EIGHTEENTH LETTER.

_Rome, Feb. 6._—The report of the dissolution or prorogation of the

Council gains in strength. Manning has found it important enough to have

it contradicted in his journal, the _Tablet_. He writes, or makes somebody

write, “The Holy Father is full of strength and confidence, and has no

intention of proroguing the Council, as his enemies say.” As far as the

Pope is concerned, I hold the statement to be true. Pius is still

absolutely confident of success and firmly convinced of two

things—_first_, of his divine, legitimate and irresistible fulness of

power, which requires that a conspicuous example, memorable for all future

ages, shall be made of the Bishops who oppose him; _secondly_, of the

special protecting grace and guidance accorded to the Council by the Holy

Virgin, on whose benevolence he notoriously maintains that he has very

special claims. He has issued an Indulgence for the whole Church, which

gives us some insight into his connection of ideas and religious views. In

the Bull of December 1869, he says that the Dominican General, Jandel, has

represented to him that the new method of prayer, consisting of 150

repetitions of the “Hail, Mary,” was first introduced at the time the

grand crusade against the Albigenses was organized. But our own age is

infected with so many monstrous errors that this new method of prayer

should be employed now also, in order that under the mighty protection of

the Mother of God the Council may destroy these monsters. Whoever,

therefore, after confession and communion, recites the Rosary daily for a

week, for the Pope’s intention and for the happy termination of the

Council, may gain a plenary indulgence of all his sins, applicable also to

the dead. The Pope adds that even when a child, and far more as Pope, he

has always placed his whole confidence in the Mother of God, and that he

firmly believes it to be given to her alone by God to destroy all heresies

throughout the world. How this special power of the Holy Virgin consists

with the fact that many heresies have now lasted quietly for fourteen

centuries, it would be interesting to know. The rest the reader may find

himself in the German Pastorals.

Pius has even had his naïve but robust belief in his own heavenly

illumination and vocation to proclaim new doctrines sensibly embodied in a

picture. In a chamber beyond the Raphael Gallery there is a picture

painted by his order; he stands in glorified attitude on a throne

proclaiming his favourite dogma of the Immaculate Conception, while the

Divine Trinity and the Holy Virgin look down from heaven well pleased upon

him, and from the Cross, borne in the arms of an angel, flashes a bright

ray on his countenance. Thus Pius stands in a special mystical relation to

Mary; she guides and inspires the Council through him, and he in turn will

proclaim, with its assent, the decrees she has inspired and which will

destroy the monstrous errors of the present day, or will at least give

them a fatal blow. Unfortunately, not one single decree has yet been

brought out after exactly two months, and all the heresies continue just

as strong as before the Council met. And yet the pregnant and successful

Councils of the ancient Church did not require a longer time for their

decisions; the Council of Nice was finished in two months, the Council of

Chalcedon in six weeks. Certainly it was not then supposed that Mary had

first to give the Pope, and then he to give the Council, the weapons for

destroying heresies: they were content to rely on the Paraclete promised

by Christ.

Meanwhile the present assembly has nothing in common with those ancient

Synods, except in being composed of persons called Bishops. But our

Bishops are unlike those of the ancient Church, for they have to yield up

to the _Curia_ three-fourths of the rights possessed by their

predecessors, and it would be simply ridiculous to liken the state of

tutelage and restraint they are now placed under by the _Curia_ to the

free and independent attitude of the fifth-century Councils. The more

free-spoken among them have just addressed, on 2d February, another

Petition to the Pope, requesting that the so-called Council Hall in St.

