaron Arnold and Rhoda (Hunt) Arnold, and a lineal

descendant of Thomas Arnold, who, with his brother William, came to

New England in 1636. William Arnold went to Rhode Island with Roger

Williams, being one of the fifty-four proprietors of that

Plantation. His brother Thomas followed him there in 1654. The

latter was born in England in 1599, probably in Leamington, that

being the birth-place of his brother William. His second wife was

Phoebe Parkhurst, daughter of George Parkhurst of Watertown,

Massachusetts. The family record is carried back to 1100, being

undoubtedly accurate to about the year 1570, when the name Arnold

was first used as a surname; possibly accurate throughout.

The arms of the Family; Gules, a chevron ermine between three

Pheons, or; appear on the tombstone of Oliver Arnold, and of

William Arnold, the original settler. The same arms are on a tablet

in the Parish Church of Churcham in Gloucestershire, England,

placed there in memory of his ancestor John Arnold of Lanthony,

Monmouthshire, afterwards of Hingham, who acquired the manor of

Churcham in 1541.

TRADITIONS.

The most ancient written record of the family which the writer has

consulted was written by John Roseborough, late Clerk of the

Circuit Court, Chester District, South Carolina. He was the son of

Alexander Roseborough and Martha Gaston, whose father, William

Gaston of Caranleigh Clough Water, Ireland, was grandson of Jean

Gaston, the Huguenot ancestor of the family.

The statement is as follows, the words enclosed in parenthesis

being supplied by way of information.

"Jean Gaston emigrated from France to Scotland on account of his

religion, as a persecution then raged against the Protestants. He

had two sons who emigrated from Scotland to Ireland between 1662

and 1668 during a time of persecution in Scotland. There was a John

and a William, but which of them was the ancestor of our

grandfather is not known. William Gaston, my grandfather, lived at

Caranleigh Clough Water. He married Miss Lemmon and had four sons

and as many daughters: John Gaston (King's Justice) died on Fishing

Creek, near Cedar Shoal, Chester District, South Carolina; Rev.

Hugh Gaston, author of 'Concordance and Collections'; Dr. Alexander

Gaston, killed by the British at Newbern, South Carolina (father of

Judge William Gaston); Robert Gaston, and William Gaston."

One fact is established, that many of Jean Gaston's descendants had

settled in America before the Revolution and were actively engaged

in that contest for liberty.

Springing from such ancestry in which are joined the characteristics of

the French Huguenot, the Scotch Presbyterian, the Scotch-Irish patriot,

the follower of Roger Williams, the May Flower Pilgrim, one is not

surprised to find in William Gaston a strong man; a man who inherited as

a birthright the qualities of leadership.

His father was a well known merchant of Connecticut, of sterling

integrity, and of remarkably strong force of character. He was

commissioned a Captain at the early age of twenty-two, and was for many

years in the Legislature. The father of the latter was also in the

Connecticut Legislature for many years.

In early youth William gave promise of a superb manhood by displaying

those qualities which have since distinguished him. He was a studious

boy, eager for knowledge. He attended the Academy in Brooklyn,

Connecticut, and subsequently fitted for College at the Plainfield

Academy. At the age of fifteen he left his quiet village home for Brown

University, where his intellect was trained in a routine sanctioned by

the experience of centuries, and where contact with his fellows soon

roused his ambition and gave him confidence in his own ability to enter

the struggle with the world for place and honor. William, having a

married sister, who was many years his senior, residing in Providence,

his father decided to send him, then scarcely more than a lad, to Brown

University where he would be surrounded by family influences and enjoy

the social advantages offered by his sister's home. He maintained a high

rank, graduating with honors in 1840.

For his life work he decided upon the legal profession--a wise choice as

subsequent time has shown his peculiar fitness therefor. He first

entered the office of Judge Francis Hilliard of Roxbury, remaining for a

time and then continued his legal studies with the distinguished

lawyers and jurists Charles P. and Benjamin R. Curtis of Boston, with

whom he remained until his admission to the Bar in 1844.

At Roxbury in 1846 he opened his first law office, taking comparatively

soon a leading position at the Bar. He there continued his practice

until 1865 when he formed with the late Hon. Harvey Jewell and the since

associate justice of the Supreme Judicial Court, the Hon. Walbridge A.

Field, the famous and successful law firm, having offices at number 5

Tremont street, of Jewell, Gaston and Field. This firm continued until

the election of Mr. Gaston to the gubernatorial chair of Massachusetts

in 1874. He was the Democratic candidate the year previous for this

office, his competitor being Mr. Washburn, who was elected but did not

long retain the chair of State, being elected to the United States

Senate. At the convention nominating William B. Washburn for Governor

there were four other candidates for the honor: Alexander H. Rice,

George B. Loring, Harvey Jewell and Benjamin F. Butler. The latter

created no little unquiet by the zeal and strength of his support. The

upshot was that there was a harmonious combination of the forces of the

four contestants of Butler upon Mr. Washburn. It is remembered that some

of the party organs were upon nettles, fearing that General Butler would

bolt the nomination, but he came out squarely and declared that as he

had staked his issues with the convention he would abide the result.

In the canvass of 1874 Mr. Gaston was opposed by Hon. Thomas Talbot,

who, by reason of Governor Washburn's election to the Senate as stated,

was acting as Governor, having been elected Lieutenant Governor on the

ticket with Mr. Washburn. Governor Gaston's majority over Mr. Talbot was

7,033. In the following canvass of 1875, Mr. Gaston having been

re-nominated by the Democracy, his competitor was Hon. Alexander H.

Rice. By this time, that part of the country represented by the

strongly-intrenched Republican party, was fully aroused to the exigency

of the hour. The edict came from the political centre at Washington to

the effect that the Republican party could not stand another defeat in

Massachusetts, especially on the eve of a presidential campaign. The

national organization concentrated a wonderfully _efficient_ auxiliary

force in aid of the intense activity already exerted by the local

managers, who so well understood the popularity of Mr. Gaston and of the

strong hold he had upon the people. It seems now that the Democratic

managers accepted or anticipated failure as a foregone conclusion, and

no great fight was made; otherwise they would probably have won the

election, as Mr. Rice was elected by only the small plurality of 5,306

votes. This is very significant, taken in connection with the fact that

General Grant carried Massachusetts in 1872 by 74,212 majority.

In 1876, that memorable year--memorable as the year of the electoral

commission--Governor Gaston magnanimously declined the re-nomination,

which a large majority of the convention was undoubtedly eager to

confer. The nomination of Charles Francis Adams was to the rank and file

and to the party managers a disappointment, and the enthusiasm that he

was expected to arouse was not materialized.

The press of the State justly commended Mr. Gaston's conduct in not

forcing his own nomination, a course so completely in accord with his

character, and his entire devotion to the party welfare. He did not

display the least semblance of self-seeking.

He has seen not a little of public life, but with the exception of five

years, has succeeded in conducting his large and important professional

practice the entire period from his early beginning to this day. The

five years referred to were: two years, 1861 and 1862, while he was

Mayor of the city of Roxbury; the two years, 1871 and 1872, as Mayor of

Boston (this being after the annexation of Roxbury), and the year 1875

when Governor.

His mayoralty term of Roxbury antedated the years he was Mayor of Boston

by just ten years. While such Mayor of Roxbury in 1861-2 he was very

active in speechmaking and raising troops in preservation of the

American Union. He went to the front several times, and was

enthusiastically patriotic during the entire critical period.

He was five years City Solicitor of Roxbuxy. In 1853 and 1854 he was

elected to the Legislature as a Whig, and in 1856 was re-elected by a

fusion of Whigs and Democrats in opposition to the Know-Nothing

candidate. In 1868, although the district was strongly Republican, he

was elected as a Democrat to the State Senate.

In the fall of 1872 Mr. Gaston positively declined the further use of

his name in the Mayoralty election in Boston that year. He concluded to

be a candidate, however, upon the earnest solicitation of so many of the

best citizens, and of the press, and in consideration of the perfectly

unanimous action of the ward and city committee, in reporting in favor

of his re-nomination and speaking of him as a man pre-eminently

qualified for the duties which required "wisdom, discretion, firmness

and courage when needed, combined with the most exalted integrity and

unselfish devotion to the honor, welfare, and prosperity of the city."

In commenting on this subject the _Post_ in an editorial, November 26,

1872, said in commendation of the above words of the committee: "The

language employed is none too strong or emphatic. The history of Mayor

Gaston's two administrations is an eminently successful one, so far as

he is personally responsible for them, and there is not the least room

to question that if he were to be re-elected and supported by a board of

aldermen of similar character and purpose the city would at once find

the uttermost requirements of its government satisfied." In that

election in December, 1872, for the year 1873 his opponent, Hon. Henry

L. Pierce, was declared elected Mayor by only seventy-nine plurality.

This fact indicates Mr. Gaston's popularity, as General Grant had

carried Boston the year previous by about 5,500 majority. As her

Representative, her presiding officer, her head of affairs, Mayor Gaston

was a success; an honor to the great city which honored him.

In 1870 he was a candidate for Congress, but failed of an election, Hon.

Ginery Twitchell receiving a majority of the votes.

In 1875 Harvard College and also his Alma Mater, Brown University,

conferred upon him the degree of LL.D.

While he was Governor the somewhat notorious Jesse Pomeroy case was the

occasion of more or less criticism; the Governor himself receiving _pro_

and _con_ his full share thereof. He was in some instances charged with

a lack of firmness, but time has completely vindicated his course. Many

of those alleging at the time the Governor's want of "back-bone" have

lived long enough to fully realize that his firmness consisted in

adhering with an honest persistency to his convictions, indicating the

identical course he pursued in that as in all other matters of public

import.

Among those who know him best there exists the consciousness that Mr.

Gaston is not only an exceedingly cautious man, but consistently

conscientious. Bringing such lofty principles, together with a

discerning mind and sound judgement, into activity in the discharge of

his duty, his administration was, it was generally conceded, a wise one.

It should be borne in mind that he occupied a somewhat novel position,

there having been no Democratic Governor of the State for many years.

The scrutiny directed to him and his acts was intense. His success in

bringing his official relations as excessive to such a happy termination

is abundant proof of his being the man this paper endeavors to picture

him.

It was during his term of office that the lamented Henry Wilson died. At

the State House, in Doric Hall, in November, 1875, Governor Gaston, on

receiving the sacred remains in behalf of the Commonwealth, said in his

address to the committee: "Massachusetts receives from you her

illustrious dead. She will see to it that he whose dead body you bear to

us, but whose spirit has entered upon its higher service, shall receive

honors befitting the great office which in life he held, and I need not

assure you that her people, with hearts full of respect, of love, and of

veneration, will not only guard and protect the body, the coffin, and

the grave, but will also ever cherish his name and fame. Gentlemen, for

the pious service which you have so kindly and tenderly rendered, accept

the thanks of a grateful Commonwealth."

Among the appointments made by Governor Gaston were the following: that

of the late Hon. Otis P. Lord to be Associate Justice of the Supreme

Judicial Court; Honorable Waldo Colburn and Honorable William S. Gardner

to Associate Justiceships of the Superior Court.

The writer has preserved in his scrap books various selections from Mr.

Gaston's public utterances, so excellent and so numerous that it would

be difficult to single out any of them for insertion here, even would

space permit so doing.

It is incomparable, the duties he has performed, the labors he has

accomplished. His life is, and ever has been, a busy life. One marvels

to know how he accomplishes so much.

In the political world, in literature, in the legal profession,

monuments have arisen in testimony of his toil.

As a lawyer his successes have been such as have been vouchsafed to but

few. The word success is applied both where it ought to be applied and

where not deserved. Gaining great wealth, distinguished professional

standing, extensive political renown, pre-eminence in other avenues may

be, or may not be, in the highest sense, success. Most men of strong

points are sadly deficient in other and essential traits needed to

constitute a well-biased, grandly-rounded life. It is rare, indeed, that

a person is encountered possessing such well-proportioned,

evenly-balanced, distinguishing characteristics as it has been Mr.

Gaston's lot to enjoy.

His steady, onward march over the rough places and up the hill in his

learned profession abundantly attest his greatness. No being can occupy,

nor even approach, the very foremost rank in the legal arena save he be

great. Of all representatives of human experiences the lawyer, and more

particularly the advocate, has the least opportunity to occupy falsely a

position of real prominence. Advocacy is the most jealous of

mistresses. Undoubtedly it is true that nowhere else must there be ever

present and ever ready to respond at a moment's notice such a happy

combination of those qualities already noted.

It is not long ago that one of the most worthy of Boston's Judges

remarked to the writer: "You can count the really excellent advocates at

the Suffolk Bar upon the fingers of both hands." He began by naming the

subject of this sketch, following with the names of Honorable A.A.

Ranney, Honorable William G. Russell, Honorable Robert M. Morse, Jr.,

and others. The learned Judge must, it seems, have had in mind a very

high standard of advocacy, for there are not a few among the something

like two thousand Boston lawyers who have well earned, and justly, the

right to be called able and eloquent.

In his historical article entitled "The Bench and Bar," by Erastus

Worthington, and contained in the "History of Norfolk County,

Massachusetts," after writing of those eminent advocates, Ezra Wilkinson

and John J. Clarke, he refers to Governor Gaston and Judge Colburn in

the following words: "The successors to the leadership of the bar, after

the retirement of Mr. Wilkinson and Mr. Clarke, were William Gaston of

Roxbury, and Waldo Colburn of Dedham. Mr. Gaston was not admitted to

practice in this county, but he studied law with Mr. Clarke, and

practiced in this county for many years, and considered himself a

Norfolk lawyer. He was an eloquent and successful advocate and had an

excellent practice. He had removed to Boston prior to the annexation of

Roxbury.

"Mr. Colburn practiced in Dedham until he was appointed an Associate

Justice of the Superior Court in 1875. He attained a high position in

his profession as a wise counsellor, an able trier of causes, and a

lawyer in whose hands the interests of his clients were always safe."

On his election to the Governorship Mr. Gaston absolutely relinquished

his practice and gave his undivided attention to the duties of his

office. He had been quite unable to devote his customary labor to the

benefit of his law partnership and the good of their clientage during

the two years that he was Mayor of Boston.

When he retired from the executive chair it is said that he had neither

a "case" nor a client.

He took offices in Sears Building and it was not long before he was

again enjoying a large and lucrative practice. In 1879 he took into

partnership C.L.B. Whitney, Esq.; and last year William A. Gaston, Esq.,

was admitted to the firm.

An imperishable chain binds Ex-Governor Gaston to the bright side of the

history of the Commonwealth. His life and its renown are one and

inseparable. Such is the inevitable result of a life that has ever been

linked to honorable endeavors and principles. So thoroughly identified

with, and endeared to, her best interests, it is difficult to believe

that Massachusetts can claim him by adoption only. In private life Mr.

Gaston is all that can be desired. He is quiet, and remarkably modest

and unassuming.

He enjoys the delightful home quietness away from his labors. But what

little time he has for such enjoyment! He seems to love work. How he has

performed so much of it is a wonder, although it is well known that he

inherits and enjoys remarkable powers of endurance. Among his favorite

authors are Scott and Burke. He is temperate, refined in his habits, has

the manners of a perfect gentleman, and deserves the blessed fruits of a

well directed life.

* * * * *

REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL WEBSTER.

BY HON. GEORGE W. NESMITH, LL.D.

The following is a copy of a letter originally addressed to Rev. Mr.

Savage of Franklin, N.H. The original is dated October 10, 1852,

fourteen days before the decease of Mr. Webster. It was dictated to his

Clerk, C.J. Abbott, Esq. It was the same letter that gave rise to the

humorous anecdote, so well related by Mr. Curtice in his Biography of

Mr. Webster, vol. 2, page 683.

We now present this letter to the public to show how worthily one of the

last days of Mr. Webster was employed. In this case he presented a

_Peace Offering_ to old friends, which proved effectual in preventing a

severe litigation and consequent loss of money and friendship:

"MARSHFIELD, Oct. 10, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: I learn that there is likely to be a lawsuit between

Mr. Horace Noyes and his Mother respecting his father's will.

This gives me great pain. Mr. Parker Noyes and myself have been

fast friends for near a half century. I have known his wife also

from a time before her marriage, and have always felt a warm regard

for her, and much respect for her connexions in Newburyport. Mr.

Horace Noyes and his wife I have long known. Her grandfather, Major

Nathan Taylor, late of Sanbornton, was an especial friend of my

father, and I learned to love everybody upon whom he set his

_Stamp_.

