FORTY-NINTH LETTER.

_Rome, May 26, 1870._—The intellectual superiority of the Opposition has

made itself so sensibly felt in the course of the debate on infallibility

that they have visibly won in spirit and confidence, while a decrease of

the assurance of victory hitherto manifested by the majority is

observable. There is no sign yet of the breaking up of the Opposition or

the desertion of its members to the infallibilist camp. The Court party

had confidently reckoned on a considerable number of mere inopportunists

giving in and separating from the opponents of the actual doctrine of

infallibility, as soon as the dogma came to be discussed. The latter was

said to be a mere tiny fraction, who would eventually take fright at their

own impotence and come over. But as yet this hope has not been realized,

and there are many indications that it is not likely to be realized, for

the course of events and their experiences in Rome, as well as the

discussions, both oral and written, have converted inopportunists into

decided fallibilists. Cardinal Schwarzenberg has spoken with great power

and dignity, and even the most zealous adherents of the Roman dogma must

have been somewhat impressed by his declaration that its effect in Bohemia

would be to make the nation first schismatic and then gradually

Protestant. It at the same time illustrated the conduct of the Jesuits in

a way that will not be forgotten. When the Archbishop of Paris affirmed

that the much desired infallibilist decree was not one of the causes of

the Council, but its sole cause, every one felt what a bitter truth had

been uttered, and that the veil would thereby be torn away from that web

of untruths and dishonest reticences about the object of the synod, by

which the Bishops had been deceived and enticed as it were into a trap to

Rome. Veuillot indeed had openly said in his official organ at the end of

April, that to decree the new dogma was the principal and at bottom the

sole office of the Council. That was at the very time when about eighty

Bishops put out their strong protestation that they had come to Rome under

the erroneous impression, deliberately suggested by the _Curia_, that the

question of infallibility would not be brought before the Council; while

yet Cardoni had many months before, in the Commission on Faith, presented

by command of the Pope the report which has lately been printed, and the

whole Commission had agreed with him that papal infallibility should be

defined. That same Commission, with the Jesuit Perrone and Dr. Schwetz of

Vienna at its head, has now presented an address to the Pope urging the

definition of the new article of faith, without which those worthies think

they cannot exist any longer.

The infallibilist speaker who created most sensation was Cardinal Cullen,

Archbishop of Dublin. He gained the warm applause of his party by the

aggressive tone of his speech, in which he attacked especially Hefele and

Kenrick. He appealed to the testimony of MacHale to show that the mind of

Ireland has always been infallibilist—a glaring falsehood, as is proved by

the famous Declaration of the Irish Catholics in 1757 formally repudiating

the doctrine. And it made no slight impression, when the grey-haired

MacHale rose to repudiate the pretended belief in infallibility not merely

for himself but for Ireland. But it is certainly true that in former times

for more than a century the Irish people, like the Spanish, was victimized

to papal infallibility. Every Irishman or Spaniard, who knew the history

of his country, would recoil with horror from a theory which has borne

such poisonous fruit for both nations in the past and may be equally

injurious in the future. To acquaint the Catholic tenants in Ireland with

the infallible decisions of Popes about heresy and heretics would be

enough at once to increase ten-fold the agrarian crimes prevalent there,

and would be the surest means for reproducing such a massacre as occurred

there in 1641.

When Cullen replied to the Archbishop of St. Louis, “non est verum,” the

aged prelate requested leave of the Legates to defend himself briefly. It

was refused. Hefele was as little free to answer Cullen’s attack, and has

therefore had a pamphlet in his justification printed at Naples. A new

work by one of the most illustrious of the French Bishops is also expected

from Naples, designed to prove against the Jesuits of the _Civiltà_ the

necessity of moral unanimity for dogmatic decrees. Another Irishman,

Leahy, Archbishop of Cashel, said such absurd things in favour of the

Court dogma that his speech was considered a clear gain for the minority.