Peter’s may be exchanged for a more suitable chamber; for now that serious

discussions on the dogmas and decrees are to begin—and the third _Schema_

will be met with strong and persevering opposition in many of its

articles—the present arrangement becomes still more intolerable than

before. Any regular discussion is simply impossible in the present Council

Hall; there is no doubt of that. “That is just right,” say the Papal

officials; “we neither desire nor need discussion, but simply that the

propositions should be voted.” “But this is an unheard-of thing, against

all conciliar usage and all natural right,” reply the Bishops. Archbishop

Darboy said, “We are called on to anathematize doctrines and persons; to

pass sentences of spiritual death. But would any jury in the world

pronounce capital sentence without first having heard the defence?” And

thus the Council has entered on a very critical period, and a spirit of

irritation is becoming visible, increased by the constantly deepening

conviction that the Bishops are to be used for purposes alien to their

minds and suicidal. One word describes the entire plot—outvoting by

majorities. The united German, French and North American Bishops are

opposed to a well disciplined army of about 500, who will vote as one man

at the beck of the Pope. This army consists of 300 Papal boarders, the 62

Bishops of the Roman States who are doubly subject to him, 68 Neapolitans,

80 of the Spanish race, some 110 titular Bishops without dioceses, the

Italian Cardinals, 30 Generals of Orders, etc.(45) In a word, the Latin

South is arrayed against the French and German North. And therefore the

design of the _Curia_, to carry decrees or dogmas on every question of

Church and State, etc., by a mere calculation of _plus_ and _minus_, is

doubly monstrous and utterly unchurchlike. For, _first_, it must

inevitably produce a deep national irritation, if it is said hereafter in

Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, France and the United States, “The Italians and

Spaniards have triumphed over our views and interests at Rome, simply

because their dioceses are much smaller than ours and they have 50 Bishops

for 100,000 souls, while we have only one.” _Secondly_, it involves a

complete break with the past of the Church and the practice of Councils.

Some Bishops have examined the official records of the Council of Trent by

the Roman historian Pallavicini, and have found there that Pius IV.

directed his Legates—and that too with special reference to a decree on

the fulness of Papal jurisdiction—to make no decrees the Bishops were not

_unanimously agreed upon_.(46)

But now just the contrary is to take place. The decisive contest on that

point—if it comes to an open contest—will not be fought on the third

_Schema_, _On __ the Church and the Pope_, but at once on the first

_Schema_, the handiwork of the Jesuits, when it is returned to the

Council, professedly modified but in substance unchanged, from the

Commission of two Jesuits and three Infallibilists. As we hear, no

attention has been paid to the counter representations of the Bishops,

some of whom have objected to it altogether as superfluous and

mischievous, some as erroneous and exaggerated. It will now without

further discussion, which is simply impossible in the Council Hall, be

accepted by the mere majority of votes of the compact troop of

Infallibilists, who are at the Pope’s command as _valets à tout faire_,

and proclaimed as a dogma by Pius, _approbante Concilio_, as the form

runs. Thereby, according to approved Roman doctrine, has the Holy Ghost

spoken by the mouth of His divine representative, “causa finita est;” and

it only remains for the 150 or 200 opposing Bishops to make all haste to

perform a great mental evolution, to change their laws of thought, to

reverence as revealed truth what they have hitherto rejected as error, and

to force the clergy and laity under them by excommunication and suspension

to perform the same gymnastic feat of leaping at one jump from unbelief

into firm and immoveable faith.

The modern and purely mechanical scholasticism has brought matters to such

a pass that many seriously look upon the Council as a machine, which only

needs turning to get new dogmas carried and authorized by the Holy Ghost.

Formerly, theologians used to say that the voice of a General Council is

nothing but the voice of the whole Church concentrated in one place; that

every Bishop bears witness to the traditional belief of his Church and of

his predecessors; and that the harmony of these testimonies proves what is

the universal belief, and thus attests the truth and purity of the

profession of faith sanctioned by the Council. But now all this is

entirely changed. The Bishops have come, without any previous knowledge as

to what they were to vote about; long-winded and ready-made documents are

laid before them on questions most of them have never examined in their

lives, of which their flocks at home know nothing and have never heard;

they are expected to pass decrees the necessity and opportuneness of which

appear to them highly problematical, and to pronounce a string of

anathemas, because the Pope and Jesuits will it. They are cooped up in a

treadmill called a Council, and must willingly or unwillingly grind what

is thrown into it. It cannot indeed be exactly said that this procedure is

new and unprecedented, for the same thing occurred, on a much smaller

scale, at the Fifth Lateran Council under Julius II. and Leo. X.; but then

only the Italian Bishops were made use of, who had long been broken in to

the _rôle_ of flunkeys. Now, on the contrary, the Bishops of all nations

have been brought into prison at Rome, and are to say Yea and Amen to the

decrees the _Curia_ and the Jesuits have drawn up and mean to make

obligatory.