These families during many years have been my most intimate friends

and neighbors whenever I have been in Franklin. It would wound me

exceedingly if any thing as a Lawsuit should now occur between

Mother and Son. It would very much destroy my interest in the

families, and whatever might be the result, it could not but cast

some degree of reflection upon the memory of Parker Noyes. I know

nothing of the circumstances except what I learn from Mr. John

Taylor, and I do not wish to express any judgement of my own as to

what ought to be done, at least without more full information, but

I do think it a case for Christian Intercession. And the particular

object of this Letter is to invite your attention, and that of the

members of the Church, to it in this aspect. Mr. Noyes is

understood to have left a very pretty property, but a controversy

about his Will would very likely absorb one half of it. My end is

accomplished, my dear Sir, when I have made these Suggestions to

you. You will give them such consideration, as you think they

deserve. It has given me pleasure to hope that I might write half a

dozen pages respecting Mr. Parker Noyes, and our long friendship,

but I could have no heart for this if a family feud after his death

was to come in, and overwhelm all pleasant recollections.

I dictate this letter to my clerk, as the state of my eyes preclude

me from writing much with my own hand.

Yours with sincere regard,

DAN'L. WEBSTER.

REV. Mr. SAVAGE

FRANKLIN, N.H."

This interesting letter produced the happy effect of reconciling the

contending parties, and bringing about an honorable and satisfactory

settlement of all difficulties between them. The letter was timely,

bringing healing in its wings. Here were "words fitly spoken, like

apples of gold in pictures of silver;" to the parties it soon was the

_voice_ from the _dead_, "proclaiming peace on earth, and good will

towards men." As adviser and counsel of the mother, my own exertions for

peace had proved impotent, but the letter of the eminent dying

statesman, containing the salutary advice of an old friend, proved

irresistible in its influence, and brought to the troubled waters

immediate quiet, without resort to the Church or other legal tribunal.

Mr. Webster made allusion to the honored name of Taylor, then of

Sanbornton. Both father, and son were brave officers of Revolutionary

stock. The father, Captain Chase Taylor, commanded a company composed

chiefly of Sanbornton and Meredith men, at the battle of Bennington, on

the sixteenth of August, 1777, and was there severely wounded--his left

leg being broken, which disabled him for life. He died in 1805. In 1786

he received a small pension from the State. His surgeon, Josiah Chase of

Canterbury, and his Colonel, Stickney of Concord, each furnishing their

certificates in his behalf. Early in the history of the Revolutionary

war the son, Nathan Taylor, was commissioned as a Lieutenant in the

Corps of Rangers, commanded by Colonel Whitcomb. Lieutenant Taylor had

the command of a small detachment of fourteen men. On the sixteenth day

of June, 1777, being stationed on the western bank of Lake Champlain, at

a place which has ever since been called _Taylor's Creek_, he was

surprised by a superior force of Indians. Taylor bravely resisted this

attack, and was successful in driving the enemy off, though at the

expense of a severe wound in his right shoulder. Three others of his

band were also wounded. Both father and son were confined at home in the

same house several months before recovery from their wounds. Lieutenant

Taylor returned to active service in the army. He afterwards received

the military title of Major, and occupied many civil offices after the

war in his own town, as well as in behalf of the State. He was member of

the House of Representatives, also of the Senate and Council, for a

number of years. He died in March, A.D. 1840, aged 85, much lamented.

Then there was John Taylor of Revolutionary fame. He and many of his

descendants have occupied high and enviable stations in Sanbornton, and

their biography and good deeds have been ably commemorated by the

historian, Rev. M.T. Runnels. In adhering to the Taylor families Mr.

Webster obeyed the injunction of Solomon who said, "Thine own friend,

and thy _father's friend_ forsake not." Mr. Webster's letter furnishes

strong evidence, that he did not forsake "his own friend," _Parker

Noyes_. The friendship between these men commenced when Mr. Noyes

entered the _Law_ office of Thomas W. Thompson as early as 1798, and

continued intimate, cordial, unabated, "_fast_" during their lives. The

earthly existence of both terminated in the same year, Mr. Noyes having

deceased August, 19, 1852, and Mr. Webster on the twenty-fourth of the

succeeding October.

The dwelling houses of both in Franklin were within the distance of

twenty rods; their intercourse was frequent during the last fifty-four

years of their lives.

During the time Mr. Webster practiced law in New Hampshire they often

met at the same bar, and measured intellectual lances in various legal

contests. These meetings were most frequent when Mr. Webster first

settled in Boscawen in 1805, and for the next two years, before his

removal to Portsmouth.

We were present in A.D. 1848, when these two friends met and recited

many of the interesting and humorous events that occurred in their early

practice. In those days, they often had for a veteran client a man who

then resided in West Boscawen, now Webster, by the name of Corser. He

was represented as one who loved the law, not for its pecuniary profits,

but for its exciting, stimulating effects. It was said of him, that at

the end of a term of the Court, once held at Hopkinton, he was found

near the Court House by a friend, shedding tears. The friend inquired

the cause of his great sorrow. His answer was, "I have _no longer_ a

_case in court._" The same Corser had been a Revolutionary soldier, and

belonged to the army when discharged by Washington at Newburg, at the

termination of the war. He had but little money to bear his expenses

home. When he reached Springfield, Massachusetts, his money was

exhausted, and he was obliged to resort to his talent at begging.

Accordingly he called at a farm house, and requested the good loyal lady

of the establishment to give him a pie, adding at the same time, that he

wanted _another_ for his _Brother Jonathan_. The lady well supposing

that his Brother Jonathan was then his companion in arms, and in the

street suffering with hunger, readily granted his request, when in truth

and in fact Jonathan was then at home cultivating his farm in Boscawen.

Brother Jonathan, upon learning the conduct of his brother, rebuked him

for useing his name, instead of his own, thereby deceiving the good

woman. In justification of his conduct, the brother answered, "My hunger

was great. I contrived to satisfy it. The kind woman had my thanks; you

was not injured. At most, by strict morals, I committed only a _pious

fraud_ in getting two pies, instead of one." Mr. Webster remarked, that

he was once present when this case was stated, and argued by the two

brothers, and was much interested in the discussion of the celebrated

pie case.

* * * * *

THE DARK DAY.

BY ELBIDGE H. GOSS.

The Spragues of Melrose, formerly North Malden, were one of the old

families. They descended from Ralph Sprague, who settled in Charlestown

in 1629. The first one, who came to Melrose about the year 1700, was

named Phineas. His grandson, also named Phineas, served during the

Revolutionary War, and a number of interesting anecdotes are told about

him. He was a slaveholder, and Artemas Barrett, Esq., a native of

Melrose, owns an original bill of sale of "a negro woman named Pidge,

with one negro boy;" also other documents, among which is Mr. Sprague's

diary, wherein he gives the following account of the wonderfully dark

day in 1780, a good reminder of which we experienced September 6, 1881,

a century later:

FRIDA May the 19th 1780.

This day was the most Remarkable day that ever my eyes beheld the

air had bin full of smoak to an uncommon degree so that wee could

scairce see a mountain at two miles distance for 3 or 4 days Past

till this day after Noon the smoak all went off to the South at

sunset a very black bank of a cloud appeared in the south and west

the Nex morning cloudey and thundered in the west about ten oclock

it began to Rain and grew vere dark and at 12 it was almost as dark

as Nite so that wee was obliged to lite our candels and Eate our

dinner by candel lite at noon day but between 1 and 2 oclock it

grew lite again but in the evening the cloud came, over us again,

the moon was about the full it was the darkest Nite that ever was

seen, by us in the world.[A]

[Footnote A: This was printed in the sketch of Melrose in "History of

Middlesex County," vol. II.]

* * * * *

NAMES AND NICKNAMES.

BY GILBERT NASH.

To the antiquarian, the historian, or the general scholar, there are few

more interesting studies than that of names. It is a pursuit of rare

delight to trace out the derivation of those with which we have been

long familiar, and to follow up the associations that have rendered them

dear, curious or ridiculous, as the case may be. The names themselves

may be of no value, but the spot or circumstance that gave them birth

cannot fail to throw around them an atmosphere of peculiar interest. The

subject is a broad one and may be, with time and inclination,

extensively cultivated; and, even in the limits of a short article, many

phases of it of general importance and interest may be satisfactorily

treated, and it is proposed in the following paragraphs to present only

a few of them.

In the present rage for nicknames, pet names, diminutives and

contractions there is fair prospect of an abundant harvest of trouble

and perplexity to the genealogist and historian of the future. In fact,

the students of the present day are already beginning to realize, in no

small degree, the annoyance that arises from the custom. The changes are

so many and intricate that to understand them fully requires much

valuable time and the patience that could better be employed in more

important work.

The difficulty arises, of course, from indifference, inadvertence or

carelessness, rather than from set purpose; yet the result is the same

in its evil effects. It is true there are some of these nicknames that

have been so long in use, and have become so common that no one is

disturbed by them and their employment, and they are readily understood.

Many of these, however, have served their turn and are gradually going

out of use, and will, in a short time, be only "dead words" to the

community.

Of this class are the familiar favorites of our grandparents, such as

Sally, for Sarah; Polly or Molly, for Mary; Patty, for Martha, and

Peggy, for Margaret, representative names of the class. Some of these,

with perhaps slight changes, have become legitimatized, and their origin

has been nearly, or quite, forgotten. Of such we recognize Betsy, or its

modern equivalent, Bettie or Bessie, as a very proper name. Few,

perhaps, of our present generation would recognize in "Nancy," the

features of its parent, "Ann" or "Nan."

Some of these old nicknames have already gone nearly or quite out of

use, so much so that many of our young people will be surprised to learn

that Patty was, not long ago, the vernacular for Martha, and would never

imagine that "Margaret" could ever have responded to the call of

"Peggy;" "Hitty" and "Kitty," for the staid and sober "Mehitable," and

the volatile Katherine, are more easily recognized, while it might

require several guesses to establish the relationship between "Milly"

and "Amelia," or "Emily."

Stranger than either, perhaps because both the proper name and its

diminutive have become so uncommon, is that transformation which reduced

"Tabitha," to "Bertha," with the accent upon the first syllable, and its

vowel long. A curious instance of the change in this name, and the

further variation made in it in consequence of its forgotten

derivation, has recently occurred in the record of the death of an old

lady who was baptized "Tabitha," called in her youth "Bitha," and now in

her obituary styled Mrs. "Bertha," probably from the similarity of sound

to her youthful nickname. Her relatives of the present generation had

forgotten her real name and knew her only under that of an imitation of

her diminutive. The transition from "Bitha" to "Bertha" is easy, but how

is the perplexed genealogist to ascertain the original when he has only

the records for his guide?

Such illustrations might be multiplied almost indefinitely, but those

already given are enough to show what an infinite amount of trouble has

come and must still come from their continued usage. They also serve

well to show with how much care and watchfulness the historian must

pursue his work; how constantly he must be upon his guard, and how

closely and critically he must scrutinize the names that pass under his

eye.

Nor was this custom of nicknames confined to the daughters of the

family, but the boys, also, were among its subjects, perhaps in not so

great a variety, yet very general. Among the more common we only need

mention such as Bill, Ned, Jack, and Frank, to illustrate this. Nor were

there wanting among the masculine nicknames those whose derivations seem

very remote and far-fetched, as "El" for "Alphus;" "Hal" for "Henry;"

"Jot" for "Jonathan;" "Seph" for "Josephus;" "Nol" for "Oliver;" "Dick"

for "Richard," and a multitude of others equally well known.

The instances named are old and have been in general use so long that

those who are called upon to deal with them are upon their guard and not

likely to be led astray by them, but the class of pet names, now, for a

few years in use, will necessarily be more misleading because they are

new, and in many cases very blind; in many instances the same nickname

being used to represent perhaps a dozen different proper names, so that

it is impossible to tell, from the nickname, what the real name is.

Among the most annoying of this class are those that not only represent

several names each, but are masculine or feminine, as occasion calls.

Of the latter class are "Allie" for Alice, Albert or Alexander, and

"Bertie," used in place of so many that it is needless to specify, the

latter being the worst of its species, since it is wholly indefinite,

applying equally to boy or girl, and for a multitude of either sex, some

of which are so far-fetched that all possible connection is lost in the

journey of transmission. Most of the old fashioned nicknames indicate

the sex quite distinctly, and in this they have much the advantage of

some of their modern competitors. They were also much more expressive if

not so euphonious. A person need but glance at any of our town records

for the past few years to see how the use of these pet names has

increased, and it requires no prophet to foresee what confusion must

naturally arise from the continuance of the custom, and how difficult it

will be in the near future to follow the record accurately.

Another and very different class of nicknames are those derived from

accident or local circumstance, and have no other connection with the

real name of the person to whom they are attached, and to whom they

cling as a foul excrescence long after the circumstances that called

them forth is forgotten. These sometimes originate at home in childhood,

at school among playmates, or after the arrival of the person at mature

age, and are oftentimes ridiculous in the extreme. They are nearly

always a source of great mortification to those who so unwillingly bear

them, who would give almost anything to rid themselves of the nuisance;

yet these, once fixed, seldom lose their hold, but must be borne with

the best grace possible.

It will not be necessary to cite instances of this class, as every one

will recall many such that it might be highly improper to mention

publicly as being personal or taken to be so. Some are simply indicative

of temperament; some of a peculiarity of manner, or a locality in which

they happened to have first seen the light; and others, perhaps the most

unfortunate of all and the most mischievous, are derived from an

ill-timed word or act, said or done in a moment of passion or

thoughtlessness, which the individual would like to recall at almost any

price, but cannot. The saddest of all are those unfortunates, for there

are such, to whom their parents, they knew not why, gave such names.

Another class are those given at first as a term of reproach or

disgrace, accepted without protest, and afterwards borne as a title of

honor. The name "Old Hickory" will at once suggest itself as such an

instance. Truly fortunate is the person who has the tact and is in

circumstances to do this, and thus turn the weapons of his enemies

against themselves. There are others, again, whose character and

position are such that they permit no familiarity, and every name of

reproach or ridicule rolls off like shot from the iron shell of the

monitor. The name of our Washington suggests such an individual. Whoever

for an instant thought of approaching him with familiarity, or of

applying to him a nickname as a term of reproach or ridicule, or even as

an expression of good nature.

As will be readily seen, the evil resulting from this custom is wide

spread and alarming. It would also seem to be almost without remedy,

since it is the result of irresponsible action, committed by persons who

are not fully aware of what they are doing, by those who are

indifferent, as to what may follow, or by those who are actuated by

malice; against these there is no law except the steady, persistent

movement of the thinking public setting its face squarely against the

practice, with the passage of time, which usually brings about, we know

not always how, the remedy for such evils; but we are seldom willing to

wait for such a cure.

As before intimated parents are sometimes guilty of this offence, and

thus place upon a child a stigma that will follow it through life. A

little care on their part will remedy the evil, to that extent, and they

surely should be willing to do their share in the work. Teachers and

those who have the charge of the young are sometimes thoughtless enough

to commit the same fault. Should it not be crime? For they have no right

to be thus inconsiderate, when a little restraint upon their part will

prevent the wrong as far as they are concerned. With these two

influences setting in the right direction, added to that of the thinking

community, a current may very likely be formed that shall obliterate

wholly the custom and deliver us from its attendant difficulties.

Another practice now quite common, and one which bids fair to create

much confusion, is that which permits the wife to take the Christian

name of her husband: for instance, Mrs. Mary, wife of John Smith, signs

her name Mrs. John Smith, a name which has no legal existence, which she

is entitled to use only by courtesy, and which should be allowed in

none but necessary cases to distinguish her from some other bearing the

same name, or to address her when her own Christian name is not known.

Mrs. is but a general title to designate the class of persons to which

she belongs, and not a name, any more than Mr. or Esq. Who ever knew a

man to sign his name Mr. so and so, or so and so, Esq.?

To show the absurdity and impropriety of this misuse of the name it will

be needful to mention but a single illustration. Suppose a note or check

is made payable to Mrs. John Smith. Mrs. being only a title, and no part

of the name, the endorsement would be plain John Smith, and nobody, not

even his wife, has any right to forge his signature. An instrument thus

drawn is a mistake, since no one can be authorized to execute it.

The trouble to the genealogist and historian is of a somewhat different

nature, since he merely desires to identify the individual and cares

nothing about the money value of the document. Much the safer and better

way is for the wife always to sign and use her proper name and to add,

if she thinks it necessary to be more explicit, "wife of," using her

husband's name. By doing this a vast deal of perplexity would be

avoided, and sometimes a serious legal difficulty.

Another custom, as common, and quite a favorite one with many married

ladies, is that which changes her middle name by substituting her maiden

surname; for example, Mary Jane Smith marries James Gray, and

immediately her name is assumed to be Mary Smith Gray, instead of Mary

Jane Gray, her legal name. The wife, if she so chooses, has the right by

general consent, if not by law, to retain her full name, adding her

husband's surname; but she has no right to use her own maiden surname in

place of her discarded middle name. Much confusion might arise from this

practice, as the following illustration will show. Mary Jane Gray

receives a check payable to her order, and she, being in the habit of

signing her name Mary Smith Gray, thus endorses it, and forwards it by

mail or otherwise for collection, and is surprised when it comes back to

her to be properly executed.

