TWENTY-THIRD LETTER.

_Rome, Feb. 16, 1870._—The order of business is now to be altered, which

means that an end is to be put to the speeches. The Bishops are to hand in

their views, scruples and suggestions in writing to the Commission for

revising motions, which will use its own discretion as to noticing or

leaving unnoticed the proposals made with a view to their being submitted

to the Council. There will then, in place of a discussion, be a mere

voting, which individuals may give their reasons for, if they have

previously stated the particular point they wish to speak on and obtained

leave for it. And in the new order of business, the Pope’s right to make

and promulgate decrees on faith with a mere majority is said to be

emphatically laid down. When this and the anticipated and dreaded _Schema_

“On the Pope” are promulgated, we shall see what attitude the Bishops will

assume towards them. Both are now suspended like two swords over the heads

of the Fathers. All at last depends on whether the Opposition remains

compact, or crumbles to pieces under the efforts of the curialists.

If the general war required by the principles of the new _Schema_ against

modern systems and governments, which conflict in numberless cases with

the laws of the Church, is to be undertaken, the question arises, Where is

the army to carry it on, and what weapons are to be employed? No doubt the

trumpeters of the army are ready at hand, viz., the Jesuits of the

_Civiltà_ and the monastery of Laach, but it seems a doubtful look-out

about soldiers. The Jesuits, indeed, command at present a considerable

number of distinguished and wealthy females, but that will not go far in

the great contest against laws, parliaments and governments. The Pope

himself must principally supply the arms, which can only be the old ones

of excommunication, interdict and processes of the Inquisition.

Excommunication was formerly very effective, when the excommunicated could

be proceeded against as heretics after a twelve-month, but that is no

longer feasible. Interdict, too, is become a blunted instrument, which no

Pope has ventured to make use of since Paul V. succumbed in his battle

with Venice. The Inquisition only survives now for the 700,000 souls of

the present States of the Church. That drastic means of giving up

refractory populations _en masse_ to slavery and spoliation, as applied by

Clement V., Nicolas V., Julius II., and Paul III., cannot easily be

adopted now. So they will be content for the time with establishing the

principle, and must await more favourable circumstances for realizing it.

But the Bishops are between two fires: they are discredited with Rome,

because they must continue to acknowledge the civil laws, which are in

fact condemned; they are exposed with their Governments and people to the

constant suspicion of being on the watch for some political complication

to secure the triumph, at least in particular cases, of the ecclesiastical

principles recognised as valid at Rome—in other words, the Decretals—over

the laws of the State.

It seemed to me important to ascertain more precisely the attitude of the

Dominicans—who are still a powerful corporation, through their possessing

such influential offices as the Inquisition, Index, Mastership of the

Sacred Palace, etc.—towards Infallibilism. They have always been the

standing rivals and opponents of the Jesuits, and before 1773 were often

able to resist them successfully. Now, of course, everywhere out of Rome,

they are out-flanked and repressed by the Jesuits, while in Rome they have

no influence with the Pope. Yet they too are all decided Infallibilists,

and that because of their great theologian, Thomas Aquinas. That he

himself became implicated in this notion only through means of the

forgeries in Gratian, and of another great fabrication, with spurious

passages of the Fathers, specially devised for his own benefit, they

neither know, nor are willing to believe when told of it. They say they

have once sworn to the doctrine of St. Thomas, and must therefore adhere

to the Infallibilist doctrine introduced by him into the schools, to avoid

perjury.(55)