But the minority have taken courage, and stand on the defensive; and so

the machine is at a standstill. The opponents of Infallibilism have not

decreased; on the contrary, it is now thought that about 200 will vote

against it. Many, who at first were only “inopportunists,” have now

through more careful investigation of the question become decided

opponents of the doctrine itself.

Antonelli does not spare assurances, that the Governments may be quite at

ease as to the decrees to be issued by the Council; he says they only

affect theology, that nothing will be changed in practical life by them,

and that the _Curia_ has no intention of employing them for the purpose of

interfering with political affairs. But these reassuring declarations are

only made orally; great care is taken to avoid putting them into a

written, and therefore binding, form. Meanwhile the French Government

perfectly comprehends the situation and the objects aimed at, and has

already announced that it will fully support its Bishops and protect them

against the threatened domination by majorities. Archbishop Lavigerie has

gained nothing in Paris, and the decision of France has been communicated

to the Cardinal Secretary of State, to the effect that the Government will

not allow the 33 French Bishops and their allies of the German and English

tongue to be crushed and forced into adopting dogmas they have rejected.

The _Civiltà_ has just been singing the praises of Count Daru, who is a

living proof that there are still real statesmen; it will very soon adopt

just the opposite tone.

Among the points which make the Bishops the more astonished, the longer

they stay here and the more narrowly they inspect the condition of things,

is the decline of study in Rome, and the want, not merely of learned men

but even, and most especially, of well-grounded theologians. Rome was

never a favourable soil for serious study and true learning; a resource

was found in attracting foreigners here, which could easily be done by

means of the great Religious Orders whose Generals reside here. But now

these Orders, with the exception of the Jesuits, are in the same state of

decay. Where are men of distinguished learning to be found among the

Dominicans, Carmelites, Cistercians and Franciscans of our own day? To the

Pope himself and those immediately about him this is a matter of

indifference; Pius feels instinctively that, if there were real

theologians at Rome, they would all offer at least a passive resistance to

his _penchant_ for creating new dogmas. Only the Jesuits and their pupils

favour that sort of thing; and as long as there were real theologians in

Rome, history knows of no Pope who was possessed with this abnormal

passion for fabricating dogmas.

Now, indeed, among the 41 Italian Cardinals, only two are named as

theologians, the Thomist Guidi and the Barnabite Lulio. Of the

achievements of the latter nothing is known, and he has left the Jesuits

to their own devices in the elaboration of the _Schemata_; but in the

Council he is the chief representative of Roman theology. More

distinguished than Lulio is the Piedmontese Prelate and Professor,

Audisio, author of a History of the Popes, which of course cannot be

measured by a German standard. Vincenzi, a good Orientalist and author of

a learned—but in the main erroneous—apology for Origen, being a quiet,

modest man who goes his own way, is thought nothing of here, and has

neither title, dignities, nor benefices, although in knowledge he

outweighs twenty Monsignori. De Rossi, the most acute and learned among

the genuine Romans, who has educated himself by the study of German works,

is a layman and therefore cannot be anything. The Dominican Modena,

Secretary of the Congregation of the Index and as such director of the

whole institution, who died a few weeks ago, passed here for a learned

theologian, but no monuments of his knowledge and research are extant

outside the Index. When a foreigner observed to him shortly before his

death that, in order to condemn German or English books, one should

understand something of the language, he showed great surprise at so

unheard-of a demand, and replied that for Italians, who notoriously far

excel all nations in genius and acuteness, if a foreigner translated a

couple of passages from a book into Latin or Italian, that supplied quite

enough materials for pronouncing a censure on the book. The Dominican

Gatti has now succeeded Modena as Secretary of the Index, and therefore as

supreme judge _ex officio_ of the literature of the world. On his

scientific capacity and literary achievements history is silent. And so

the few learned works produced here have to be provided by foreigners

domiciled at Rome.