Again, Mary Jane Gray has a little money which she deposits in the

savings bank, and, for the reason already given, takes out her book in

the name of Mary S. Gray. She dies and her administrator finding the

book tries to collect the money, but he being the administrator of Mary

Jane Gray and not of Mary S. Gray may find the Treasurer of the bank

unwilling to pay over the money until he is satisfied as to the identity

of the apparently two Mary Grays, which, under some circumstances, might

be a difficult process.

These changes are usually made thoughtlessly, but the result is none the

less serious than though it were done with the intent to deceive or

mislead, and the mischief that often arises in consequence is very

great. These changes that have been noted from the nature of the case

can only occur with women, since men have no occasion to make them, and

in point of fact cannot; but there are those, quite analagous in

character, that are common to both sexes and should be avoided unless

the necessity is very apparent. Double names are sometimes very

convenient for purposes of identification, but they may also prove

fruitful sources of difficulty and trouble. As an illustration, Mary

Jane Smith is known at home by her family and to her acquaintances as

Mary. For some fanciful reason or local circumstance she wearies of

that name and becomes Jane. Both are equally hers, but her acquaintances

who knew her as Mary might well plead ignorance when asked about Jane

Smith; and the acquaintances of the latter might never surmise that Mary

Smith had ever existed.

Again, James Henry Gray is known at home in his youth as James H. Gray,

and the name is very satisfactory to him; but as he arrives at manhood

he enters a new business and finds a new residence. For some reason he

thinks that a change of name also may be of benefit to him, and

therefore he signs himself J. Henry Gray, and henceforth is a stranger

to his former acquaintances. He has some money in bank at his old home

which he draws for under his new name, and wonders when his check comes

back to him dishonored, forgetting that he has never notified the

officers of his change of name.

He finds it necessary, upon some occasion, to write to one of his former

friends for information of importance, and is surprised that his old

associate declines to give it to a stranger, for he does not remember,

that, while he may easily retain his own identity, under any change of

name, it may not be so easy to assure it to another at a distance. It

can thus be seen how easily, and at times, how unavoidably, a great deal

of vexation may be produced by this practice, and yet it is extensively

followed.

Looking at the subject in another aspect, we find a grievance that has

borne and is now bearing with intolerable weight upon many an

individual, who would, at almost any sacrifice, relieve himself of it,

but it is saddled upon him in such a manner, and is surrounded by such

circumstances as to render it quite impossible for him to do so. It is a

practice, all too common, but none the less reprehensible, to give to

children legitimate names of such a character as to render them

veritable "old men of the sea," so graphically described by Sindbad.

They are given for various reasons, sometimes simply for their oddity,

sometimes because the name has been borne by a relative or friend, or it

may have been borrowed from the pages of some favorite author, or

suggested by accidental circumstance. A boy whose Christian name was

Baring Folly, and we should not have far to go to find its counterpart

in real life, could hardly be expected to get through the world without

feeling severely the burden and ridicule of such a name, each part

proper and well enough in its place as a surname, but particularly

unfortunate when united and required to do duty as a Christian name.

We ridicule, and it may be wisely, the old-fashioned custom of giving a

child a name merely because it happened to be found in the Scriptures,

where with its special meaning it was singularly appropriate, yet, when

used as a name without that special signification, it would be equally

inappropriate. But are we wholly free from the same fault in another

direction? How many children have been so burdened with a name that had

been made illustrious by the life and services of its original bearer

that they were always ashamed to hear it spoken; that very name of honor

becoming in its present position a reproach and a hindrance, rather than

a stimulus, because the bearers feel that they cannot sustain its

ancient renown, and therefore they become mere nothings, simply from the

fact of having been borne down to the dust under the burden of a great

name.

Who can tell how many have become notorious, or have committed vagaries

which have rendered them ridiculous, and destroyed their usefulness,

from a sincere desire to bear worthily an honored name? Who shall say

that the eccentricities of a certain celebrity of acknowledged talent,

whose name would be quickly recognized, were not the result of the same

cause, the length, and weight of the name given him at his birth proving

too great an incumbrance for him to overcome.

How many ignoble George Washingtons, Henry Clays, Patrick Henrys, and

other equally illustrious names, are wandering aimlessly about our

streets, shiftless, worthless, utterly unworthy the names they bear,

simply because they bear them, when, had they been given plain, honest,

common names, they might have been held in respect and esteem. The

burden is too great for them. A ship with a drag attached to her cannot

make progress, be she ever so swift without it. Even the eagle will

refuse his flight when burdened with excessive weight.

A little lack of consideration or want of thought in this matter on the

part of parents often entail an immense amount of suffering upon those

who are wholly innocent as to its cause. Let the boy or girl be given

such a name, as shall be his or hers, worthy or unworthy, as the bearer

shall make. Give them all a fair show. We may not be able to tell in all

cases, perhaps not in many, how this affair of names has affected the

lives of their owners. Give a child a silly or ridiculous name and the

chances are that the child's character will correspond with that name.

Give a child a name already illustrious and the chances are also fair

that the burden will prove its ruin.

It is unnecessary to extend the subject, the present purpose being

merely to call attention to those practices, and so to present them that

more natural and healthy customs will be sought after and followed, that

a true ├Žsthetic taste may be cultivated, and thus alleviate or remove a

part, at least, of the burden under which society groans.

It is also intended to illustrate some of the trials and perplexities

that beset the genealogist and historian in their researches, arising

from these unfortunate habits that pervade society. It would seem that

the evils produced by the practices, only need exposure to result in

reformation, and that no parent, with the full knowledge of the

possible, yes probable, and almost inevitable effect, would so thrust

upon his offspring an annoyance, to use the mildest possible term, which

should subject them to such disagreeable consequences all through life.

It would seem, also, that no guardian, teacher, or other individual

having the care and oversight of children, could be so thoughtless and

inconsiderate, or allow a personal or private reason so to influence

him, as to assume for the child any name that would be liable to cause

it future shame or sorrow. Too much care cannot be taken in this regard,

and it is a duty owing to the child that its rights in this respect

shall be strictly guarded.

It is the object of this paper simply to call attention to a few of the

more prominent points suggested by this subject in order that it may be

examined and discussed, and, if it may be, more judicious and wiser

practices introduced, that nature, art, and taste may combine to produce

a system of names that shall be at the same time, convenient, useful and

beautiful, and that shall carry no burden with them.

* * * * *

JOHN PRESCOTT, THE FOUNDER OF LANCASTER.

1603 TO 1682.

By HON. HENRY S. NOURSE.

The facts that have come down to us whereupon to build a biography of

John Prescott are scanty indeed, but enough to prove that he was that

rare type of man, the ideal pioneer. Not one of those famous

frontiersmen, whose figures stand out so prominently in early American

history, was better equipped with the manly qualities that win hero

worship in a new country, than was the father of the Nashaway

Plantation. Had Prescott like Daniel Boone been fortunate in the favor

of contemporary historians, to perpetuate anecdotes of his daily prowess

and fertility of resource, or had he had grateful successors withal to

keep his memory green, his name and romantic adventures would in like

manner adorn Colonial annals. Persecuted for his honest opinions, he

went out into the wilderness with his family to found a home, and for

forty years thought, fought and wrought to make that home the centre of

a prosperous community. Loaded from his first step with discouragements,

that soon appalled every other of the original co-partners in the

purchase of Nashaway from Showanon, Prescott alone, _tenax propositi_,

held to his purpose, and death found him at his post. His grave is in

the old "burial field" at Lancaster, yet not ten citizens can point it

out. Over it stands a rude fragment from some ledge of slate rock,

faintly incised with characters which few eyes can trace:

JOHN PRESCOTT DESASED

No date! no comment! That is his only memorial stone; his only epitaph

in the town of which, for its first forty years, he was the very heart

and soul, and for which he furnished a large share of the brains. This

fair township--now divided among nine towns--and all it has been and is

and is to be may be justly called his monument. The house of Deputies in

1652 voted it to be rightly his, and marked it by incorporative

enactment with his honored and honorable name, _Prescott_.

Unfortunately, however, some years before he had said something that

seemed to favor Doctor Robert Child's criticisms of the Provincial

system of taxation without representation; criticisms that grew and bore

good fruitage when the times were riper for individual freedom; when

Samuel Adams and James Otis took up the peoples' cause where Sir Henry

Vane and Robert Child had left it. Therefore when, in 1652, what had

been known as the Nashaway Plantation was fairly named for its founder

in accordance with the petition of its inhabitants, some one of

influence, whether magistrate or higher official, perhaps bethought

himself that no Governor of the Colony even had been so honored, and

that it might be well, before dignifying this busy blacksmith so much as

to name a town for him, to see if he could pass examination in the

catechism deemed orthodox at that date in Massachusetts Bay. Alas! John

Prescott was not a freeman. Having a conscience of his own, he had never

given public adhesion to the established church covenant and was

therefore debarred from holding any civil office, and even from the

privilege of voting for the magistrates. There was a year's delay, and,

in 1653, "Prescott" was expunged and _Lancaster_ began its history.

As in the broad area of the township various centres of population grew

into villages and were one by one excised and made towns, it would be

supposed that each of them would have been eager to honor itself by

adopting so euphonious and appropriate a name as _Prescott_. But no! The

first candidate for a new designation, in 1732, chose the name of the

generous Charlestown clergyman, _Harvard_, for no appropriate local

reason now discoverable. Six years later another body corporate imported

the name--_Bolton_. Two years passed and a third district sought across

the ocean for its title _Leominster_. Then Woonksechocksett forgetful of

its benefactors and of the grand Indian names of its hills and waters

borrowed the title of a putative Scotch lord, who bravely fought for our

Independence, and, in adopting, paid him the poor compliment of

misspelling it--_Sterling_. The next seceder ambitiously chose the name

of a Prussian city--_Berlin_. The sixth perpetuated its early admiration

of the great small-pox inoculator, _Boylston_; and the last was

named--for a hotel. None so poor as to do Prescott reverence. But

surely, it would be thought, banks and manufactories, halls or at least

a fire engine, might with tardy respect have paid cheap tribute to his

name by bearing it. Is there any example! Yes, at last a short street

having little connection sentimental or real with the pioneer, bears his

name--this only in the aspiring town, almost a city, of which John

Prescott's old millstone is the visible foundation! _Clinton_.

I have stated that Prescott was an ideal pioneer. Not that there was in

him anything of kinship to that race of frontiersmen now deployed along

the outer verge of American civilization, like the thread of froth

stranded along a beach outlining the extreme advance made by the last

wave of the tide. The frontiersmen of to-day, bibulous gamblers,

reckless duelists, blasphemous savages of mixed blood, had no prototype

in Colonial days, for even the human harvest then gathered to the

stocks, the whipping-post and the gallows, was of a far less obtrusive

class of offenders against morals and social decency. Prescott was a

Puritan soldier, a seeker of liberty not license; fiercely rebellious

against tyranny, but no contemner of moral law. It was no accident that

put him in the advance guard of Anglo-Saxon civilization, then just

starting on its westward march from the shores of Massachusetts Bay. The

position had awaited the man. When he set up his anvil and with skilful

blows hammered out the first plough-shares to compel the virgin soil of

the Nashaway valley to its proper fruitfulness, he was all unwittingly

helping to forge the destinies of this great republic;--was in his

humble sphere a true builder of the nation. His neighbors and friends,

John Tinker, Ralph Houghton, and Major Simon Willard, doubtless excelled

him in culture, but no neighbor surpassed him in natural personal force,

whether physical, mental or moral. Not only was he of commanding

stature, stern of mien and strong of limb, but he had a heart devoid of

fear, great physical endurance and an unbending will. These qualities

his savage neighbors early recognized and bowed before in deep respect,

and because of these no Lancaster enterprise but claimed him as its

leader. His manual skill and dexterity must have been great, his mental

capacity and business energy remarkable, for we find him not only a

farmer, trader, blacksmith and hunter, but a surveyor and builder of

roads, bridges and mills. The records of the town show that he was

seldom free from the conduct of some public labor. The greatest of his

benefactions to his neighbors were: His corn-mill erected in 1654, and

his saw-mill in 1659. The arrival of the first millstone in Lancaster

must have been an event of matchless interest to every man, woman and

child in the plantation. Till that began its tireless turning, the grain

for every loaf of bread had to be carried to Watertown mill, or ground

laboriously in a hand quern, or parched and brayed in a mortar, Indian

fashion. Before the starting of his saw-mill, the rude houses must have

been of logs, stone, and clay, for it was an impossibility to bring from

the lower towns on the existing "Bay road" and with the primitive

tumbril any large amount of sawn lumber.

Of Prescott's wife we know only her name: Mary Platts. But her daughters

were sought for in marriage by men of whom we learn nothing that is not

praiseworthy, and her sons all honored their mother's memory, by useful

and unblemished lives. John Prescott was the youngest son of Ralph and

Ellen of Shevington, Lancashire, England. He was baptized in the Parish

of Standish in 1604-5 and married Mary Platts at Wigan, Lancashire,

January 21, 1629. He was a land owner in Shevington, but sold his

possessions there and took up his residence in Halifax Parish, Sowerby,

in Yorkshire. Leaving England to avoid religions persecutions, his first

haven was Barbadoes, where he is found a land owner in 1638. In 1640 he

landed in Boston, and immediately selected his home in Watertown, where

he became the possessor of six lots of land, aggregating one hundred and

twenty-six acres. In 1643, his name is found in association with Thomas

King of Watertown, Henry Symonds of Boston, and others, the first

proprietors of the Nashaway purchase. His children were eight in number

and all were married in due season. They were as follows:

1. Mary, baptized at Halifax Parish February 24, 1630, married Thomas

Sawyer in 1648. The young couple selected their home lot adjoining

Prescott's in Lancaster and there eleven sons and daughters were born to

them.

2. Martha, baptized at Halifax Parish March 11, 1632, married John Rugg

in 1655; and these twain began life together in sight of her paternal

home in Lancaster. She died with her twin babes in January 1656.

3. John, baptized at Halifax Parish April 1, 1635, married Sarah Hayward

at Lancaster, November 11, 1668, and had five children. He was a farmer

and blacksmith, lived with his father, and succeeded him at the mills.

4. Sarah, baptized in 1637, at Halifax Parish, married Richard Wheeler

at Lancaster, August 2, 1658, and lived in the immediate vicinity of

those before named. Wheeler was killed in the massacre of February 10,

1676, and the widowed Sarah married Joseph Rice of Marlborough. By her

first husband she had five children.

5. Hannah, was probably born at Barbadoes in 1639. She became the second

wife of John Rugg May 4, 1660, and had eight children. She became a

widow in 1696, and was slain by the Indians in the massacre of September

11, 1697.

6. Lydia, born at Watertown August 15, 1641, married Jonas Fairbank at

Lancaster, May 28, 1658. He owned the lands next south of Prescott's

home. Fairbank had seven children. In the massacre of February 10, 1676,

he and his son Joshua were victims. The widowed Lydia married Elias

Barron.

7. Jonathan--if twenty three years old in 1670, as an unknown authority

has noted, or "about 38," November 6, 1683, as stated in a deposition of

that date--was probably born in Lancaster between 1645 and 1647. He was

a blacksmith and farmer, and married first Dorothy, August 3, 1670, in

Lancaster. She died in 1674, leaving a son Samuel, noted in the town

history as the unfortunate sentinel who, on November 6, 1704, killed by

mistake his neighbor, the beloved minister of Lancaster, Reverend Andrew

Gardner. Jonathan Prescott married second, Elizabeth, daughter of John

Hoar of Concord, who died in 1687 leaving six children. Jonathan's third

wife was Rebecca Bulkeley and his fourth Ruth, widow of Thomas Brown. He

did not reside in Lancaster after the massacre of 1676, but became an

influential citizen of Concord, which he served as representative for

nine years. He died December 5, 1721.

8. Jonas, born June, 1648, in Lancaster, married Mary Loker of Sudbury,

December 14, 1672. The marriage took place in Lancaster and here their

first child was born, (they had twelve children in all), but later they

removed to Groton, where Jonas became Captain, Selectman and Justice. He

died in Groton, December 31, 1723. Of his more illustrious descendants

were Colonel William, and the historian William H. Prescott.

In May 1644, John Winthrop records that "Many of Watertown and other

towns joined in a plantation at Nashaway "--and Reverend Timothy

Harrington in his Century Sermon states that the organization of this

company of planters was due to Thomas King. The immediate and final

disappearance of this original proprietor has seemed to previous writers

good warrant for charging that King and his partner Henry Symonds were

but land speculators, who bought the Indian's inheritance to retail by

the acre to adventurers. I believe this an unjust assumption. At the

date when Winthrop noted down the inception of the Nashaway Company,

Henry Symonds had already been dead seven months. He was that energetic

contractor of Boston noted as the leader in the project for establishing

tide mills at the Cove, and was no doubt the capitalist of the trading

firm of Symonds & King, who set up their "trucking house" as early as

1643 on the sunny slope of George Hill. Symond's widow a few months

after his death married Isaac Walker, who in 1645 was prominent among

the Nashaway proprietors. If King really sold his share of the Indian

purchase, may it not have been therefore because, his senior partner

being dead, he had no means to continue the enterprise? He too died

before the end of the year 1644, not yet thirty years of age. The

inventory of his estate sums but one hundred and fifty-eight pounds,

including his house and land in Watertown, his stock in trade, and

seventy-three pounds of debts due him from the Indians, John Prescott,

and sundry others. King's widow made haste to be consoled, and her

second husband, James Cutler, soon appears in the role of a Nashaway

proprietor.

