ELEVENTH LETTER.

_Rome, Jan. 17, 1870._—It is a remarkable phenomenon that Pius IX., who is

every way inferior to his predecessors of this century in theological

culture, lets himself be so completely dominated by his passion for

creating new articles of faith. Former Popes have indeed had their

hobbies: some wanted to aggrandize and enrich their families; others, like

Sixtus VI., were zealous in building, or, like Leo X., in fostering art

and literature, or they waged wars like Julius II., or, finally, they

wrote learned works, and composed many long Bulls full of quotations,

etc., like Benedict XIV. But not one of them has been seized with this

passion for manufacturing dogmas; it is something quite unique in the

history of the Popes. Herein, therefore, Pius IX. is a singular phenomenon

in his way, and all the more wonderful from his hitherto having kept aloof

from theology, and, as one always hears, not being in the habit of ever

reading theological books. If it is inquired how this strange idiosyncrasy

has been aroused in the soul of a Pope who began his reign under such very

different auspices, as a political reformer, the answer given by every one

is, that it is the Jesuits, whose influence over him has been constantly

growing since he took Father Mignardi of that Order for his confessor, and

who have created and fostered in him this passion for dogma-making.

The displeasure and discontent of the Bishops finds constant nutriment in

the conduct of the _Curia_. They say that if these momentous propositions

had been laid before them in good time, some months before the opening of

the Council, so that they might have carefully examined them and pursued

the theological studies requisite for that purpose, they should have come

duly prepared, whereas now they are in the position of having to speak and

vote on the most difficult questions almost extempore. The attacks and

objections directed against the first part of the _Schema_ in their

speeches have not applied so much to the separate articles as to the

general scope and tendency of the whole, and I have not been able to

ascertain anything more certain about the matter, for the real elaboration

of the _Schema_, and discussion of its articles in detail, has to be

managed in the Commission; in the Council Hall it is impossible. As yet

there have been only long speeches on either side, as in academies or in a

school of rhetoric, which, for the most part, were not understood, and in

which the main question—what shape the decrees are to take, if issued at

all—was never grappled with.

On Friday, January 14, the debate on the _Schema_ opened. This is occupied

with the duties of Bishops—their residence, visitation of their dioceses,

and obligation of frequently travelling to Rome and presenting regular

reports on the state of their dioceses; the holding of Provincial and

Diocesan Synods, and Vicars-General. The duties of Bishops are the one

thing spoken of, and the design is everywhere transparent of increasing

their dependence on the _Curia_, and centralizing all Church government in

Rome still more than before. Archbishop Darboy observed on it, that it was

above all necessary, in examining this second _Schema_, to discuss the

rights of Bishops, instead of only the duties Rome assigned them. Cardinal

Schwarzenberg had really opened the debate in this sense, and he had the

courage to speak of the College of Cardinals, and the reforms it needed. A

simple Bishop would not have been suffered to do this, but they dared not

interrupt a Cardinal. The speakers who followed, too, had a good deal to

find fault with in the _Schema_, especially Ballerini, formerly rejected

as Archbishop of Milan, and now titular Patriarch of Alexandria, and Simor

the Primate of Hungary. This Prelate has protested so emphatically against

the _Schema_ and the treatment the Bishops have experienced at the hands

of the _Curia_, that the offer of a Cardinal’s Hat seems by no means to

have produced the desired effect upon him. There are said to be still

sixteen portions or chapters of the _Schema_ in reserve, so that the

authorities are already displeased at the length of the Bishops’ speeches;

and lately one Bishop gained general applause by saying he renounced his

right to speak.