Theiner publishes documents from the Archives, so far, that is, as they

serve “the good cause;” much he is notoriously forbidden to publish. The

French Benedictine, Pitra, now a Cardinal, edits the original documents of

Greek canon law; the French Chaillot writes the single important Church

journal or record, _Analecta Juris Pontificii_, where, notwithstanding its

rigid Ultramontane line, useful collections or ancient treatises not

previously printed may here and there be found. Dogmatics and theological

philosophy—_i.e._, philosophy adapted to dogmatic needs and ends—are

provided here by the three German Jesuits, Schrader, Franzelin and

Kleutgen. For here Germans are only thought available when they have first

been transformed into Jesuits and thereby, as far as possible,

un-Germanized. That Order, on which the features of the Spanish national

character of the sixteenth century are still indelibly impressed, cannot

tolerate a genuine German in his natural shape; it would be compelled to

eject him as Etna vomited out the brazen slipper of Empedocles. It is well

known that the most industrious and learned of the Roman Prelates,

Liverani, was obliged to leave Rome; he lives, I believe, at Florence.(47)

If we examine the names of the Professors at the Roman University of the

Sapienza, we find among the teachers of theology, with the solitary

exception of the Canon-Regular, Tizzani, who is now blind, only

monks—Dominicans, Carmelites and Augustinians—and these mere names wholly

unknown beyond the walls of Rome. No less lamentable is the view presented

by the philosophical, mathematical and philological departments. The best

that can be said of this University, the intellectual metropolis of

180,000,000, is about this, “que c’est une fille honnête qui ne fait pas

parler d’elle.”

On the whole, the air here is much too raw, the soil inhospitable, the

Index too near, and the censorship too merciless, for scientific works and

serious investigations. The Italians say of a mindless work, “É scritto in

tempo di Scirocco.” And here there is an intellectual scirocco established

in permanence. And thus the brave German Benedictines, who assembled here

some years ago under an Italian Abbot, Pescetelli, in St. Paul’s without

the Walls, have become victims of the unhealthy atmosphere—that is,

besides the mental scirocco indigenous here, the sharp north wind blowing

from the Gesù. They had energetic men among them, such as Nickes and

others, were anxious to work in German fashion, and made a good beginning

in a volume of _Voices from Rome_, published in 1860; a German Cardinal

was their protector. But no sooner had they been denounced to the Pope by

the Jesuits—German and of ill-repute for orthodoxy are synonymous terms

here than they had to decamp. The Abbot, weary of these chicaneries,

resigned his office and returned to Montecassino. But the Benedictines

generally are looked on most unfavourably by the authorities here. As it

was said in a capital sentence at Paris, in 1794, that the condemned man

was “suspected of being suspected of deficient sense of citizenship,” so

must it be said of the Benedictines here that they “are suspected of being

suspected of a deficient sense of Papalism.” They are not devoted enough

towards the _Curia_; these little religious communities cannot be so

entirely kept in hand, the Jesuits from of old are hostile to them, and it

is found in Rome that they have not hitherto rendered sufficient service

to the great cause of strengthening Roman domination. They are therefore

to be revolutionized, and, like the Jesuits and the Mendicant Orders, to

receive a monarchical constitution. Their autocratic General will then

reside in Rome, and the Pope will do with them what he did with the

Dominicans, when he made Jandel, the Jesuit pupil, their General. Then the

Benedictines will be for the Jesuits what the Gibeonites were for the

Israelites, their “hewers of wood and drawers of water.”(48)

Such a project for revolutionizing the Benedictines, who would then of

course cease to be sons of St. Benedict, is reputed to be among the

measures prepared for the Council. If the present condition of Rome be

compared with earlier ages, as late as Benedict XIV.’s reign, or even

twenty or thirty years later, there is truly an enormous difference, and

this deep decay and intellectual collapse cannot be explained by external

causes merely; inward and more hidden motives must be taken into account,

which I think I well understand, but will not here speak of. That does not

trouble our Roman clergy of to-day; they institute no comparisons, and

don’t even know the names of the men who dwelt in the same spot a century

ago. And the thought of their own poverty of intellect and culture, if it

ever occurs to the Roman clerisy, does not at all hinder their always

admiring themselves, like Dante’s Rachel,

“Mai non si smaga

Dal suo miraglio, e siedo tutto giorno

Ell’ é de’ suoi begli occhi veder vaga.”(49)

Letters From Rome on the Council · 第 29 / 145 题