The direction of the company was at the outset in the hands of men whose

names were, or soon became, of some note throughout the Colony. Doctor

Robert Child, a scholar who had won the degrees of A.M. and M.D. at

Cambridge and Padua, a man of scientific acquirements, but inclined to

somewhat sanguine expectations of mineral treasure to be discovered in

the New England hills, seems to have been a leading spirit in the

adventure; and unfortunately so, since his political views about certain

inalienable rights of man, which now live, and are honored in the

Constitution of the Commonwealth, seemed vicious republicanism to the

ecclesiastical aristocracy then governing the Colony of the

Massachusetts Bay; and the odium that drove Child across the ocean,

attached also to his companion planters, and perhaps through the

prejudice of those in authority unfavorably affected for several years

the progress of the settlement on the Nashaway. Certainly such

prejudices found expression in all action or record of the government

respecting the proprietors and their petitions. The ecclesiastical

figure head--without which no body corporate could have grace within the

colony--was Nathaniel Norcross. Of him, if we can surmise aught from his

early return to England, it may be said, he was not imbued with the

martyr's spirit, and his defection was, some time later, more than made

good by the accession of the beloved Rowlandson. But far more important

to the enterprise than these two graduates from the English

University--Child the radical, and Norcross the preacher,--were two

mechanics, the restless planners and busy promoters of the company, both

workers in iron--Steven Day the locksmith and John Prescott the

blacksmith. Steven Day was the first in America, north of Mexico, to set

up a printing-press. The Colony had wisely recognized in him a public

benefactor, and sealed this recognition by substantial grant of lands.

He entered upon the Nashaway scheme with characteristic zeal and energy,

if we may believe his own manuscript testimony: but Day's zeal outran

his discretion, and his energy devoured his limited means, for in 1644

we find him in jail for debt remonstrating piteously against the

injustice of a hard hearted creditor. He parted with all rights at

Nashaway before many years and finally delved as a journey man at the

press he had founded.

John Prescott deserted of all his original co-partners was sufficient

for the emergency, a host in himself. He sells his one hundred and

twenty six acres and house at Watertown, puts his all into the venture,

prepares a rude dwelling in the wilderness, moves thither his cattle,

and chattels, and finally, mounting wife and children and his few

remaining goods upon horses' backs, bids his old neighbors good bye, and

threads the narrow Indian trail through the forest westward. The scorn

of men high in authority is to follow him, but now the most formidable

enemy in his path is the swollen Sudbury River and its bordering marsh.

We find the aristocratic scorn mingling with the story of Prescott's

dearly bought victory over this natural obstacle, told in Winthrop's

History of New England among what the author classes as remarkable

"special providences."

"Prescot another favorer of the Petitioners lost a horse and his loading

in Sudbury river, and a week after his wife and children being upon

another horse were hardly saved from drowning." That the kindly hearted

Winthrop could coolly attribute the pitiable disaster of the brave

pioneer to the wrath of God towards the political philosophy of Robert

Child, pictures vividly the bigotry natural to the age and race, a

bigotry which culminated in the horrors of the persecution for

witchcraft. This Sudbury swamp was the lion in the path from the bay

westward during many a decade. In 1645, an earnest petition went up to

the council from Prescott and his associates, complaining that much time

and means had been spent in discovering Nashaway and preparing for the

settlement there, and that on account of the lack of bridge and causeway

at the Sudbury River, the proprietors could not pass to and from the

bay towns--"without exposing our persons to perill and our cattell and

goods to losse and spoyle; as yo'r petitioners are able to make prooffe

of by sad experience of what wee suffered there within these few dayes."

The General Court ordered the bridge and way to be made, "passable for

loaden horse," and allowed twenty pounds to Sudbury, "so it be donne

w'thin a twelve monthe." The twelve month passed and no bridge spanned

the stream. That the dangers and difficulties of the crossing were not

over-stated by the petitioners is proven by the fact that more than one

hundred years afterwards, the bridge and causeway at this place "half a

mile long"--were represented to the General Court as dangerous and in

time of floods impassable. Between 1759 and 1761, the proceeds of

special lotteries amounting to twelve hundred and twenty seven pounds

were expended in the improvement of the crossing.

John Winthrop, writing of the Nashaway planters, tells us that "he whom

they had called to be their minister, [Norcross] left them for their

delays," but omits mention of the fact recorded by the planters

themselves in their petition, that the chief and sufficient cause of

their slow progress was in the inability or unwillingness of the

Governor and magistrates to afford effective aid in providing a passable

crossing over a small river.

Prescott, at least, was chargeable with no delay. By June 1645, he and

his family had become permanent residents on the Nashaway. Richard

Linton, Lawrence Waters the carpenter, and John Ball the tailor, were

his only neighbors; these three men having been sent up to build, plant,

and prepare for the coming of other proprietors. But two houses had been

built. Linton probably lived with his son-in-law Waters, in his home

near the fording place in the North Branch of the Nashaway, contiguous

to the lot of intervale land which Harmon Garrett and others of the

first proprietors had fenced in to serve as a "night pasture" for their

cattle. Ball had left his children and their mother in Watertown; she

being at times insane. Prescott's first lot embraced part of the grounds

upon which the public buildings in Lancaster now stand, but this he soon

parted with, and took up his abode a mile to the south west, on the

sunny slope of George Hill, where, beside a little brooklet of pure cool

water, which then doubtless came rollicking down over its gravelly bed

with twice the flow it has to-day, there had been built, two years at

least before, the trucking house of Symonds & King. This trading post

was the extreme outpost of civilization; beyond was interminable forest,

traversed only by the Indian trails, which were but narrow paths, hard

to find and easy to lose, unless the traveller had been bred to the arts

of wood-craft. Here passed the united trails from Washacum, Wachusett,

Quaboag, and other Indian villages of the west, leading to the wading

place of the Nashaway River near the present Atherton Bridge, and so

down the "Bay Path" over Wataquadock to Concord. The little plateau half

way down the sheltering hill, with fertile fields sloping to the

southeast and its never failing springs, was and is an attractive spot;

but its material advantages to the pioneer of 1645 were far greater than

those apparent to the Lancastrian of this nineteenth century in the

changed conditions of life. With the privilege of first choice

therefore, it is not strange that Prescott and his sturdy sons-in-law

grasped the rich intervales, and warm easily tilled slopes, stretching

along the Nashaway south branch from the "meeting of the waters" to

"John's jump" on the east, and extending west to the crown of George

Hill; lands now covered by the village of South Lancaster.

In 1650 John Prescott found himself the only member of the company

resident at Nashaway. Of the co-partners Symonds, King, and John Hill

were dead; Norcross and Child had gone to England; Cowdall had sold his

rights to Prescott; Chandler, Davis, Walker, and others had formally

abandoned their claims; Garrett, Shawe, Day, Adams, and perhaps two or

three others, retained their claims to allotments, making no

improvements, and contributing nothing by their presence or tithes to

the growth of the settlement, thus becoming effectual stumbling blocks

in the way of progress. Prescott, very reasonably, held this a

grievance, and having no other means of redress asked equitable judgment

in the matter from the magistrates, in a petition which cannot be found.

His answer was the following official snub:

"Whereas John Prescot & others, the inhabitants of Nashaway p'ferd a

petition to this Courte desiringe power to recover all common charges of

all such as had land there, not residinge w'th them, for answer

whereunto this Court, understandinge that the place before mentioned is

not fit to make a plantation, (so a ministry to be erected and

mayntayned there,) which if the petitioners, before the end of the next

session of this Courte, shall not sufficiently make the sey'd place

appeare to be capable to answer the ends above mentioned doth order that

the p'ties inhabitinge there shalbe called there hence, & suffered to

live without the meanes, as they have done no longer." This dire threat

of the closing sentence may have been simply "sound and fury, signifying

nothing," or Prescott may have been able to prove to the authorities

that Nashaway was fit and waiting for its St. John, but found none

willing for the service. In fact, its St. John was then a junior at

Harvard College, writing a pasquinade to post upon the Ipswich

meeting-house, and Nashaway was "suffered to live without the meanes,"

waiting for him until 1654.

John Prescott retained possession of his early home,--the site of the

"trucking house," which he had purchased of John Cowdall,--as long as he

lived, but did not reside there many years. No sooner had the plantation

attained the dignity of a township under the classic name of Lancaster,

than its founder bent all his energies towards those enterprises best

calculated to promote the comfort and prosperity of its then

inhabitants, and to attract by material advantages, a desirable and

permanent immigration. His practical eye had doubtless long before

marked the best site for a mill in all the region round about, and on

the slope, scarce a gun shot away, he set up a new home, afterwards well

known to friend and savage foe as Prescott's Garrison. Those who remain

of the generation familiar with this region before the invention of the

power loom made such towns as Clinton possible, remember the depression

that told where Prescott dug his cellar. The oldest water mill in New

England was scarce twenty years old when Prescott contracted to grind

the com of the Nashaway planters. His "Covenant to build a Corne mill"

has been preserved through a copy made by Ralph Houghton, Lancaster's

first Clerk of the Writs, and is as follows:

"Know all men by these presents that I John Prescott blackssmith,

hath Covenanted and bargained with Jno. ffounell of Charlestowne

for the building of a Corne mill, within the said Towne of

Lanchaster. This witnesseth that wee the Inhabitants of Lanchaster

for his encouragement in so good a worke for the behoofe of our

Towne, vpon condition that the said intended worke by him or his

assignes be finished, do freely and fully giue, grant, enfeoffe, &

confirme vnto the said John Prescott, thirty acres of intervale

Land lying on the north riuer, lying north west of Henry Kerly, and

ten acres of Land adjoyneing to the mill; and forty acres of Land

on the south east of the mill brooke, lying between the mill brooke

and Nashaway Riuer in such place as the said John Prescott shall

choose with all the priuiledges and appurtenances thereto

apperteyneing. To haue and to hold the said land and eurie parcell

thereof to the said John Prescott his heyeres & assignes for euer,

to his and their only propper vse and behoofe. Also wee do covenant

& promise to lend the said John Prescott fiue pounds in current

money one yeare for the buying of Irons for the mill. And also wee

do covenant and grant to and with the said John Prescott his heyres

and assignes that the said mill, with all the aboue named Land

thereto apperteyneing shall be freed from all com'on charges for

seauen yeares next ensueing, after the first finishing and setting

the said mill to worke.

In witnes whereof wee haue herevnto put our hands this 20th day of

the 9mo. In the yeare of our Lord God one thousand six hundred

fifty and three.

THOMAS JAMES

WILL'M KERLY SEN'R LAWRENCE WATERS

JNO PRESCOTT EDMUND PARKER

JNO WHITE RICHARD LINTON

RALPH HOUGHTON RICHARD SMITH

JNO LEWIS JAMES ATHERTON

JACOB FARRER WILL'M KERLY JUN'R

In six months from that date the mill was done, and Prescott "began

to grind corne the 23d day of the 3 mo, 1654."

The commissioners, appointed by the General Court to oversee the

prudential management of the town, met at John Prescott's in 1657 and

confirmed "the imunityes provided for" in the above covenant specifying

that they "should continue and remayne to him the said Jno. Prescott his

heyres and assignes vntil the 23d of May, in the yeare of our Lord

sixteen hundred sixty and two."

The corn mill was located a little lower upon the brook than the

extensive factory buildings now utilizing its water power. The half used

force of the rapid stream, and the giant pines of the virgin forest then

shadowed all the region about, were full of reproach to the restless

miller. His busy brain was soon planning a new benefaction to his fellow

citizens, and when his means grew sufficiently to warrant the

enterprise, his busy hands wrought its consummation. As before, a formal

agreement preceded the work:

"Know all men by these presents that for as much as the Inhabitants

of Lanchaster, or the most part of them being gathered together on

a trayneing day, the 15th of the 9th mo, 1658, a motion was made by

Jno. Prescott blackesmith of the same towne, about the setting vp

of a saw mill for the good of the Towne, and y't he the said Jno

Prescott, would by the help of God set vp the saw mill, and to

supply the said Inhabitants with boords and other sawne worke, as

is afforded at other saw mills in the countrey. In case the Towne

would giue, grant, and confirms vnto the said John Prescott, a

certeine tract of Land, lying Eastward of his water mill, be it

more or less, bounded by the riuer east, the mill west the stake of

the mill land and the east end of a ledge of Iron Stone Rocks

southards, and forty acres of his owne land north, the said land to

be to him his heyres and assignes for euer, and all the said land

and eurie part thereof to be rate free vntill it be improued, or

any p't of it, and that his saws, & saw mill should be free from

any rates by the Towne, therefore know ye that the ptyes abouesaid

did mutually agree and consent each with other concerning the

aforementioned propositions as followeth:

The towne on their part did giue, grant & confirme, vnto the said

John Prescott his heyres and assignes for euer, all the

aforementioned tract of land butted & bounded as aforesaid, to be

to him his heyres and asssignes for euer with all the priuiledges

and appurtenances thereon, and therevnto belonging to be to his and

their owne propper vse and behoofe as aforesaid, and the land and

eurie part of it to be free from all rates vntil it or any pt of it

be improued, and also his saw, sawes, and saw-mill to be free from

all town rates, or ministers rates, prouided the aforementioned

worke be finished & compleated as abouesaid for the good of the

towne, in some convenient time after this present contract covenant

and agrem't.

And the said John Prescott did and doth by these prsents bynd

himself, his heyres and assignes to set vp a saw-mill as aforesaid

within the bounds of the aforesaid Towne, and to supply the Towne

with boords and other sawne worke as aforesaid and truly and

faithfully to performe, fullfill, & accomplish, all the

aforementioned p'misses for the good of the Towne as aforesaid.

Therefore the Selectmen conceiving this saw-mill to be of great vse

to the Towne, and the after good of the place, Haue and do hereby

act to rattifie and confirme all the aforemencconed acts,

covenants, gifts, grants, & im'unityes, in respect of rates, and

what euer is aforementioned, on their owne pt, and in behalfe of

the Towne, and to the true performance hereof, both partyes haue

and do bynd themselves by subscribing their hands, this

twenty-fifth day of February, one thousand six hundred and fifty

nine.

JOHN PRESCOTT.

The worke above mencconed was finished according to this covenant

as witnesseth.

RALPH HOUGHTON.

Signed & Delivr'd In presence of,

THOMAS WILDER

THOMAS SAWYER

RALPH HOUGHTON

Monday, the seventeenth of February, 1659, "the Company granted him to

fall pines on the Com'ons to supply his saw-mill."

In April 1659, Ensign Noyes came to make accurate survey of the eighty

square miles granted to the town, and John Prescott was deputed by the

townsmen at their March meeting to aid in the survey and "mark the

bounds." Among his varied accomplishments, natural and acquired,

Prescott seems to have had some practical skill in surveying, the laying

out of highways and the construction of bridges. In 1648 John Winthrop

records: "This year a new way was found out to Connecticut by Nashua

which avoided much of the hilly way." As appears by a later petition

Prescott was the pioneer of this new path. In 1657 he was appointed by

the government a member of a committee upon the building of bridges "at

Billirriky and Misticke." In 1658 he with his son-in-law Jonas Fairbank

was appointed to survey a farm of six hundred and fifty acres for

Captain Richard Davenport, upon which farm the chief part of West

Boylston now stands.

To the General Court which met October 18, 1659, the following petition

was presented:

"The humble petition of John Prescot of Lancaster humblye Sheweth,

That whereas yr petitioner about nine or ten yeares since, was

desired by the late hon'red Governour Mr. Winthrop, w'th other

Magistrates, as also by Mr. Wilson of Boston, Mr. Shephard of

Cambridge with many others, did lay & marke out a way at ye north

side of the great pond & soe by Lancaster, which then was taken by

Mr. Hopkins & many others to bee of great vse; This I did meerly

vpon the request of these honored gentlemen, to my great detrimt,

by being vpon it part of two summers not only myselfe but hiring

others alsoe to helpe mee, whereby my family suffered much: I doe

not question but many of ye Court remember the same, as alsoe that

this hath not laine dead all this while, but I haue formerly

mentioned it, but yet haue noe recompence for the same; the charge

whereof came at 2's p day to about 10'l; it is therefore the desire

of y'r petitioner yt you would bee pleased to grant him a farme in

some place vndisposed of which will engage him to you and encourage

him and others in publique occasions & y'r petitioner shall pray

etc."

