Having resided for some years amongst the Mimdas and Hos of Singbhoom,
and Chutia Nagpur, my attention was drawn at times to customs differing
a good deal in some ways, but having an evident affinity to those
related of the Nilghiri "Curumbers" in Mrs. Morgan's article. I do not
mean to say that the practices I am about to mention are confined simply
to the Kolarian tribes, as I am aware both Oraons (a Dravidian tribe),
and the different Hindu castes living side by side with the Kols, count
many noted wizards among their number; but what little I have come to
know of these curious customs, I have learnt among the Mimdas and Hos,
some of the most celebrated practitioners among them being Christian
converts. The people themselves say, that these practices are peculiar
to their race, and not learnt from the Hindu invaders of their plateau;
but I am inclined to think that some, at least, of the operations have a
strong savour of the Tantric black magic about them, though practiced by
people who are often entirely ignorant of any Hindu language.
These remarks must he supplemented by a short sketch of Kol ideas of
worship. They have nothing that I have either seen or heard of in the
shape of an image, but their periodical offerings are made to a number
of elemental spirits, and they assign a genie to every rock or tree in
the country, whom they do not consider altogether malignant, but who, if
not duly "fed" or propitiated, may become so.
The Singbonga (lit., sun or light spirit) is the chief; Buru Bonga
(spirit of the hills), and the Ikhir Bonga (spirit of the deep), come
next. After these come the Darha, of which each family has its own, and
they may be considered in the same light as Lares and Penates. But
every threshing, flour and oil mill, has its spirit, who must be duly
fed, else evil result may be expected. Their great festival (the Karam)
is in honour of Singbonga and his assistants; the opening words of the
priests' speech on that occasion, sufficiently indicate that they
consider Singbonga, the creator of men and things. Munure Singbonga
manokoa luekidkoa (In the beginning Singbonga made men).
Each village has its Sarna or sacred grove, where the hereditary priest
from time to time performs sacrifices, to keep things prosperous; but
this only relates to spirits actually connected with the village, the
three greater spirits mentioned, being considered general, are only fed
at intervals of three or more years, and always on a public road or
other public place, and once every ten years a human being was (and as
some will tell you is sacrificed to keep the whole community of spirits
in good train.) The Pahans, or village priests, are regular servants of
the spirits, and the najo, deona and bhagats are people who in some way
are supposed to obtain an influence or command over them. The first and
lowest grade of these adepts, called najos (which may be translated as
practitioners of witchcraft pure and simple), are frequently women.
They are accused, like the "Mula Curumbers," of demanding quantities of
grain or loans of money, &c., from people, and when these demands are
refused, they go away with a remark to the effect, "that you have lots
of cattle and grain just now, but we'll see what they are like after a
month or two." Then probably the cattle of the bewitched person will
get some disease, and several of them die, or some person of his family
will become ill or get hurt in some unaccountable way. Till at last,
thoroughly frightened, the afflicted person takes a little uncooked rice
and goes to a deona or mati (as he is called in the different
vernaculars of the province)--the grade immediately above najo in
knowledge--and promising him a reward if he will assist him, requests
his aid; if the deona accedes to the request, the proceedings are as
follows. The deona taking the oil brought, lights a small lamp and
seats himself beside it with the rice in a surpa (winnower) in his
hands. After looking intently at the lamp flame for a few minutes, he
begins to sing a sort of chant of invocation in which all the spirits
are named, and at the name of each spirit a few grains of rice are
thrown into the lamp. When the flame at any particular name gives a
jump and flares up high, the spirit concerned in the mischief is
indicated. Then the deona takes a small portion of the rice wrapped up
in a sal (Shorea robusta) leaf and proceeds to the nearest new white-ant
nest from which he cuts the top off and lays the little bundle, half in
and half out of the cavity. Having retired, he returns in about an hour
to see if the rice is consumed, and according to the rapidity with which
it is eaten he predicts the sacrifice which will appease the spirit.
This ranges from a fowl to a buffalo, but whatever it may include, the
pouring out of blood is an essential. It must be noted, however, that
the mati never tells who the najo is who has excited the malignity of
the spirit.