A certain feeling of discouragement betrays itself among many

Infallibilists, and there is much in the occurrences of the last few weeks

to account for it. Thus the Archbishop of Milan, whose diocese nearly

equals in extent the whole States of the Church, has received an address

from his clergy and people expressing agreement with his work against the

dogma, which has greatly rejoiced him. And the news of the state of

feeling in Germany is disheartening. Golden results had been reckoned on

from the efforts of the Jesuits and their pupils there for the last twenty

years. It was supposed here that a very considerable number of people

beyond the Alps must be inspired with zeal for Papal Infallibility. When

the impulse given by Döllinger evoked so many and such weighty expressions

of opinion on the other side, it was confidently expected in Rome that a

strong popular demonstration in favour of the dogma would burst out, like

a mighty hurricane, from every district in Germany, as the 800 Jesuits at

work there would easily be able to bring that to pass. But now it is

evident that no single man of influence in the whole country will make

himself responsible by name for this opinion, and that all who are eminent

for authority and knowledge—especially historians and theologians—protest

against the proposed new dogma. Even the Jesuit Catechism has not been

able to effect everything in this respect. Can a new dogma be fabricated

for Spaniards, Italians and South Americans exclusively? And even in North

Italy an opposition is being manifested. It is a questionable policy to

show to the German people so openly the gulf between their religious

thoughts and desires and those of the Latin nations, and even to widen

that gulf. And in what position would the episcopal signataries of the

Fulda Pastoral find themselves, after giving such an explicit assurance to

Catholic Germany, “that the Council would establish no new or different

dogmas from those already written by faith on the hearts and consciences

of all German Catholics”? The faith and conscience of the German

Catholics, both theologians and laity, have now spoken loudly and

unequivocally enough. And it is utterly impossible for a German Bishop to

return home from the Council with the new dogma ready-made in his hand,

and say to his flock, like St. Paul, “Ye foolish Germans, who hath

bewitched you?” “You don’t know yourselves what you have hitherto held in

your faith and conscience. See, here is the true bread for your souls,

just brought fresh from the bake-house of the Council. This is what you

ought long ago to have believed; be converted, and confess that to be

white which you have thought was black, and that to be a divine truth

which you have taken for an invention of man.” It cannot be presumed that

a Bishop would willingly contemplate exposing himself to the ridicule of

all Germany.

The rumour of a speedy prorogation of the Council is constantly growing

more definite. As this depends on one capricious will, it is quite

possible in itself. But some striking result would have first to be

attained, some conspicuous act accomplished by the Council; or else the

fraud would be too glaring, the nakedness of the land too strikingly

exhibited to the whole world. To the question, why ten precious weeks had

been idly wasted without a single decree being achieved, the only answer

would be, that the desire to deprive the Council of all independent action

had led to the machine being cramped and fettered till it was brought to a

standstill altogether. In accordance with the advice of the Jesuits the

whole Council had in fact been pre-arranged, and nothing was to be left to

the Fathers on their arrival at Rome but to affirm the thoughts and

formulate the decrees suggested by others. The _Schemata_ prepared shall

be read one after the other, and the Fathers shall say _Placet_, and to

prevent their having any temptation to criticise and mangle and curiously

dissect and combat the motions laid before them, the Sessions shall be

held in a Hall where the speeches cannot be heard, and all discussion is

impossible. That was the programme; the result has proved that the Court

had judged rightly of about 500 out of the 700 members, but had deceived

itself as to the remaining 200. Veuillot, who communicates the correct

views about the Council daily to the French, has declared that it was

right to deprive the Bishops of the freedom of evil (_qu’il ne fallait pas

laisser aux Évêques la liberté du mal_). This beneficent care for the

health of the Bishops’ souls has however been extended a little too far.

Many of them are so ungrateful as to think they are treated too much like

automatons, and that with the “liberté du mal” they have also been

deprived of the “liberté du bien.” The Roman lists of names from which the

Commissions had to be chosen are not forgotten. The right of proposing

motions has been made illusory by the composition of the Commission

appointed for examining them, and the arrangement for making the

permission to bring them forward dependent on the pleasure of the Pope.

And thus great uneasiness, not to say exasperation, prevails among the 200

Bishops. And on the other hand, the Pope has been for several weeks past

in a chronic state of mingled indignation and astonishment at finding so

many Bishops—even at Rome, in his own immediate neighbourhood—daring to

think and say the contrary to what he, Pius IX., thinks and says.