One hundred acres of land were granted him, and speedily laid out near

the Washacum ponds, where now stand the railroad buildings at Sterling

Junction.

We get very few glimpses of Prescott from the meagre records of

succeeding years, but those serve to indicate that he was busy,

prosperous and annually honored by his neighbors with the public duties

for which his sturdy integrity, shrewd business tact, and wisely

directed energy peculiarly fitted him. He had taken the oath of fidelity

in 1652. Such owning of allegiance was by law prerequisite to the

holding of real estate. Refusing such oath he might better have been a

Nipmuck so far as civil rights or privileges were concerned. He was not

yet a member of the recognized church however, and therefore lacked the

political dignities of a freeman; although his intimate relations with

Master Joseph Rowlandson, and his personal connection with the earlier

cases of church discipline in Lancaster, sufficiently attest the

austerity of his puritanism. Doubtless Governor John Winthrop in his

hasty and harsh dictum respecting the Nashaway planters, classed John

Prescott among those "corrupt in judgment." But it must be remembered

that in Winthrop's visionary commonwealth there was no room for liberty

of conscience. All were esteemed corrupt in judgment or even profane

whose religious beliefs, when tested all about by the ecclesiastic

callipers, proved not to have been cast in the doctrinal mould

prescribed by the self-sanctified founders of the Massachusetts Bay

Colony. No known fact in any way warrants even the conjecture that

Prescott was not a sincere Christian earnestly pursuing his own

convictions of duty, without fear and without reproach.

Prescott's mechanical skill and business ability had more than a local

reputation. In 1667, we find him contracting with the authorities of

Groton, to erect "a good and sufficient corne mill or mills, and the

same to finish so as may be fitting to grind the corne of the said

Towne." ... For the fulfillment of this agreement he received five

hundred and twenty acres of land, and mill and lands were exempted from

taxation for twenty years. Assistance towards the building of the mill

were also promised to the amount of "two days worke of a man for every

house lott or family within the limitts of the said Towne, and at such

time or times to be done or performed, as the said John Prescott shall

see meete to call for the same, vpon reasonable notice given." The

covenant was fulfilled by the completion of a mill at Nonacoiacus, then

in the southern part of Groton. The mill site is now in Harvard.

Prescott's youngest son, Jonas, was the first miller. The history of the

old mill is obscured by the shadows of two hundred years, but a bright

gleam of romantic tradition concerning the first miller is warm with

human interest now. Perhaps at points the romantic may infringe upon the

historic, but:

_Se non e vero,

E ben trovato._

Down by the green meadows of Sudbury there dwelt a bewitchingly fair

maiden, the musical dissyllables of whose name were often upon the lips

of the young men in all the country round about, and whose smile could

awaken voiceless poetry in the heart of the most prosaic Puritan swain.

There is little of aristocratic sound in Mary Loker's name, but her

parents sat on Sunday at the meeting house in a "dignified" pew, and

were rich in fields and cattle. Whether pushed by pride of land or pride

of birth, in their plans and aspirations, this daughter was

predestinated to enhance the family dignity by an aristocratic alliance.

In Colonial days a maiden who added a handsome prospective dowry to her

personal witchery was rare indeed, and Mary Loker had, coming from far

and near, inflammable suitors perpetually burning at her shrine. From

among these the father and mother soon made their choice upon strictly

business principles, and shortly announced to Mary that a certain

ambitious gentleman of the legal profession had furnished the most

satisfactory credentials, and that nothing remained but for her to name

the day. Now the fourth commandment was very far from being the dead

letter in 1670 that it is in 1885, and it was matter for grave surprise

to the elders that their usually obedient daughter, when the lawyer

proceeded to plead, refused to hear, and peremptorily adjourned his

cause without day. Maternal expostulation and paternal threats availed

nothing. The because of Mary's contumacy was not far to seek. A stalwart

Vulcan in the guise of an Antinous, known as Jonas Prescott, had

wandered from his father's forge in Lancaster down the Bay Path to

Sudbury. Mary and he had met, and the lingering of their parting boded

ill for any predestination not stamped with their joint seal of consent.

With that lack of astuteness proverbially exhibited by parents

disappointed in match-making designs upon their children, the vexed

father and mother began a course of vigorous repression, and thereby

riveted more firmly than ever the chains which the errant young

blacksmith and his apprentice Cupid had forged. In due time, they

perforce learned that love's flame burns the brighter fed upon a bread

and water diet; and that confinement to an attic may be quite endurable

when Cupid's messages fly in and out of its lattice at pleasure.

Finally Mary was secretly sent to an out-of-the-way neighborhood in the

vain hope that the chill of absence might hinder what home rule had only

served to help. But one day Jonas on a hunting excursion made the

acquaintance of some youth, who, among other chitchat, happened to break

into ecstatic praise of the graces of a certain fair damsel who had

recently come to live in a farm-house near their home. Of course the

anvil missed Jonas for the next day, and the next, and the next, while

he experienced the hospitalities of his new-found friends--and their

neighbors. It was time for a recognition of the inevitable by all

concerned, but when, and with what grace Mary's stubborn parents

yielded, if at all, is not recorded. But what mattered that? Old John

Prescott installed Jonas at the Nonacoicus Mill, and endowed him with

all his Groton lands, and in Lancaster, December 14, 1672, Jonas and

Mary were married. For over fifty years fortunes railed upon their

union. Four sons and eight daughters graced their fireside, and the

father was trusted and clothed with local dignities. In after time the

memory of Jonas and Mary has been honored by many worthy descendants,

and especially by the gallant services of Colonel William Prescott at

Bunker Hill, and the literary renown of William Hickling Prescott, the

historian.

In 1669, John Prescott was proclaimed a Freeman. He may have been long a

Church member, or may not even at this date have yielded the

conscientious scruples that had a quarter of a century earlier subjected

him to the reproach of an ecclesiastical oligarchy. The laws concerning

Freemen, in reluctant obedience to the letter of Charles II., were so

changed in 1665 that those not Church members could become Freemen, if

freeholders of a sufficient estate, and guaranteed by the local minister

"to be Orthodox and not vicious in their lives." Prescott had the true

Englishman's love of landed possessions, and about this time added a

large tract to his acreage by purchase from his Indian neighbors. This

transaction gave cause for the following petition:

_To the honorable the Gov'r the Deputy Gov'r mag'tr & Deputy es

assembled in the gen'rall Court_:

The Petition of Jno Prescott of Lanchaster, In most humble wise

sheweth. Whereas ye Petition'r hath purchased an Indian right to a

small parcell of Land, occasioned and circumstanced for quantity &

quality according to the deed of sale herevnto annexed and a pt.

thereof not being legally setled vpon piee vnlesse I may obteyne

the favor of this Court for the Confirmation thereof, These are

humbly to request the Court's favor for that end, the Lord hauing

dealt graciously with mee in giueing mee many children I account it

my duty to endeauor their provission & setling and do hope that

this may be of some vse in yt kind. I know not any claime made to

the said land by any towne, or any legall right y't any other

persons haue therein, and therefore are free for mee to occupy &

subdue as any other, may I obteyne the Court's approbation. I shall

not vse further motiues, my condition in other respecks & w't my

trouble & expenses haue been according to my poor ability in my

place being not altogether vnknowne to some of ye Court. That ye

Lord's prsence may be with & his blessing accompany all yo'r psons,

Counsells, & endeauors for his honor & ye weale of his poor people

is ye pray'r of

Yo'r supplliant

JOHN PRESCOTT SEN'R.

This request was referred to a special committee, composed of Edward

Tyng, George Corwin and Humphrey Davie, who reported as follows:

"In Reference to this Petition the Comittee being well informed

that the Pet'r is an ancient Planter and hath bin a vseful helpfull

and publique spirited man doinge many good offices ffor the

Country, Relatinge to the Road to Conecticott, marking trees,

directinge of Passengers &c, and that the Land Petitioned for

beinge but about 107 Acres & Lyinge not very Convenient for any

other Plantation, and only accomoclable for the Pet'r, we judge it

reasonable to Confirme the Indian Grant to him & his heyers if ye

honored Court see meete."

This report was approved. James Wiser _alias_ Quanapaug, the Christian

Nashaway Chief, who appears as grantor of the land, was a warrior whose

bravery had been tested in the contest between the Nipmucks and the

Mohawks; and was so firm a friend of his white neighbors at Lancaster,

that when Philip persuaded the tribe with its Sagamore Sam, to go upon

the war path, James refused to join them. He even served as a spy and

betrayed Philip's plans to the English at imminent risk of his life,

doing his utmost to save Lancaster from destruction. General Daniel

Gookin acknowledged that Quanapaug's information would have averted the

horrible massacre of February 10, 1676, had it been duly heeded. The

fact of the friendly relations existing between Prescott and the tribe

whose fortified residence stood between the two Washacum ponds is

interesting and confirms tradition. It is related that at his first

coming he speedily won the respect of the savages, not only by his

fearlessness and great physical strength, but by the power of his eye

and his dignity of mien. They soon learned to stand in awe of his long

musket and unerring skill as a marksman. He had brought with him from

England a suit of mail, helmet and cuirass such as were worn by the

soldiers of Cromwell. Clothed with these, his stately figure seemed to

the sons of the forest something almost supernatural. One day some

Indians, having taken away a horse of his, he put on his armor, pursued

them alone, and soon overtook them. The chief of the party seeing him

approach unsupported, advanced menacingly with uplifted tomahawk.

Prescott dared him to strike, and was immediately taken at his word, but

the rude weapon glanced harmless from the helmet, to the amazement of

the red men. Naturally the Indian desired to try upon his own head so

wonderful a hat, and the owner obligingly gratified him claiming the

privilege, however, of using the tomahawk in return. The helmet proving

a scant fit, or its wearer neglecting to bring it down to its proper

bearings, Prescott's vengeful blow not only astounded him but left very

little cuticle on either side of his head, and nearly deprived him of

ears. Prescott was permitted to jog home in peace upon his horse.

After hostilities began, it is said that at one time the savages set

fire to his barn, but fled when he sallied out clad in armor with his

dreaded gun; and thus he was enabled to save his stock, though the

building was consumed. More than once attempts were made to destroy the

mill, but a sight of the man in mail with the far reaching gun was

enough to send them to a safe distance and rescue the property. Many

stories have been told of Prescott's prowess, but some bear so close a

resemblance to those credibly historic in other localities and of other

heroes, that there attaches to them some suspicions of adaptation at

least. Such perhaps is the story that in an assault upon the town "he

had several muskets but no one in the house save his wife to assist him.

She loaded the guns and he discharged them with fatal effect. The

contest continued for nearly half an hour, Mr. Prescott all the while

giving orders as if to soldiers, so loud that the Indians could hear

him, to load their muskets though he had no soldiers but his wife. At

length they withdrew carrying off several of their dead and wounded."

In 1673 Prescott had nearly attained the age of three score and ten. The

weight of years that had been full of exposure, anxiety and toil rested

heavily upon even his rugged frame, and some sharp touch of bodily

ailment warning him of his mortality, he made his will. It is signed

with "his mark," although he evidently tried to force his unwilling hand

to its accustomed work, his peculiar J being plainly written and

followed by characters meant for the remaining letters of his first

name. To earlier documents he was wont to affix a simple neat signature,

and although not a clerkly penman like his friends John Tinker, Master

Joseph Rowlandson and Ralph Houghton, his writing is superior to that of

Major Simon Willard.

JOHN PRESCOTT'S WILL.

Theis presents witneseth that John Prescott of Lancaster in the

Countie of Midlesex in New England Blaksmith being vnder the

sencible decayes of nature and infirmities of old age and at

present vnder a great deale of anguish and paine but of a good and

sound memorie at the writing hereof being moved vpon considerations

aforesaid togather with advis of Christian friends to set his house

in order in Reference to the dispose of those outward good things

the lord in mercie hath betrusted him with, theirfore the said John

Prescott doth hereby declare his last will and testament to be as

followeth, first and cheifly Comiting and Contending his soule to

almightie god that gaue it him and his bodie to the comon burying

place here in Lancaster, and after his bodie being orderly and

decently buryed and the Charge theirof defrayed togather with all

due debts discharged, the Rest of his Lands and estate to be

disposed of as followeth: first in Reference to the Comfortable

being of his louing wife during the time of her naturall Life, it

is his will that his said wife haue that end of the house where he

and shee now dwelleth togather with halfe the pasture and halfe the

fruit of the aple trees and all the goods in the house, togather

with two cowes which shee shall Chuse and medow sufisiant for

wintering of them, out of the medowes where she shall Chuse, the

said winter pvision for the two cowes to be equaly and seasonably

pvided by his two sons John and Jonathan. And what this may fall

short in Reference to convenient food and cloathing and other

nesesaries for her comfort in sicknes and in health, to be equaly

pvided by the aforesaid John and Jonathan out of the estate. And at

the death of his aforesaid louing wife it is his will that the said

cowes and household goods be equally deuided betwene his two sons

aforesaid, and the other part of the dwelling house, out housing,

pasture and orchard togather with the term acres of house lott

lying on Georges hill which was purchased of daniell gains to be

equaly deuided betwene the said John and Jonathan and alsoe that

part of the house and outhousing what is Convenient for the two

Cowes and their winter pvision pasture and orchard willed to his

louing wife during her life, at her death to be equaly deuided

alsoe betwene the said John and Jonathan. And furthermore it is his

will that John Prescott his eldest son haue the Intervaile land at

John's Jumpe, the lower Mille and the land belonging to it and

halfe the saw mille and halfe the land belonging to it and all the

house and barne theire erected, and alsoe the house and farme at

Washacomb pond, and all the land their purchased from the indians

and halfe the medowes in all deuisions in the towne acept sum litle

part at bar hill wh. is after willed to James Sawyer and one halfe

of the Comon Right in the towne, and in Reference to second

deuision land, that part of it which lyeth at danforths farme both

vpland and interuaile is willed to Jonathan and sixtie acres of

that part at Washacom litle pond to James Sawyer and halfe of sum

brushie land Capable of being made medow at the side of the great

pine plain to be within the said James Sawyers sixtie acres and all

the Rest of the second deuision land both vpland and Interuaile to

be equaly deuided betwene John Prescott and Jonathan aformentioned.

And Jonathan Prescott his second son to haue the Ryefeild and all

the interuaile lott at Nashaway Riuer that part which he hath in

posesion and the other part joyneing to the highway and alsoe his

part of second deuision land aforementioned and alsoe one halfe of

all the medowes in all deuisions in the towne not willed to John

Prescott and James Sawyer aformentioned, and alsoe the other halfe

of the saw mille and land belonging to it, and it is to be

vnderstood that all timber on the land belonging to both Corne

Mille and Saw Mille be Comon to the vse of the Saw Mille. And in

Reference to his third son Jonas Prescott it is herby declared that

he hath Received a full childs portion at nonecoicus in a Corne

mille and Lands and other goods. And James Sawyer his granchild and

Servant it is his will that he haue the sixtie acres of vpland

aformentioned and the two peices of medow at bare hill one being

part of his second deuision the upermost peic on the brook and the

other being part of his third deuision lying vpon Nashaway River

purchased of goodman Allin. Prouided the Said James Sawyer carie it

beter then he did to his said granfather in his time and carie so

as becoms an aprentic & vntil he be one and twentie years of age

vnto the executors of this will namly John Prescott and Jonathan

Prescott who are alsoe herby engaged to pforme vnto the said James

what was pmised by his said granfather, which was to endeuor to

learne him the art and trade of a blaksmith. And in Case the said

James doe not pforme on his part as is afor expresed to the

satisfaction of the overseers of this will, or otherwise, If he doe

not acept of the land aformentioned, then the said land and medow

to be equaly deuided betwene the aforsaid John and Jonathan. And in

Reference to his three daughters, namly Marie, Sara and Lydia they

to haue and Receive eurie of them fiue pounds to be paid to them by

the executors to eurie of them fiftie shillings by the yeare two

years after the death of theire father to be paid out of the

mouables and Martha Ruge his granchild to haue a cow at the choic

of her granmother. And it is the express will and charge of the

testator to his wife and all his Children that they labor and

endeuor to prescrue loue and unitie among themselves and the

vpholding of Church and Comonwealth. And to the end that this his

last will and testament may be truly pformed in all the parts of

it, the said testator hath and herby doth constitut and apoynt his

two sons namly John Prescott and Jonathan Prescott Joynt executors

of this his last will. And for the preuention of after trouble

among those that suruiue about the dispose of the estate acording

to this his will he hath hereby Chosen desired and apoynted the

Reuerend Mr. Joseph Rowlandson, deacon Sumner and Ralph Houghton

overseers of this his will; vnto whom all the parties concerned in

this his will in all dificult Cases are to Repaire, and that

nothing be done without their Consent and aprobation. And

furthermore in Reference to the mouables it is his will that his

son John have his anvill and after the debts and legacies

aformentioned be truly paid and fully discharged by the executors

and the speciall trust pformed vnto my wife during her life and at

her death, in Respect of, sicknes funerall expences, the Remainder

of the movables to be equaly deuided betwene my two sons John and

Jonathan aforementioned. And for a further and fuller declaration

and confirmation of this will to be the last will and testament of

the afornamed John Prescott he hath herevnto put his hand and

seale this 8 of 2 month one thousand six hundred seaventie three.