There are 89 speakers inscribed for the general debate, and not a third of

them have yet spoken. This opens out a prospect of the debate being spun

out to a great length, oppressive as the tropical heat is now become. The

_Curia_ still relies on the Northerners being tamed down. If only a good

many of them would emulate the example of the Bishop of Hildesheim, and go

away! The plan has often succeeded with English and Irish juries, of

locking them up, when they could not agree, till they found a true

verdict. But that won’t answer here. On the contrary the longer the debate

lasts, the more numerous the Opposition party becomes. At first many

Bishops thought they might fairly gratify the good and amiable Pius, who

won all hearts, even by making a new dogma, and give him the present he so

greatly longed for. But Pius has completely cured his former worshippers

of this disposition to make an article of faith “pour les beaux yeux du

Pape.” It has no doubt happened before that Italian Bishops have been

treated by the Pope like servants, hired for the day’s work and dismissed

again if they did not obey the orders of the _Curia_. One need only refer

to that parody on a synod, the fifth Lateran assembly, when Leo X.

propounded downright forgeries and untruths to his Italian Bishops, who

had to call themselves an Œcumenical Council, and dictated their votes.

But even there no one ventured to treat Transalpine Bishops—Germans,

French and Hungarians—with the insolent contempt now shown, to refuse even

a reply to their urgent petitions and representations, and to make them

drain the cup of humiliations and grievances to the very dregs. But the

great task to be achieved in the first months of the Council was the

kneading and manipulating the Bishops in all possible ways, so as to make

them feel the immeasurable gulf between the master and the servants, that

they might be more ready at last to sacrifice their episcopal dignity and

ancient rights on the altar of Roman supremacy. When once they have

assented to the infallibilist dogma, they neither can nor ought to be or

desire to be anything else but passive and unintelligent promulgators and

executors of papal commands and decrees on faith. That what is really

required of them is to abdicate their office as a teaching body and

themselves abolish their authority, Ketteler has lately declared without

reserve in the Congregation; and he is a man who has profited much by his

Roman schooling, though in a quite different sense from what his master

intended. The Roman system of drill does not succeed with Germans,

Hungarians and Americans.

A note received a fortnight ago from Paris by M. de Banneville, to be

communicated or read to Cardinal Antonelli, has created great excitement

here, owing to his studiously concealing it from his diplomatic

colleagues. Its substance is as follows: France renounces any further

interference with what is going on here, and contents herself henceforth

with taking note of the decisions of the Pope and the Council. The

Government has done its duty, as a friendly Catholic power, in seeking to

withdraw the Court of Rome from the perilous path on which it has entered.

The attempt has proved fruitless. The _Curia_ seems resolved to ruin

itself. France will maintain the attitude of a passive spectator, but

accepts the altered condition of things introduced by this declaration of

war on the part of the Roman Court. On the day of the definition the

Concordat ceases to be in force and the previous relation of Church and

State expires. The State separates itself from the Church and the French

troops leave Rome. Separation of Church and State means in France and

elsewhere that the budget of worship will be dropped, and the clergy must

be supported by the faithful. And here I may mention a fact which has come

to my knowledge on the best authority. When Count Daru was going to

despatch his famous memorial to the Holy See, he wished for an

interpolation in the Chamber on the attitude of the Government towards the

occurrences in Rome, and a friend of his applied on the subject to one of

the most celebrated orators of the Left, who declined, saying, “Rome fait

trop bien nos affaires pour qu’il soit de notre intérêt de lui créer des

embarras.” The contents of the note mentioned above are confirmed by the

words of a leading statesman at Paris, quoted by a Bishop who has lately

returned from thence, that for his own part he considered the separation

of Church and State in France inevitable. He had however assented to the

well-meant attempt of Count Daru to warn the Pope, and if possible deter

him from his short-sighted enterprise; but as that attempt had proved

futile, it remained to take advantage of the blunders of the _Curia_. So

enormous a spiritual power as the Court of Rome was aiming at was

incompatible with the possession of secular power, and accordingly the

French troops must be withdrawn from Rome, and matters left to take their

course.

Even now there is a wish discernible among Cardinals like di Pietro, Corsi

and Bilio, to discover some intermediate formula, while the party men,

like Manning, Pie, Cullen, and all who have been concerned in the

agitation and have staked their credit on its result, hold to the most

uncompromising form, as laid down in the existing programme. The latter

reckon on their overpowering preponderance of numbers, on the power of the

Pope, and the dread of ecclesiastical methods of coercion, such as

excommunication and the like, whereby all resistance will be certainly put

down. On the other hand, the Cardinals and members of the Papal Cabinet

just referred to prefer to set their hopes on the hazy views and yielding

temper of many Bishops of the minority, and think that an ambiguous

formula might serve at once to delude and divide them. Their watchword is

“conciliazione, un partito di conciliazione.” But all their ingenuity is

expended in the elaboration of a phrase which may contain in a somewhat

allegorical and obscure form the infallibility and universal monarchy of

the Pope. To this conciliatory section also belongs a man who understands

the greatness of the danger clearly enough, and who so lately uttered

words which have become notorious here: “This Pope began by destroying the

State, and now will close his career by destroying the Church too.” Yet

the speaker of these words does not scruple to use his high position and

influence for actively furthering the undertakings which must lead to the

catastrophe.