But the most important and lucrative part of a deona's business is the
casting out of evil spirits, which operation is known variously as ashab
and langhan. The sign of obsession is generally some mental alienation
accompanied (in bad cases) by a combined trembling and restlessness of
limbs, or an unaccountable swelling up of the body. Whatever the
symptoms may be the mode of cure appears to be much the same. On such
symptoms declaring themselves, the deona is brought to the house and is
in the presence of the sick man and his friends provided with some rice
in a surpa, some oil, a little vermilion, and the deona produces from
his own person a little powdered sulphur and an iron tube about four
inches long and two tikli.* Before the proceedings begin all the things
mentioned are touched with vermilion, a small quantity of which is also
mixed with the rice. Three or four grains of rice and one of the tikli
being put into the tube, a lamp is then lighted beside the sick man and
the deona begins his chant, throwing grains of rice at each name, and
when the flame flares up, a little of the powdered sulphur is thrown
into the lamp and a little on the sick man, who thereupon becomes
convulsed, is shaken all over and talks deliriously, the deona's chant
growing louder all the while. Suddenly the convulsions and the chant
cease, and the deona carefully takes up a little of the sulphur off the
man's body and puts into the tube, which he then seals with the second
tikli. The deona and one of the man's friends then leave the hut,
taking the iron tube and rice with them, the spirit being now supposed
out of the man and bottled up in the iron tube. They hurry across
country until they leave the hut some miles behind. Then they go to the
edge of some tank or river, to some place they know to be frequented by
people for the purposes of bathing, &c., where, after some further
ceremony, the iron is stuck into the ground and left there. This is
done with the benevolent intention that the spirit may transfer its
attentions to the unfortunate person who may happen to touch it while
bathing. I am told the spirit in this case usually chooses a young and
healthy person. Should the deona think the spirit has not been able to
suit itself with a new receptacle, he repairs to where a bazaar is
taking place and there (after some ceremony) he mixes with the crowd,
and taking a grain of the reddened rice jerks it with his forefinger and
thumb in such a way that without attracting attention it falls on the
person or clothes of some. This is done several times to make certain.
Then the deona declares he has done his work, and is usually treated to
the best dinner the sick man's friends can afford. It is said that the
person to whom the spirit by either of these methods is transferred may
not be affected for weeks or even months. But some fine day while he is
at his work, he will suddenly stop, wheel round two or three times on
his heels and fall down more or less convulsed, from that time forward
he will begin to be troubled in the same way as his dis-obsessed
predecessor was.
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* Tikli is a circular piece of gilt paper which is stuck on between the
eyebrows of the women of the Province as ornament.
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Having thus given some account of the deona, we now come to the bhagat,
called by the Hindus sokha and sivnath. This is the highest grade of
all, and, as I ought to have mentioned before, the 'ilm (knowledge) of
both the deona and bhagat grades is only to be learned by becoming a
regular chela of a practitioner; but I am given to understand that the
final initiation is much hastened by a seasonable liberality on the part
of the chela. During the initiation of the sokha certain ceremonies are
performed at night by aid of a human corpse, this is one of the things
which has led me to think that this part at least of these practices is
connected with Tantric black magic.
The bhagat performs two distinct functions: (1st), a kind of divination
called bhao (the same in Hindi), and (2nd), a kind of Shamanism called
darasta in Hindi, and bharotan in Horokaji, which, however, is resorted
to only on very grave occasions--as, for instance, when several families
think they are bewitched at one time and by the same najo.
The bhao is performed as follows:--The person having some query to
propound, makes a small dish out of a sal leaf and puts in it a little
uncooked rice and a few pice; he then proceeds to the bhagat and lays
before him the leaf and its contents, propounding at the same time his
query. The bhagat then directs him to go out and gather two golaichi
(varieties of Posinia) flowers (such practitioners usually having a
golaichi tree close to their abodes); after the flowers are brought the
bhagat seats himself with the rice close to the inquirer, and after some
consideration selects one of the flowers, and holding it by the stalk at
about a foot from his eyes in his left hand twirls it between his thumb
and fingers, occasionally with his right hand dropping on it a grain or
two of rice.* In a few minutes his eyes close and he begins to talk--
usually about things having nothing to do with the question in hand, but
after a few minutes of this, he suddenly yells out an answer to the
question, and without another word retires. The inquirer takes his
meaning as he can from the answer, which, I believe, is always
ambiguous.