JOHN PRESCOTT,

his _John_ mark.

Sealed signed owned to be the Last will and testament of the

testator afornamed In the presence of

JOSEPH ROWLANDSON,

ROGER SUMNER,

RALPH HOUGHTON.

April 4: 82.

ROGER SUMNER, }

RALPH HOUGHTON, } Appearing in Court

made oath to the above s'd will,

JONATHAN REMINGTON, _Cleric_."

But John Prescott's pilgrimage was far from ended, and severer

chastenings than any yet experienced awaited him. He had survived to see

the settlement that called him father, struggle upward from discouraging

beginnings, to become a thriving and happy community of over fifty

families. Where at his coming all had been pathless woods, now fenced

fields and orchards yielded annually their golden and ruddy harvests;

gardens bloomed; mechanic's plied their various crafts; herds wandered

in lush meadows; bridges spanned the rivers, and roads wound through the

landscape from cottage to cottage and away to neighboring towns. All

this fair scene of industry and rural content, of which he might in

modest truth say "_Magna pars fui_," he lived to see in a single day

made more desolate than the howling wilderness from which it had been

laboriously conquered. He was spared to see dear neighbors and kindred

massacred in every method of revolting atrocity, and their wives and

children carried into loathsome captivity by foes more relentlessly

cruel than wolves. When now weighed down with age and bodily

infirmities, the rest he had thought won was to be denied him, and he

and his were driven from the ashes of pleasant homes--about which

clustered the memories of thirty years' joys and sorrows--to beg shelter

from the charity of strangers. For more than three years his enforced

banishment endured. In October 1679, John Prescott with his sons John

and Jonathan, his sons-in-law Thomas Sawyer and John Rugg, his grand-son

Thomas Sawyer, Jr. and his neighbor's John Moore, Thomas Wilder, and

Josiah White, petitioned the Middlesex Court for permission to resettle

the town, and their prayer was granted. Soon most of the inhabitants who

had survived the massacre and exile, were busily building new homes,

some upon the cinders of the old, others upon their second division

lands east of the rivers where they were less exposed to the stealthy

incursions of their savage enemies. The two John Prescotts rebuilt the

mills and dwelt there. Whether the pioneer's life long helpmate died

before their settlement, in exile, or shortly after the return, has not

been ascertained, but it would seem that he survived her. Jonathan

having married a second wife remained in Concord. For two years the old

man lived with his eldest son, seeing the Nashaway Valley blooming with

the fruits of civilized labor; seeing new families filling the woeful

gaps made in the old by Philip's warriors; seeing children and

grandchildren grasping the implements that had fallen from the nerveless

hold of the earliest bread-winners, with hopeful and pertinacious

purpose to extend the paternal domain; seeing too, may we not trust,

from the Pisgah height of prophetic vision the glorious promise awaiting

this his Canaan; these softly rounded hills and broad valleys dotted

with the winsome homes of thousands of freemen; churches and schools,

shops of artisans, and busy marts of trade clustered about his mill

site; and, above all, seeing the assertion of political freedom and

liberty of conscience which Governor John Winthrop had reproached him

for favoring in the petition of Robert Child, become the corner stone of

a giant republic.

No record of John Prescott's death is found; but when upon his death

bed, feeling that the changed condition of his own and his son

Jonathan's affairs required some modification of the will made in 1673,

he summoned two of his townsmen to hear his nuncupative codicil to that

document. From the affidavit, here appended, it is certain that his

death occurred about the middle of December, 1681.

"The Deposition of Thos: Wilder aged 37 years sworn say'th that

being with Jno: Prescott Sen'r About six hours before he died he ye

s'd Jno. Prescott gaue to his eldest sonn Jno: Presscott his house

lott with all belonging to ye same & ye two mills, corn mill & saw

mill with ye land belonging thereto & three scor Acors of land nere

South medow and fourty Acors of land nere Wonchesix & a pece of

enteruile caled Johns Jump & Bridge medow on both sids ye Brook.

Cyprian Steevens Testifieth to all ye truth Aboue writen.

DECEM. 20. 81.

Sworn in Court. J.R.C."

Though two or more years short of fourscore at the time of his death he

was Lancaster's oldest inhabitant. His fellow pioneer, Lawrence Waters,

who was the elder by perhaps a years, till survived, though blind and

helpless; but he dwelt with a son in Charlestown, after the destruction

of his home, and never returned to Lancaster. John and Ralph Houghton,

much younger men, were now the veterans of the town.

* * * * *

A GLIMPSE.

BY MARY H. WHEELER.

We met but once; 'twas many years ago.

I walked, with others, idly through the grounds

Where thou did'st minister in daily rounds.

I knew thee by thy garb, all I might know,

Sister of Charity, in hood like snow.

My heart was weary with the sight and sounds

Of sick and suffering soldiers in the wards below.

Disgusted with my thoughts of war and wounds.

'Twas then, by sudden chance, I met thine eyes,

What saw I there? A light from heaven above,

A gleam of calm, self-sacrificing love,

A smile that fill'd my heart with glad surprise,

Reflected in my breast an answering glow,

And haunts me still, wherever I may go.

* * * * *

EARLY HISTORY OF THE BERMUDA ISLANDS.

By JAMES H. STARK.

The singular collection of islands known as the Bermudas are situated

about seven hundred miles from Boston, in a southeast direction, and

about the same distance from Halifax, or Florida. The nearest land to

Bermuda is Cape Hatteras, distant 625 miles.

Within sixty-five hours' sail from New York it is hardly possible to

find so complete a change in government, climate, scenery and

vegetation, as Bermuda offers; and yet these islands are strangely

unfamiliar to most well-informed Americans.

Speaking our own language, having the same origin, with manners, which

in many ways illustrate those prevalent in New England a century ago,

the people are bound to us by many natural ties; and it is only now that

these islands, having come to the front as a winter resort, have led us

to inquire into their history and resources. Settled in 1612, Virginia

only of the English colonies outdating it, life in Bermuda has been as

placid as its lovely waters on a summer day; no agitation of sufficient

occurrence having occurred to attract the attention of the outside

world, from which it is so absolutely isolated.

The only communication with the mainland is by the Quebec Steamship

Company, who dispatch a steamer every alternate Thursday between New

York and Hamilton, Bermuda, the fare for the round trip, including meals

and stateroom, is fifty dollars. During the crop season, in the months

of April, May and June, steamers are run weekly.

The Cunard Company also have a monthly service between Halifax, Bermuda,

Turks Island and Jamaica, under contract with the Admiralty.

The Bermudas were first discovered in 1515 by a Spanish vessel, called

La Garza, on a voyage from Spain to Cuba, with a cargo of hogs, and

commanded by Juan Bermudez, and having on board Gonzalez Oviedo, the

historian of the Indies, to whom we are indebted for the first account

of these islands. They approached near to the islands, and from the

appearance of the place concluded that it was uninhabited. They resolved

to send a boat ashore to make observations, and leave a few hogs, which

might breed and be afterwards useful. When, however, they were preparing

to debark a strong contrary gale arose, which obliged them to sheer off

and be content with the view already obtained. The islands were named by

the Spaniards indifferently, La Garza from the ship and Bermuda from the

captain, but the former term is long since disused.

[Illustration: INSCRIPTION ON SPANISH ROCK]

It does not appear that the Spaniards made any attempt to settle there,

although Philip II. granted the islands to one Ferdinand Camelo, a

Portuguese, who never improved his gift, beyond taking possession by the

form of landing in 1543, and carving on a prominent cliff on the

southern shore of the island[A] the initials of his name and the year,

to which, in conformity with the practical zeal of the times, he

super-added a cross, to protect his acquisition from the encroachments

of roving heretics and the devil, for the stormy seas and dangerous

reefs gave rise to so many disasters as to render the group exceedingly

formidable in the eyes of the most experienced navigators. It was even

invested in their imagination with superstitious terrors, being

considered as unapproachable by man, and given up in full dominion to

the spirits of darkness. The Spaniards therefore called them "Los

Diabolos," the Devil's Islands.

[Footnote A: This inscription is still in existence, the engraving shown

herewith is a good representation of it, as it appears at the present

time.]

[Illustration: Fac-simile reproduction of a Map of Bermuda made in 1614

by Captain John Smith.]

[Illustration: View of the State House and reference as to location of

the fort, bridges, etc., shown herewith on Smith's map of 1614.

(Fac-simile reproduction.)]

These islands were first introduced to the notice of the English by a

dreadful shipwreck. In 1591 Henry May sailed to the East Indies, along

with Captain Lancaster, on a buccaneering expedition. Having reached the

coast of Sumatra and Malacca, they scoured the adjacent seas, and made

some valuable captures. In 1593 they again doubled the Cape of Good Hope

and returned to the West Indies for supplies, which they much needed.

They first came in sight of Trinidad, but did not dare to approach a

coast which was in possession of the Spaniards, and their distress

became so great that it was with the utmost difficulty that the men

could be prevented from leaving the ship. They shortly afterwards fell

in with a French buccaneer, commanded by La Barbotiere, who kindly

relieved their wants by a gift of bread and provisions. Their stores

were soon again exhausted, and, coming across the French ship the second

time, application was made to the French Captain for more supplies, but

he declared that his own stock was so much reduced that he could spare

but little, but the sailors persuaded themselves that the Frenchman's

scarcity was feigned, and also that May, who conducted the negotiations,

was regailing himself with good cheer on board without any trouble about

their distress. Among these men, inured to bold and desperate deeds, a

company was formed to seize the French pinnace, and then to capture the

large vessel with its aid. They succeeded in their first object, but the

French Captain, who observed their actions, sailed away at full speed,

and May, who was dining with him on board at the time, requested that he

might stay and return home on the vessel so that he could inform his

employers of the events of the voyage and the unruly behavior of the

crew. As they approached Bermuda strict watch was kept while they

supposed themselves to be near that dreaded spot, but when the pilot

declared that they were twelve leagues south of it they threw aside all

care and gave themselves up to carousing. Amid their jollity, about

midnight, the ship struck with such violence that she immediately filled

and sank. They had only a small boat, to which they attached a

hastily-constructed raft to be towed along with it; room, however, was

made for only twenty-six, while the crew exceeded fifty. In the wild and

desperate struggle for existence that ensued May fortunately got into

the boat. They had to beat about nearly all the next day, dragging the

raft after them, and it was almost dark before they reached the shore;

they were tormented with thirst, and had nearly despaired of finding a

drop of water when some was discovered in a rock where the rain waters

had collected.

[Illustration: St. George's and Warwick Fort in 1614. (Fac-simile of

Smith's engraving.)]

The land was covered with one unbroken forest of cedar. Here they would

have to remain for life unless a vessel could be constructed. They made

a voyage to the wreck and secured the shrouds, tackles and carpenters'

tools, and then began to cut down the cedars, with which they

constructed a vessel of eighteen tons. For pitch they took lime,

rendered adhesive by a mixture of turtle oil, and forced it into the

seams, where it became hard as stone.

During a residence of five months here May had observed that Bermuda,

hitherto supposed to be a single island, was broken up into a number of

islands of different sizes, enclosing many fine bays, and forming good

harbors. The vessel being finished they set sail for Newfoundland,

expecting to meet fishing vessels there, on which they could obtain

passage to Europe. On the eleventh of May they found themselves with joy

clear of the islands. They had a very favorable voyage, and on the

twentieth arrived at Cape Breton. May arrived in England in August,

1594, where he gave a description of the islands; he stated that they

found hogs running wild all over the islands, which proves that this was

not the first landing made there.

It was owing to a shipwreck that Bermuda again came under the view of

the English, and that led England to appropriate these islands.

In 1609, during the most active period of the colonization of Virginia,

an expedition of nine ships, commanded by Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George

Somers and Captain Newport, bound for Virginia, was dispersed by a great

storm. One of the vessels, the Sea Adventure, in which were Gates,

Somers and Newport, seems to have been involved in the thickest of the

tempest. The vessel sprung aleak, which it was found impossible to stop.

All hands labored at the pumps for life, even the Governor and Admiral

took their turns, and gentlemen who had never had an hour's hard work in

their life toiled with the rest. The water continued to gain on them,

and when about to give up in despair, Sir George Somers, who had been

watching at the poop deck day and night, cried out land, and there in

the early dawn of morning could be seen the welcome sight of land.

Fortunately they lighted on the only secure entrance through the reefs.

The vessel was run ashore and wedged between two rocks, and thereby was

preserved from sinking, till by means of a boat and skiff the whole crew

of one hundred and fifty, with provisions, tackle and stores, reached

the land. At that time the hogs still abounded, and these, with the

turtle, birds and fish which they caught, afforded excellent food for

the castaways. The Isle of Devils Sir George Somers and party found "the

richest, healthfulest and pleasantest" they ever saw.

Robert Walsingham and Henry Shelly discovered two bays abounding in

excellent fish; these bays are still called by their names. Gates and

Somers caused the long boat to be decked over, and sent Raven, the mate,

with eight men, to Virginia to bring assistance to them, but nothing was

ever heard of them afterwards, and after waiting six months all hopes

were then given up. The chiefs of the expedition then determined to

build two vessels of cedar, one of eighty tons and one of thirty. Their

utmost exertions, however, did not prevent disturbances, which nearly

baffled the enterprise. These were fomented by persons noted for their

religious zeal, of Puritan principles and the accompanying spirit of

independence. They represented that the recent disaster had dissolved

the authority of the Governor, and their business was now to provide, as

they best could, for themselves and their families. They had come out in

search of an easy and plentiful subsistence, which could nowhere be

found in greater perfection and security than here, while in Virginia

its attainment was not only doubtful, but attended with many hardships.

These arguments were so convincing with the larger number of the men

that, had it rested with them, they would have lived and died on the

islands.

[Illustration: Entrance to St. George Harbor, between Smith's and

Paget's Islands. (Fac-simile re-production of Smith's engraving. 1614.)]

Two successive conspiracies were formed by large parties to separate

from the rest and form a colony. Both were defeated by the vigilance of

Gates, who allowed the ringleaders to escape with a slight punishment.

This lenity only emboldened the malcontents, and a third plot was formed

to seize the stores and take entire possession of the islands. It was

determined to make an example of one of the leaders named Payne; He was

condemned to be hanged, but, on the plea of being a gentleman, his

sentence was commuted into that of being shot, which was immediately

done. This had a salutary effect, and prevented any further trouble.

[Illustration: View of ancient forts. (Re-produced from Smith's

engraving, 1614)]

Two children, a boy and girl, were born during this period; the former

was christened Bermudas and the latter Bermuda; they were probably the

first human beings born on these islands.

Before leaving the islands Gates caused a cross to be made of the wood

saved from the wreck of his ship, which he secured to a large cedar; a

silver coin with the king's head was placed in the middle of it,

together with an inscription on a copper plate describing what had

happened--That the cross was the remains of a ship of three hundred

tons, called the Sea Venture, bound with eight more to Virginia; that

she contained two knights, Sir Thomas Gates, governor of the colony, and

Sir George Summers, admiral of the seas, who, together with her captain,

Christopher Newport, and one hundred and fifty mariners and passengers

besides, had got safe ashore, when she was lost, July 28, 1609.

On the tenth of May, 1610, they sailed with a fair wind, and, before

reaching the open sea, they struck on a rock and were nearly wrecked the

second time. On the twenty-third they arrived safely at Jamestown. This

settlement they found in a most destitute condition on their arrival,

and it was determined to abandon the place, but Sir George Summers,

"whose noble mind ever regarded the general good more than his own

ends," offered to undertake a voyage to the Bermudas for the purpose of

forming a settlement, from which supplies might be obtained for the

Jamestown colony. He accordingly sailed June 19, in his cedar vessel,

and his name was then given to the islands, though Bermuda has since

prevailed.

[Illustration: Entrance to Castle Harbor, between Castle and

Southhampton Islands. (Fac-simile re-production of Smith's engraving,

1614.)]

Contrary winds and storms carried him to the northward, to the vicinity

of Cape Cod. Somers persevered and reached the islands, but age, anxiety

and exertion contributed to produce his end. Perceiving the approach of

death he exhorted his companions to continue their exertions for the

benefit of the plantations, and to return to Virginia. Alarmed at the

untimely fate of their leader, the colonists embalmed his body, and

disregarding his dying injunction, sailed for England. Three only of the

men volunteered to remain, and for some time after their companions left

they continued to cultivate the soil, but unfortunately they found some

ambergris, and they fell into innumerable quarrels respecting its

possession. They at length resolved to build a boat and sail for

Newfoundland with their prize, but, happily for them, they were

prevented by the arrival of a ship from Europe. An extraordinary

interest was excited in England by the relation of Captain Mathew

Somers, the nephew and heir of Sir George. The usual exaggerations were

published, and public impressions were heightened by contrast with the

dark ideas formerly prevalent concerning these islands. A charter was

obtained of King James I., and one hundred and twenty gentlemen detached

themselves from the Virginia company and formed a company under the name

and style of the Governor and Company of the City of London, for the

plantation of the Somer Islands.