It is impossible for outsiders to form anything like an adequate

conception of the complication of views and plans and the multifarious

activity of the Roman _prelatura_. Things happen which must appear

incredible to every one who has heard of the proverbial skill and gift of

accurate calculation possessed by the ruling clergy here. Thus a member of

a powerful Order is sentenced to six years’ imprisonment by the Holy

Office on account of an occurrence in a nunnery here, the convent being at

the same time broken up and the nuns distributed over other convents. Yet

after scarcely two years’ imprisonment this man, who is unhappily a

German, is brought back here, and intrusted with the preparation of the

draft decrees for the Council, and now the Court trusts to its favourite

“segreto del S. Ufficio” for the cause of his sentence and of the

dissolution of the convent not coming to the ears of the Bishops, but in

vain. The matter has created too great a sensation, and the culprit is too

well known.

Meanwhile the minority are being plied with reasons, which are only

mentioned cursorily, or not at all, in the printed documents of the Court

and the majority. They are told that all their own interests depend on the

papal authority being preserved intact, and that the evils they fear from

the proclamation of the dogma cannot come into comparison with this common

interest. They are bidden to remember how far the Pope has already

committed himself in this matter; since John XXII.—more than 600 years

ago—no Pope has thrown the Brennus sword of his authority into the scale

to decide a question of doctrine, but Pius has cut himself off from all

possibility of retreat by his _Schema_, his conversations with many

Bishops, and his letters of encouragement and commendation to

infallibilist writers. He has declared, not once or twice but a hundred

times, that he knows and _feels_ his infallibility, and wills the Catholic

world to believe it. He might simply by a Bull condemn all who oppose it

as heretics, and how many of the Bishops would summon courage to resist

the Bull?

As yet these reasons, practical as they appear, have not produced much

effect. The Opposition grows visibly, and the speeches of its members have

produced an impression quite unexpected by themselves. The words of the

Melchite Patriarch, Jussuf, have kindled a flame among the Orientals too,

and there are Bishops who tell me they had not thought it possible for a

discourse in the Council Hall to produce so great a revolution of feeling.

But I will not conceal from you that you may find in Margotti’s _Unita_,

which draws its information from the highest authority, news in comparison

to which my statements must appear pure fables. He writes from here on the

18th of May, “The action of the Holy Ghost is beginning to be felt; the

Opposition diminishes daily. Cardoni has just issued his masterly work on

papal infallibility, and now every one comprehends that it is the sole

remedy and defence against the dominant pest of journalism and a free

press. We must have a Pope who, being himself infallible, can _daily_

teach, condemn and define, and whose utterances no Catholic ever dares to

doubt.”(102) So runs the statement in the _Unita_ of May 24. Inconceivable

blindness of past generations, who allowed whole centuries to pass without

needing or asking for a single papal definition! Henceforth the definition

wheel, which the Pope is to turn, is never to remain still for a

day—because of journalism.

Thus does civilisation increase the wants of men. Our forefathers had to

lead a joyless life without sugar, coffee, tea, alcohol and cigars, and

stood on so low a level of cultivation that they fancied they got on very

well without any infallible papal definition. But we, who are so

gloriously advanced, require besides bodily enjoyments many—if possible

very many—daily infallible definitions, and the Pope, out of sheer

inexhaustible goodness, is on the point of acceding to the earnest prayers

of 180 millions and opening the definition machine. Veuillot lately

declared it was high time that the fact of the Pope’s permanent divine

inspiration should be universally acknowledged; Margotti says that we want

not only this, but daily definitions.(103) In this noble rivalry of the

two Court journalists the Italian has evidently stolen a march on the

Frenchman.

In my former statistics the number of Americans was put too high and of

French too low. Only 23 Americans were lately calculated to belong to the

Opposition, to whom must be added 10 Orientals, 4 Portuguese, 10 Italians

and 5 Spaniards, making the whole minority over 120.

Letters From Rome on the Council · 第 60 / 145 题