This rebellion of thought has not indeed yet been directly and openly

manifested in the Council Hall. But when the _Schema de Ecclesiâ_, and

with it Infallibility, really come to be discussed, then even within the

sacred precincts of St. Peter’s, and close to the Tomb of the

Apostles—which the Pope had assured himself would inspire very different

thoughts into the Bishops’ heads—bold utterances of contradiction will be

heard, and will resound throughout Europe, for “publicity discloses the

Acheron of the Council.” The expected and decisive sealing up of 3000

mouths is at an end once for all, and even that most correct and devoted

of Romanists, Veuillot, has declared in his _Univers_ that such a silence

of the grave is impossible, especially for the French, and has accordingly

blurted out such of the secrets of the Hall as seemed to him desirable

without scruple. Nor have the authorities taken it at all ill of him. But

to hear Bishops publicly in Council, and in the hearing of the Papal

Legates, proclaiming views diametrically opposed to those of the Pope—and

that, too, in a question so fundamental and so completely dominating the

whole future life of the Church—would be a scandal which must be averted

even at the heaviest cost. Some time before the Indiction of the Council,

in 1866, Pius himself formally asserted, in the most significant terms,

and in presence of a numerous assemblage of foreigners who had come to

offer him their homage, his true attitude towards the world and the

Bishops, whether assembled or dispersed. He spoke in French, and in words

carefully prepared beforehand, and I give the speech precisely as it was

reported, with the reporters’ names subscribed, in the _Monde_, the

_Union_, and the _Observateur Catholique_ of April 1, 1866, p.

357:—“_Seul_, malgré mon indignité, _je suis le successeur des apôtres_,

le vicaire de Jésus Christ; _seul_, j’ai _la mission de conduire et de

diriger la barque de Pierre, je suis la voie, la vérité, et la vie._ Il

faut bien qu’on le sache, afin de ne pas se laisser tromper et aventurer

par la parole de gens qui se disent Catholiques, mais qui veulent et

enseignent tout autre chose que ce que veut et enseigne l’Église.”

Whether he really intended thereby to deny the office of the Bishops as

successors of the Apostles, which has always hitherto been recognised in

theology, I cannot say. But this much is clear, that every Bishop who in

any important question of faith differs from the views of Pius, departs

from “the way,” swerves from “the truth,” excludes himself from “the

life.” Nothing of the sort has ever been suffered at Rome; no dissent has

ventured into the light of day. The censorship and the Inquisition have

taken care of that. It would be a supremely dangerous precedent if that

were now to happen for the first time, and with many Bishops of different

nations for the dissidents. The contradiction between the Liberal Bishops

and the Pope would be the more glaring, as Pius has only in the last few

days addressed a very categorical letter to the Liguorian Jules Jacques on

his own infallibility. He praises this man for having collected from the

writings of Liguori his statements about Papal Infallibility, and thus

exhibited the “sound doctrine.” The “unsound” doctrine cannot be freely

proclaimed in St. Peter’s, and besides it has such a peculiar power of

infection, that for centuries Rome has surrounded herself with a threefold

_cordon_ and all sorts of disinfecting remedies against this epidemic. And

accordingly, from the Roman standpoint, the adjournment of the Council

must obviously appear to be in any case the lesser evil in comparison with

so unheard-of a scandal. Just think of a philippic in the Council Hall

against the infallibility of the Pope, an exposure of the errors of

Popes—there in St. Peter’s, close to the Vatican, and before 700 Prelates!

That would indeed be, in the words of Daniel, the abomination of

desolation in the holy place.

Moreover, an adjournment and subsequent reassembling would have this

advantage, that the order of business and the locality could be changed.

So long as these remain unchanged, it is impossible to speak seriously of

a Council, and if the Roman censorship prevents any complaints on the

subject being heard, the _Curia_ cannot conceal from itself that after the

close of the Council the real state of the case will be universally

recognised as a notorious fact, and the entire want of freedom or

examination or discussion be insisted upon as a ground and justification

for rejecting the decrees. But a Council universally questioned or

rejected would be an endless source of embarrassment and distress for the

_Curia_ themselves. They would have at last to exclaim, “All I have gained

is a loss.”

These and the like thoughts are now occurring to many. The advice of the

French Government, which would on all accounts gladly welcome an

adjournment, the admonitions of Austria, which has at last, at the twelfth

hour, receded from its attitude of coldness and indifference, and the

knowledge that the two Protestant powers, Prussia and England, maintain

the same views on the threatened decrees and intended ecclesiastical

conquests, though without making any direct representations on the

subject—all this more or less contributes to the gravity of the crisis.

There are some drops of wormwood mingled with the joyous goblets quaffed

daily to the Pope by the majority of 500 obsequious and courtly Latins. As

the obedience of these Bishops and the Vicars-Apostolic, who can at any

moment be deposed by Propaganda, is unlimited, they will vote the

_Schemata_ exactly as the Pope desires; but most of them do it at least

with an inward repugnance, and say, like the Aragonese Cortes of old, “We

obey, but we don’t execute.”

Letters From Rome on the Council · 第 34 / 145 题