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* This is the process by which the bhagat mesmerizes himself.
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The bharotan as I have above remarked is only resorted to when a matter
of grave import has to be inquired about; the bhagat makes a high
charge for a seance of this description. We will fancy that three or
four families in a village consider themselves bewitched by a najo, and
they resolve to have recourse to a bhagat to find out who the witch is;
with this view a day is fixed on, and two delegates are procured from
each of five neighbouring villages, who accompany the afflicted people
to the house of the bhagat, taking with them a dali or offering,
consisting of vegetables, which on arrival is formally presented to him.
Two delegates are posted at each of the four points of the compass, and
the other two sent themselves with the afflicted parties to the right of
the bhagat, who occupies the centre of the apartment with four or five
chelas, a clear space being reserved on the left. One chela then brings
a small earthenware-pot full of lighted charcoal, which is set before
the bhagat with a pile of mango wood chips and a ball composed of dhunia
(resin of Shorea robusta), gur (treacle), and ghee (clarified butter),
and possibly other ingredients. The bhagat's sole attire consists of a
scanty lenguti (waist-cloth), a necklace of the large wooden beads such
as are usually worn by fakeers, and several garlands of golaichi flowers
round his neck, his hair being unusually long and matted. Beside him
stuck in the ground is his staff. One chela stands over the firepot
with a bamboo-mat fan in his hand, another takes charge of the pile of
chips, and a third of the ball of composition, and one or two others
seat themselves behind the bhagat, with drums and other musical
instruments in their hands. All being in readiness, the afflicted ones
are requested to state their grievance. This they do, and pray the
bhagat to call before him the najo, who has stirred up the spirits to
afflict them, in order that he may be punished. The bhagat then gives a
sign to his chelas, those behind him raise a furious din with their
instruments, the fire is fed with chips, and a bit of the composition is
put on it from time to time, producing a volume of thick greyish-blue
smoke; this is carefully fanned over, and towards the bhagat, who, when
well wrapped in smoke, closes his eyes and quietly swaying his body
begins a low chant. The chant gradually becomes louder and the sway of
his body more pronounced, until he works himself into a state of
complete frenzy. Then with his body actually quivering, and his head
rapidly working about from side to side, he sings in a loud voice how a
certain najo (whom he names) had asked money of those people and was
refused, and how he stirred up certain spirits (whom he also names) to
hurt them, how they killed so and so's bullocks, some one else's sheep,
and caused another's child to fall ill. Then he begins to call on the
najo to come and answer for his doings, and in doing so rises to his
feet--still commanding the najo to appear; meanwhile he reels about;
then falls on the ground and is quite still except for an occasional
whine, and a muttered, "I see him!" "He is coming!" This state may last
for an hour or more till at last the bhagat sits up and announces the
najo has come; as he says so, a man, apparently mad with drink, rushes
in and falls with his head towards the bhagat moaning and making a sort
of snorting as if half stifled. In this person the bewitched parties
often recognize a neighbour and sometimes even a relation, but whoever
he may be they have bound themselves to punish him. The bhagat then
speaks to him and tells him to confess, at the same time threatening
him, in case of refusal, with his staff. He then confesses in a
half-stupefied manner, and his confession tallies with what the bhagat
has told in his frenzy. The najo is then dismissed and runs out of the
house in the same hurry as he came in. The delegates then hold a
council at which the najo usually is sentenced to a fine--often heavy
enough to ruin him--and expelled from his village. Before the British
rule the convicted najo seldom escaped with his life, and during the
mutiny time, when no Englishmen were about, the Singbhoom Hos paid off a
large number of old scores of this sort. For record of which, see
"Statistical Account of Bengal," vol. xvii. p. 52.
In conclusion I have merely to add that I have derived this information
from people who have been actually concerned in these occurrences, and
among others a man belonging to a village of my own, who was convicted
and expelled from the village with the loss of all his movable property,
and one of his victims, a relation of his, sat by me when the above was
being written.
--E.D. Ewen