On the twenty-eighth of April, 1612, the first ship was sent out with

sixty emigrants, under the charge of Richard Moore, who was appointed

the Governor of the colony. They met the boat containing the three men

left on the island, who were overjoyed at seeing the ship, and conducted

her into the harbor. It was not long before intelligence of the

discovery of the ambergris reached the Governor; he promptly deprived

the three men of it. One of them named Chard, who denied all knowledge

of it, and caused considerable disturbance, which at one time seemed

likely to result in a sanguinary encounter, was condemned to be hanged,

and was only reprieved when on the ladder.

The Governor now applied himself actively to his duties. He had

originally landed on Smith's Island, but he soon removed to the spot

where St. George's now stands, and built the town which was named after

Sir George Somers, and which became, and remained for two centuries, the

capital of Bermuda. He laid the foundation of eight or nine forts for

the defence of the harbor, and also trained the men to arms in order

that they might defend the infant colony from attack. This proved

necessary, for, in 1614, two Spanish ships attempted to enter the

harbor; the forts were promptly manned and two shots fired at the enemy,

who, finding them better prepared than they imagined, bore away.

Before the close of 1615 six vessels had arrived with three hundred and

forty passengers, among whom were a Marshall and one Bartlett, who were

sent out expressly to divide the colony into tribes or shares; but the

Governor finding no mention of any shares for himself, and the persons

with him, as had been agreed on, forbade his proceeding with his survey.

The survey was afterward made by Richard Norwood, which divided the land

into tribes, now parishes; these shares form, the foundation of the land

tenure of the islands, even to this day, the divisional lines in many

cases yet remaining intact. Moore, whose time had expired, went back to

England in 1615, leaving the administration of the government to six

persons, who were to rule, each in turn, one month. They proceeded to

elect by lot their first ruler, the choice falling upon Charles

Caldicot, who then went, with a crew of thirty-two men, in a vessel to

the West Indies for the purpose of procuring plants, goats and young

cattle for the islands. The vessel was wrecked there, and the crew were

indebted to an English pirate for being rescued from a desert island on

which they had been cast.

For a time the colony was torn by contention and discord, as well as by

scarcity of food. The news of these dissensions having reached England

the company sent out Daniel Tucker as Governor. Tucker was a stern, hard

master, and he enforced vigorous measures to compel the people to work

for the company. The provisions and stores he issued in certain

quantities, and paid each laborer a stated sum in brass coin, struck by

the proprietor for the purpose, having a hog on one side, in

commemoration of the abundance of those animals found by the first

settlers, and on the reverse a ship. Pieces of this curious hog money,

as it is called, is frequently found, and it brings a high price.

[Illustration: HOG MONEY.]

Shortly after Governor Tucker arrived he sent to the West Indies for

plants and fruit trees. The vessel returned with figs, pine-apples,

sugar-cane, plantain and paw-paw, which were all planted and rapidly

multiplied. This vessel also brought the first slaves into the colony,

an Indaian and a negro.

The company dispatched a small bark, called the Hopewell, with supplies

for the colony, under the command of Captain Powell. On his way he met a

Portuguese vessel homeward bound from Brazil, with a cargo of sugar,

and, as Smith adds, "liked the sugar and passengers so well" he made a

prize of her. Fearing to face Governor Tucker after this piratical act

he directed his course to the West Indies. On his arrival there he met a

French pirate, who pretended to have a warm regard for him, and invited

him, with his officers, to an entertainment. Suspecting nothing he

accepted the invitation, but no sooner had they been well seated at the

table than they were all seized and threated with instant death, unless

they surrendered their prize. This Powell was, of course, compelled to

do, and finding his provisions failing him he put the Portuguese crew on

shore and sailed for Bermuda, where he managed to excuse himself to the

Governor. Powell again went to the West Indies pirating, and in May he

arrived with three prizes, laden with meal, hides, and ammunition.

Tucker received him kindly and treated him with consideration, until he

had the goods in his own possession, when he reproached the Captain with

his piratical conduct and called him to account for his proceedings. The

unlucky buccaneer was, in the end, glad to escape to England, leaving

his prizes in the hands of the Governor.

The discipline and hard labor required of the people reduced them to a

condition but little better than that of slaves, and caused many to make

desperate efforts to escape from the islands. Five persons, neither of

whom were sailors, built a fishing boat for the Governor, and when

completed they borrowed a compass from their preacher, for whom they

left a farewell epistle. In this they reminded him how often he had

exhorted them to patience under ill-treatment, and had told them how

Providence would pay them, if man did not. They trusted, therefore, that

he would now practice what he had so often preached.

[Illustration: Reproduction of Smith's engraving, 1614, showing his coat

of arms with the three Turk heads.]

These brave men endured great hardships in their boat of three tons

during their rash voyage; but at the end of about forty-two days they

arrived at Ireland, where their exploit was considered so wonderful that

the Earl of Thomond caused them to be received and entertained, and hung

up their boat as a monument of this extraordinary voyage. The Governor

was greatly exasperated at their escape, and threatened to hang the

whole of them if they returned.

Another party of three, one of whom was a lady, attempted in a like

manner to reach Virginia, but were never afterwards heard of. Six others

were discovered before they effected their departure, and one was

executed. John Wood, who was found guilty of speaking "many distasteful

and mutinous speeches against the Governor," was also condemned and

executed.

As there were at that time only about five hundred inhabitants on these

islands, it would appear from Captain Smith's History that Tucker hanged

a good percentage of them. Many were the complaints that were forwarded

to England concerning the tyrannical government of Tucker, and he,

fearing to be recalled, at last returned to England of his own accord,

having appointed a person named Kendall as his deputy.

Kendall was disposed to be attentive to his office, but wanted energy,

and the company took an early opportunity to relieve him; this was not

very agreeable to the people, but they did not offer any resistance.

Governor Butler arrived with four ships and five hundred men on the

twentieth of October, 1619, which raised the number of the colonists to

1000, and at his departure three years later, it had increased to 1500.

On the first of August, 1620, in conformity with instructions sent out

by the company, the Governor summoned the first general assembly at St.

George's for the dispatch of public business. It consisted of the

Governor, Council, Bailiffs, Burgesses, Secretary, and Clerk. It appears

that they all sat in one house, which was probably the "State House"

shown on Smith's engraving. Most of the Acts passed on this occasion

were creditable to the new legislators.

Governor Butler, as Moore had done before him, turned his chief

attention to the building of forts and magazines; he also finished the

cedar Church at St. George's, and caused the assembly to pass an Act for

the building of three bridges, and then initiated the useful project of

connecting together the principal islands. When Governor Butler returned

to England he left the islands in a greatly improved condition. But in

his time, also, there were such frequent mutinies and discontent, that

at last "he longed for deliverance from his thankless and troublesome

employment." It was probably during Governor Butler's administration

that Captain[A] John Smith had a map and illustrations of the "Summer

Ils" made, for in it we find the three bridges, numerous

well-constructed forts, and the State House at St. George's. The map and

illustrations were published in "Smith's General Historic of Virginia,

New England and the Summer Ils" 1624; they are of the greatest value and

importance, as they show accurately the class of buildings and forts

erected on these islands at that early period; such details even are

entered into as the showing of the stocks in the market place of St.

George's, and the architecture and the substantial manner in which the

buildings were constructed is remarkable, especially so when it is

considered that previous to 1620 the Puritans had not settled at

Plymouth, and it was ten years from that date before the settlement of

Boston: in fact, with the exception of Jamestown in Virginia, the

English had not secured a foot-hold in North America at the time these

buildings and forts were constructed. There are very few copies of this

rare print in existence, even in Smith's history it is usually found

wanting, and it was only after considerable trouble and expense that the

writer succeeded in obtaining a reproduction of it.

[Footnote A: Captain John Smith was never in Bermuda. He derived all his

information from his opportunities as a member of the Virginia Company,

and from correspondence or personal narratives of returned planters.

This was his habitual way, as is shown by the number of authorities that

he quotes. He probably obtained the sketches, from which these

illustrations were made, from Richard Norwood, the schoolmaster.]

The early history of Bermuda is in many important points similar to that

of New England. Like motives had in most instances induced emigration,

and the distinguished characteristics of those people were repeated

here.

Like the Salem and Boston colonists they had their witchcraft delusions,

anticipating that, however, some twenty years, Christian North was

tried for it in 1668, but was acquited. Somewhat later a negro woman,

Sarah Basset, was burned at Paget for the same offence. The Quakers were

persecuted by fines, imprisonment, and banishment, by the stem and

dark-souled Puritans, who had emigrated to this place to escape

oppression, and to enjoy religious toleration, but were not willing to

grant to others who differed from them in their religious belief the

same privileges as they themselves enjoyed.

The company discovered by degrees that the Bermudas were not the

Eldorado which they had fondly imagined them to be. The colonists were

now numerous, and every day showed a strong disposition to break away

from the control of the company. The company had issued an order

forbidding the inhabitants to receive any ships but such as were

commissioned by them. The company complained against the quality of

tobacco shipped to London, as well as the quantity.

The people were forbidden to cut cedar without a special license, and as

they were in the habit of exporting oranges in chests made of this wood,

the regulation operated very materially to the injury of the place.

Previous to this order many homeward-bound West Indiamen arrived at

Castle Harbor to load with this fruit for the English market. Whaling

was claimed as an exclusive privilege, and was conducted for the sole

benefit of the proprietors. Numerous attempts were made to boil sugar,

but the company directed the Governor to prevent it, as it would require

too much wood for fuel.

In consequence of instructions from England Governor Turner called upon

all the inhabitants of the islands to take the oath of supremacy and

allegiance to his majesty, but as the Puritans had left their native

country on account of their republican sentiments, they refused to

comply, and the prisons were soon filled to overflowing.

The rapid change of affairs in England during the civil war, in which

the Puritans were victorious, and Cromwell was elevated to the

Protectorship, opened the doors of the prisons, and stopped all further

persecutions, both political and religious.

It must be said in favor of the company that they had, at an early

period, established schools throughout the colony, and appropriated

lands in most of the tribes or parishes, for the maintainance of the

teachers.

From 1630 to 1680 many negro and Indian slaves were brought to the

colony; the negroes from Africa and the West Indies, and a large number

of Indians from Massachusetts, prisoners taken in the Pequot and King

Philip's wars. The traces of their Indian ancestry can readily be seen

in many of the colored people of these islands at the present time.

In October, 1661, the Protestant inhabitants were alarmed by rumors of a

proposed combination between the negroes and the Irish. The plan was to

arm themselves and massacre the whites who were not Catholics.

Fortunately the plot was discovered in time, and measures adopted to

disarm the slaves and the disaffected.

The proprietary form of government continued until 1685, with a long

succession of good, bad, and indifferent Governors.

Many acts of piracy were perpetrated at different times by the

inhabitants of these islands. In 1665 Captain John Wentworth made a

descent upon the island of Tortola and brought off about ninety slaves,

the property of the Governor of the place. Governor Seymour received a

letter from him in which he stated that "upon the ninth day of July

there came hither against me a pirate or sea robber, named John

Wentworth, the which over-run my lands, and that against the will of

mine owne inhabits, and shewed himself a tyrant, in robbing and firing,

and took my negroes from my Isle, belonging to no man but myself. And

likewise I doe understand that this said John Wentworth, a sea robber,

is an indweller with you, soe I desire that you would punish this rogue,

according to your good law. I desire you, soe soon as you have this

truth of mine, if you don't of yourself, restore all my negroes againe,

whereof I shall stay here three months, and in default of this, soe be

assured, that wee shall speake together very shortly, and then I shall

be my owne judge."

This threatening letter caused great consternation, and immediately

steps were taken to place the colony in the best posture for defence,

reliance being had on the impregnability of the islands, instead of

delivering up the plunder, especially as Captain Wentworth held a

commission from the Governor and Council, and acted under their

instructions.

Isaac Richier, who became Governor of the colony in 1691, was another

celebrated freebooter. The account of his reign reads like a romance.

The love of gold, and the determination to possess it, was the one idea

of his statesmanship. He was a pirate at sea and a brigand on land.

Nevertheless, it does not appear that any of his misdeeds, such as

hanging innocent people, and robbing British ships, as well as others,

led to his recall, or caused any degree of indignation which such

conduct usually arouses. The fact appears to be that, although Governor

Richier was a bold, bad man, yet few of his subjects were entitled to

throw the first stone at his excellency.

Benjamin Bennett became Governor of the colony in 1701. At this time the

Bahama Islands had become a rendezvous for pirates, and a few years

later, King George the First issued a proclamation for their

dislodgment. Governor Bennett accordingly dispatched a sloop, ordering

the marauders to surrender. Those who were on shore on his arrival

gladly accepted the opportunity to escape, and declared that they did

not doubt but that their companions who were at sea would follow their

example. Captain Henry Jennings and fifteen others sailed for Bermuda,

and were soon followed by four other Captains--Leslie, Nichols,

Hornigold, and Burges, with one hundred men, who all surrendered.

In 1710 the Spaniards made a descent on Turk's Island, which had been

settled by the Bermudians for the purpose of gathering salt, and took

possession of the island, making prisoners of the people. The

Bermudians, at their own expense and own accord, dispatched a force

under Captain Lewis Middleton to regain possession of the Bahama Cays.

The expedition was successful, and a victory gained over the Spaniards,

and they were driven from the islands; they still, however, continued to

make predatory attacks on the salt-rakers at the ponds, and on the

vessels going for and carrying away salt. To repel these aggressions and

afford security to their trade, the Bermudians went to the expense of

arming their vessels.

In 1775 the discontent in the American provinces had broken out into

open opposition to the crown, and the people were forbidden to trade

with their late fellow subjects. Bermuda suffered great want in

consequence, for at this period, instead of exporting provisions the

island had become dependent on the continent for the means of

subsistence. This, together with the fact that many of the people

possessed near relatives engaged in the struggle with the crown, tended

to destroy good feelings towards the British government. These

circumstances must be considered in order to judge fairly of the

following transaction, which has always been regarded to have cast a

stain upon the patriotism and loyalty of the Bermudians.

At the outbreak of the American Revolution, two battles were fought in

the vicinity of Boston--Lexington and Bunker Hill, after which all

intercourse with the surrounding country ceased, and Boston was reduced

to a state of siege. Civil war commenced in all its horrors; the

sundering of social ties; the burning of peaceful homes; the butchery of

kindred and friends.

Washington was appointed by the Continental Congress, Commander-in-Chief

of the American forces, and on July 3, 1775, two weeks after the battle

of Bunker Hill, he took formal command of the army at Cambridge. In a

letter to the President of Congress notifying him of his safe arrival

there, he made the following statement. "Upon the article of ammunition,

I must re-echo the former complaints on this subject. We are so

exceedingly destitute that our artillery will be of little use without a

supply both large and seasonable. What we have must be reserved for the

small arms, and that well managed with the utmost frugality." A few

weeks later General Washington wrote the following letter on the same

subject.[A]

[Footnote A: Writings of George Washington, by J. Sparks, vol. iii, page

47.]

TO GOVERNOR COOKE, OF RHODE ISLAND.

Camp at Cambridge, 4 August, 1775.

Sir,

I am now, Sir, in strict confidence, to acquaint you, that our

necessities in the articles of powder and lead are so great, as to

require an immediate supply. I must earnestly entreat that you will

fall upon some measure to forward every pound of each in your

colony that can possibly be spared. It is not within the propriety

or safety of such a correspondence to say what I might on this

subject. It is sufficient that the case calls loudly for the most

strenuous exertions of every friend of his country, and does not

admit of the least delay. No quantity, however small, is beneath

notice, and, should any arrive, I beg it may be forwarded as soon

as possible.

But a supply of this kind is so precarious, not only from the

danger of the enemy, but the opportunity of purchasing, that I have

revolved in my mind every other possible chance, and listened to

every proposition on the subject which could give the smallest

hope. Among others I have had one mentioned which has some weight

with me, as well as the other officers to whom I have proposed it.