We may gain some very valuable evidences in Russia and Poland as to how

Papal Infallibility is already conceived of, and what hopes and fears

respectively are entertained in reference to the projected new dogma. The

six or seven million Catholics of that empire are very variously situated,

and have different interests, and therefore, in some sort, opposite

wishes. Among the Polish Catholics, who are just now being denationalized

and Russianized, many are always looking out for the overthrow of the

Russian dominion, and the restoration of a kingdom of Poland. To this

party belongs Sosnowski, formerly administrator of the diocese of Lublin,

whom the Pope has admitted to the Council. He is to represent the whole

Polish Church at the Council, and is an ardent Infallibilist; he has

accordingly given a severe snubbing, by way of answer, to the Polish

priests who had communicated to him certain proposals of reform, with a

view of restricting Papal absolutism, to be laid before the Council. His

reply circulates here, and is also to be printed in a newspaper published

at Posen. Sosnowski represents to the Polish clergy that the emancipation

of Poland from Russia must continue to be the great object; and that for

this a Pope recognised as completely absolute and infallible is

indispensable. He appears to mean that such a Pope, being supreme lord

over all monarchs and nations, can even depose the Russian Czar, or at

least absolve the Poles from their oath of allegiance. He moreover assures

them that Pius IX. has told him he reckons confidently on this

emancipation of Poland from Russia. Here in Rome it is said and taught

that the Pope is supreme master even of heretical and schismatical just as

much as of Catholic sovereigns; for through baptism, whether received

within or without the Church, every one at once becomes his subject. And

we are reminded, in proof of this, how Pope Martin IV., in 1282, deposed

the Greek Emperor, Michael Palæologus, and absolved his subjects from

their allegiance, simply because he had made a treaty with the King of

Aragon. This explains why the Russian Government told the Bishops who

requested leave to attend the Council, that they might go to Rome, but

should not return. The 2,800,000 Catholics in Russia Proper, in the

ecclesiastical province of Mohilew, think very differently from Sosnowski.

A clergyman from thence said to-day, “If Papal Infallibility is made an

article of faith, put into the catechisms and taught in the schools, it

will bring us into a most difficult and desperate position as regards the

Russian Government and people. We shall be told that our Czar sits in

Rome, and that we obey him rather than the Czar at St. Petersburg, to whom

we only swear a conditional allegiance, holding ourselves ready to rebel,

if our infallible master at Rome absolves us from the oath; that we put

his commands and prohibitions above the law of the land and the will of

the Emperor. And thus, if Papal Infallibility is defined at Rome, it will

be almost equivalent for us to a sentence of death on the Catholic Church

in Russia, for everything will be done to undermine a Church regarded as

an enemy and standing menace to the State.”

Two new works have arrived here, each of which, in its own way, touches on

the great question of the day. The one is a book of Dr. Pusey’s, on the

relations of the English Church to the Catholic, where he declares that

making Papal Infallibility a dogma would destroy all hope of a reunion of

the Churches, or of the adhesion of any considerable section of the

English Church.(37) Manning has assured them in Rome of precisely the

reverse. The other work is the first Letter of the famous Oratorian,

Father Gratry, to the Archbishop of Mechlin, a pungent criticism on that

Prelate’s brochure in favour of Infallibility, and on his gross

misrepresentations of the history of Pope Honorius.(38) Gratry also

exposes the Roman falsifications introduced into the Breviary. It may

alarm the curialists, when they discover how all the most intellectually

conspicuous among the French clergy pronounce against their favourite

doctrine, and their design of imposing it on the whole Church, and how the

disreputable means employed for building up this system, by trickery and

forgeries, are more and more being brought to light.

The Pope’s attempt to reduce 740 members of the Council to complete

silence on all that goes on there has proved a failure, as might have been

foreseen. A great deal has come out, and the Pope manifests great

displeasure at it. In a conversation with a diplomatist, who asked him

how, with this rule, trustworthy reports could be sent to the different

Governments, he accused the French Bishops of violating the secrets of the

Council, and called them “chatterboxes” (_chiacceroni_). Accordingly, in

the Session of January 14, a more rigorous version of the order of

business was read, to the effect that the Pope had made it a mortal sin to

communicate anything that took place in the Council; so that any Bishop

who should, for instance, show a theologian, whose advice he wanted, a

passage from the _Schema_ under discussion, or repeat an expression used

in one of the speeches, incurs everlasting damnation! If your readers

think this incredible, I can only assure them that it is literally true,

and must refer them to the moral theology of the Jesuits on the foundation

of the Pope’s right to brand human actions, forbidden by no law of God,

with the guilt of mortal sin, at his good pleasure. A Papal theologian,

whom I questioned on the subject, appealed simply to the statement of

Boniface VIII., that the Pope holds all rights in the shrine of his

breast.

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