A Mr. Harris has lately come from Bermuda, where there is a very

considerable magazine of powder in a remote part of the island; and

the inhabitants are well disposed, not only to our cause in

general, but to assist in this enterprise in particular. We

understand there are two armed vessels in your province, commanded

by men of known activity and spirit; one of which, it is proposed

to despatch on this errand with such assistance as may be

requisite. Harris is to go along, as the conductor of the

enterprise, that we may avail ourselves of his knowledge of the

island; but without any command. I am very sensible, that at first

view the project may appear hazardous; and its success must depend

on the concurrence of many circumstances; but we are in a

situation, which requires us to run all risks. No danger is to be

considered, when put in competition with the magnitude of the

cause, and the absolute necessity we are under of increasing our

stock. Enterprises, which appear chimerical, often prove successful

from that very circumstance. Common sense and prudence will suggest

vigilance and care, where the danger is plain and obvious; but

where little danger is apprehended, the more the enemy will be

unprepared; and consequently there is the fairest prospect of

success.

Mr. Brown has been mentioned to me as a very proper person to be

consulted upon this occasion. You will judge of the propriety of

communicating it to him in part or the whole, and as soon as

possible favor me with your sentiments, and the steps you may have

taken to forward it. If no immediate and safe opportunity offers,

you will please to do it by express. Should it be inconvenient to

part with one of the armed vessels, perhaps some other might be

fitted out, or you could devise some other mode of executing this

plan; so that, in case of a disappointment, the vessel might

proceed to some other island to purchase.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient, humble servant,

G. Washington.

This plan was approved by the Governor and Committee of Rhode Island,

and Captain Abraham Whipple agreed to engage in the affair, provided

General Washington would give him a certificate under his own hand, that

in case the Bermudians would assist the undertaking, he would recommend

to the Continental Congress to permit the exportation of provisions to

those islands from the colonies.

General Washington accordingly sent the following address to the

Bermudians.[A]

[Footnote A: Writings of George Washington, by J. Sparks, vol. iii.,

page 77.]

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE ISLAND OF BERMUDA.

Camp at Cambridge, 6 September, 1775.

Gentlemen:

In the great conflict, which agitates this continent, I cannot

doubt but the assertors of freedom and the rights of the

constitution are possessed of your most favorable regards and

wishes for success. As descendants of freemen, and heirs with us of

the same glorious inheritance, we flatter ourselves, that, though

divided by our situation, we are firmly united in sentiment. The

cause of virtue and liberty is confined to no continent or climate.

It comprehends, within its capacious limits, the wise and good,

however dispersed and separated in space or distance.

You need not be informed that the violence and rapacity of a

tyrannic ministry have forced the citizens of America, your brother

colonist, into arms. We equally detest and lament the prevalence of

those counsels, which have led to the effusion of so much human

blood, and left us no alternative but a civil war, or a base

submission. The wise Disposer of all events has hitherto smiled

upon our virtuous efforts. Those mercenary troops, a few of whom

lately boasted of subjugating this vast continent, have been

checked in their earliest ravages, and now actually encircled

within a small space; their arms disgraced, and themselves

suffering all the calamities of a siege. The virtue, spirit, and

union of the provinces leave them nothing to fear, but the want of

ammunition. The application of our enemies to foreign states, and

their vigilance upon our coasts, are the only efforts they have

made against us with success.

Under these circumstances, and with these sentiments, we have

turned our eyes to you, Gentlemen, for relief. We are informed,

that there is a very large magazine in your island under a very

feeble guard. We would not wish to involve you in an opposition, in

which, from your situation, we should be unable to support you; we

knew not, therefore, to what extent to solicit your assistance, in

availing ourselves of this supply; but, if your favor and

friendship to North America and its liberties have not been

misrepresented, I persuade myself you may, consistently with your

own safety, promote and further this scheme, so as to give it the

fairest prospect of success. Be assured, that, in this case, the

whole power and exertion of my influence will be made with the

honorable Continental Congress, that your island may not only be

supplied with provisions, but experience every other mark of

affection and friendship, which the grateful citizens of a free

country can bestow on its brethren and benefactors. I am,

Gentlemen,

With much esteem,

Your humble servant,

[Illustration: Signature G Washington]

Captain Whipple had scarcely sailed from Providence before an account

appeared in the newspapers of one hundred barrels of powder having been

taken from Bermuda by a vessel supposed to be from Philadelphia, and

another from South Carolina. This was the same powder that Captain

Whipple had gone to procure. General Washington and Governor Cooke were

both of the opinion it was best to countermand his instructions. The

other armed vessel of Rhode Island was immediately dispatched in search

of the Captain with orders to return.

But it was too late; he reached Bermuda and put in at the west end of

the island. The inhabitants were at first alarmed, supposing him to

command a king's armed vessel, and the women and children fled from that

vicinity; but when he showed them his commission and instructions they

treated him with much cordiality and friendship, and informed him that

they had assisted in removing the powder, which was made known to

General Gage, and he had sent a sloop of war to the island. They

professed themselves hearty friends to the American cause. Captain

Whipple being defeated in the object of his voyage returned to

Providence.

Soon after the inhabitants of Bermuda petitioned Congress for relief,

representing their great distress in consequence of being deprived of

the supplies that usually came from the colonies. In consideration of

their being friendly to the cause of America, it was resolved by

Congress that provisions in certain quantities might be exported to

them.[A]

[Footnote A: Journal of Congress, November 22, 1775.]

The powder procured from the Bermudians led to the first great victory

gained by Washington in the Revolutionary war, the evacuation of Boston

by the British army. After the arrival of the powder Washington caused

numerous batteries to be erected in the immediate vicinity of the town.

On the night of March 4, 1776, Dorchester Heights were taken possession

of and works erected there, which commanded Boston, and the British

Fleet lying at anchor in the harbor. This caused the town to be

evacuated, and General Howe with his army and about one thousand

loyalists went aboard of the fleet and sailed for Halifax, March 17,

1776.

Nothing could exceed the indignation of Governor Bruere when he received

intelligence of the plundering of the magazine; he promptly called upon

the legislature to take active measures for bringing the delinquents to

justice. No evidence could ever be obtained, and the whole transaction

is still enveloped in mystery. The Governor let no opportunity escape

him to accuse the Bermudians of disloyality, and no doubt severe

punishment would have been inflicted on the delinquents could they have

been discovered.

Two American brigs under Republican colors arrived shortly after this

and remained some weeks at the west end of the islands unmolested, and

Governor Bruere complained bitterly of this to the assembly.[A]

[Footnote A: These were probably the vessels sent out from Rhode Island

under the command of Captain Whipple.]

Governor George James Bruere died in 1780, and the administration

devolved on the Honorable Thomas Jones, who was relieved by George

Bruere as Lieutenant Governor, in October, 1780.

Governor Bruere was soon openly at variance with the assembly, and did

not hesitate to accuse the people of treason in supplying the revolted

provinces with salt, exchanging it for provisions. Mr. Bruere extremely

exasperated at their trading, which he considered to be treasonable

conduct, commented on it in his message to the assembly in no measured

terms. Some intercepted correspondence with the rebels added fuel to the

flame, and on the fifteenth of August, 1781, he addressed them in a

speech which could not fail to be offensive, although it contained much

sound argument. This was followed by a message more bitter and

acrimonious, all of which they treated with silent contempt, until the

twenty-eight of September, when they discharged their wrath in an

address, in which the Governor was handled most roughly for his attacks

on the inhabitants of these islands. In return he addressed a message,

equally uncourteous in its tone, and dissolved the house.

The arrival of William Browne, whose administration commenced the fourth

of January, 1782, put an end to Mr. Bruere's rule.

The high character of the new Governor had preceded him in the colony,

and he was joyfully received on his arrival. He was a native of Salem,

Massachusetts, and was high in office previous to the Revolution, was

Colonel of the Essex regiment, judge of the Supreme Court, and Mandamus

Counselor. After the passage of the Boston Port bill, he was waited on

by a committee of the Essex delegates, to inform him, that "it was with

grief that the country had viewed his exertions for carrying into

execution certain acts of parliament calculated to enslave and ruin his

native land; that while the country would continue the respect for

several years paid him, it resolved to detach, from every future

connection, all such as shall persist in supporting or in any way

countenancing the late arbitrary acts of Parliament; that the delegates

in the name of the country requested him to excuse them from the painful

necessity of considering and treating him as an enemy to his country,

unless he resigned his office as Counsellor and Judge." Colonel Browne

replied as follows:

"As a judge and in every other capacity, I intend to act with honor and

integrity and to exert my best abilities; and be assured that neither

persuasion can allure me, nor menaces compel me, to do anything

derogatory to the character of a Counselor of his Majesty's province of

Massachusetts."--William Browne.

Colonel Browne was esteemed among the most opulent and benevolent

individuals of that province prior to the Revolution; and so great was

his popularity that the gubernatorial chair of Massachusetts was offered

him by the "committee of safety," as an inducement for him to remain and

join the "sons of liberty." But he felt it a duty to adhere to

government; even at the expense of his great landed estate, both in

Massachusetts and Connecticut, the latter comprising fourteen valuable

farms, all of which were afterwards confiscated.

By preferring to remain on the side representing law and authority, and

unwilling to adopt the course of the revolutionists, this courtly

representative of an ancient and honorable family, this sincere lover of

his country, this skilled man of affairs, this upright and merciful

judge, once so beloved by his fellow townsmen, drew upon himself their

wrath, and he fled from his native country never to return again. First

he sought refuge in Boston in 1774, then in Halifax, and from there he

went to England in 1776, where he remained till 1781, when he was

appointed Governor of Bermuda, as a slight return for his great

sacrifices and important services in behalf of the Crown. Colonel Browne

married his cousin, the daughter of Governor Wanton, of Rhode Island,

and was doubly connected with the Winthrop family; the wives of the

elder Browne and Governor Wanton being daughters of John Winthrop, great

grandson of the first Governor of Massachusetts. Colonel Browne's son

William was an officer in the British service at the siege of Gibralter

in 1784.

Under the judicious management of Governor Browne the colony continued

to steadily flourish; he conducted the business of the colony in the

greatest harmony with the different branches of the legislature. He

found the financial affairs of the islands in a confused and ruinous

state, and left them flourishing. In 1778 he left for England, deeply

and sincerely regretted by the people, and was succeeded by Henry

Hamilton as Lieutenant Governor, during whose administration the town of

Hamilton was built and named in compliment of him.

Near the close of the American Revolution a plan was on foot to take

Bermuda, in order to make it "a nest of hornets" for the annoyance of

British trade, but the war closed, and it was abandoned. It, however,

proved a nest of hornets to the United States during the late civil war.

At that time St. George's was a busy town, and was one of the hot-beds

of secession. Being a great resort for blockade runners, which were

hospitably welcomed here, immense quantities of goods were purchased in

England, and brought here on large ocean steamers, and then transferred

to swift-sailing blockade runners, waiting to receive it. These ran the

blockade into Charleston, Wilmington and Savannah.

It was a risky business, but one that was well followed, and many made

large fortunes there during the first year of the war, but many were

bankrupt, or nearly so at its close.

Here, too, was concocted the fiendish plot of Dr. Blackburn, a

Kentuckian, for introducing yellow fever into northern cities, by

sending thither boxes of infected clothing.

[The foregoing article on the history of Bermuda was compiled by the

author of "Stark's Illustrated Bermuda Guide," published by the

Photo-Electrotype Company, of 63 Oliver Street, Boston. The work

contains about two hundred pages and is embellished with sixteen

photo-prints, numerous engravings, and a new map of Bermuda made from

the latest surveys.--ED.]

* * * * *

HEART AND I.

BY MARY HELEN BOODEY.

Singing, singing through the valleys;

Singing, singing up the hills;

Peace that comes, and Love that tarries,

Hope that cheers, and Faith that thrills,

Heart and I, are we not blest

At the thought of coming rest?

Singing, singing 'neath the shadow;

Singing, singing in the light;

Plucking flowerets from the meadow,

Seeing beauty up the height,

Heart and I, are we not gay

Thinking of unclouded day?

Singing, singing through the summer;

Singing, singing in the snow;

Glad to hear the brooklets murmur,

Patient when the wild winds blow,

Heart and I, can we do this?

Yes, because of future bliss.

Singing, singing up to Heaven;

Singing, singing down to earth;

Unto all some good is given.

Unto all there cometh worth;

Heart and I, we sing to know

That the good God loves us so.

* * * * *

ELIZABETH.

A ROMANCE OF COLONIAL DAYS.

BY FRANCES C. SPARHAWK, Author of "A Lazy Man's Work."

CHAPTER VIII.

DEPARTURE.

With suppressed ejaculations and outspoken condolences the party broke

up. It was not until the last one had gone that Mrs. Eveleigh, leaving

her post of observation in the corner, swept out to find Elizabeth who

disappeared after Stephen Archdale had gone with Katie. She found her in

her bed-room trying to put her things into her box. Her face was

flushed, and her hands cold and trembling.

"Why have you waited so long?" she began. "We must go at once. Have you

sent for a carriage? We shall meet ours on the way."

"My dear," answered the other seating herself, "that is impossible. They

will not turn you out, if you have made a mistake. You can not go until

to-morrow, of course; nobody will expect it. I am very sorry for poor

Archdale and the young lady, but I dare say it will turn out all right."

Elizabeth raised herself from the box over which she had been stooping

throwing in her things in an agony of haste. She opened her lips, but

words failed her. The amazement and indignation of her look turned

slowly to an appealing glance that few could have resisted. She had been

used to Mrs. Eveleigh's not comprehending nice distinctions, but now it

seemed as if to be a woman would make one understand. If her father were

with her now! She turned away sharply.

"Will you see that some conveyance is here within half an hour?" she

said. "If it is a cart I will not refuse to go in it. But leave here at

once I will, if it must be on foot. For yourself, do as you choose, only

give my order."

There was something in Elizabeth's gesture, and a desperation in her

face that made Mrs. Eveleigh go away and leave her without a word. In a

moment she came back.

"I met James in the hall and sent him off in hot haste," she said. Her

tones showed that she had recovered the equanimity which the girl's

unexpected conduct had disturbed. She seated herself again with no less

complacency and with more deliberation than before.

"I brought you up to be polite, Elizabeth," she said. "Things do

sometimes happen that are very trying, to be sure, but we should not

give way to irritation. Why, where should I have been if I had? Think

how it would have distressed your dear mother to have you show such

temper."

The girl looked up sharply, looked down again, her hands moving faster

than ever, though everything grew indistinct to her for a minute.

"Are you going with me?" she asked after a pause.

"I? O, my dear child, you will not go at all this way. Perhaps it is as

well to pack up and show your dignity, but they will not let you go, you

know, your father's daughter, and all,--I told James to tell them,--it

would be shameful, I should never forgive them."

"The question is whether they will ever forgive me, whether I have not

killed Katie. Sometimes I think of it only that way, and sometimes--."

She was silent again and busy. Then all at once she stopped and walked

to the window. Her hands grasped the sash and she stood looking out at

the sky that had not gathered a cloud from all this darkness of her

life. At length she began to walk up and down as if every footstep took

her away from the house.

"I always thought it must be a dreadful thing to marry a man you did not

want," she said speaking out her thoughts as if alone; "but to marry a

man who does not want you,--that is the most terrible thing in the

world. I have done both." And she covered her face with her hands.

"Poor girl," answered Mrs. Eveleigh, "it _is_ hard. But you gave him as

good as he sent, that's a fact. Governor Wentworth spoke about it after

you left." Elizabeth had raised her head and was looking steadily at her

companion. "When young Archdale looked at you as he passed out, I mean,"

she went on. "'Great Heavens!' cried the Governor, 'did you see that

exchange of looks, scorn and hatred on both sides, and they may be

husband and wife? The Lord pity them. And poor Katie!'"

"He said that?"

"Exactly that. Why, everybody noticed it, of course. What did you say?"

she added at a faint sound from her listener.

"Nothing."

And Elizabeth said nothing until ten minutes later when the sound of

wheels sent her to the window to see that a conveyance at least fairly

comfortable had been found for them. Her bonnet and wraps were already

on.

"Are you coming?" she said to the other abruptly. "I shall start in five

minutes."

"For Heaven's sake, more time, my dear. I have not changed my dress yet.

I suppose I cannot let you go alone, I should not feel happy about it,

and your father would never forgive me in the world."

A half smile of contempt touched the girl's lips. Mrs. Eveleigh knew

what was for her own comfort too well to get herself out of Mr. Royal's

good graces, and not to be devoted to his daughter would have been to

him the unpardonable sin. But nobody would have been more astonished

than this same lady to be told that she had not a thoroughly

conscientious care of Elizabeth. She combined duty and interest as

skilfully as the most Cromwellian old Presbyter among her ancestors.

In the hall Elizabeth met her hostess.

"May I speak to Katie?" she asked timidly.

Mrs. Archdale hesitated a moment, nodded in silence and went on to the

library, the girl following. Mr. Archdale was there, and the Colonel and

his wife. Stephen sat by the great chair in which Katie was propped,

holding her hand and sometimes speaking softly to her, or looking into

her face with eyes that gave no comfort. Elizabeth seemed to see no one

but her friend, she went up to the chair, and said to her softly,

pleadingly,

"Good by, Katie."

But Katie turned away her head.

The door closed, Elizabeth had gone.