If the present situation in regard to the Council is considered, the
triumph of the Jesuit ultramontane party there appears highly probable.
The demonstration of the Rhenish Catholics has as yet assumed no larger
dimensions, and will evidently gain nothing by the projected Catholic
meeting at Düsseldorf; for not only is red-hot ultramontanism a decisive
obstacle, but the widely growing and deepening religious indifference
hinders men from taking any part in movements based on a spirit of loyalty
to the Church. In Rome, accordingly, little notice is taken of the
movement, and satisfaction is felt at the prospect of expelling this
mischievous liberal element from the Church, because then it is hoped the
kernel which remains true may be more boldly dealt with. Our German
ultramontane press, which lost no time in making a bitter and contemptuous
attack on the address of the Rhenish Catholics, is therein only the
exponent of the mind of the _Curia_. Meanwhile the German Bishops are
preparing themselves to commit an act of doctrinal and ecclesiastical
suicide, by renouncing for ever their long obscured but not as yet
surrendered rank and authority as supreme judges of faith.(6) Two of them,
Bishops Ketteler of Mayence and Fessler of St. Pölten, have already
pronounced in separate works for the infallibility of the Pope.
The diplomatic action of Prince Hohenlohe in regard to the Council has
indeed created for the time a sensation, which still continues among the
States interested in the matter, and which eventually culminated in the
desire to obtain further information about the propositions to be
submitted for the acceptance of the assembled Bishops, but even the
representative of France has been baffled by the arts of the _Curia_.
When, in June, M. Banneville put the decisive question whether they were
not prepared to deny the alarming rumours as to the propositions to be
laid before the Council, and to take immediate steps for facilitating the
representation of Catholic States in the Council through ambassadors of
their own, Antonelli replied that he had no knowledge of what was going on
in the Commissions, but as to the second point, the Church in her present
changed relations with Catholic States, which sometimes persecute her and
sometimes put her on an equality with other religious bodies, could not
take the initiative. M. Banneville, who had simply spoken of the presence
of an ambassador at the Council, but had said nothing of his rights,
stated that this conversation had “profoundly humiliated him.” Thenceforth
the Court of Rome was the more confirmed in its resolve to keep out
diplomatists from the Council. To an indirect question as to the admission
of an ambassador from non-Catholic States, which have a large Catholic
population, an instant negative was returned. The quarrel of the Austrian
Government with the Bishop of Linz has given a further impulse in the same
direction, for then Antonelli began to declare more openly that it was
indeed possible, but not likely, that any ambassadors would be admitted,
till now at last he makes no secret of its being out of the question for
Rome, under existing circumstances, to think of allowing Governments to be
represented. It would not be feasible, he opines, to admit France alone,
and what other Catholic States are there that have not already
disqualified themselves for taking part in the Council? Thus by degrees
France too is gently thrust aside with her inquiries and demands, and the
only question is whether Napoleon’s Government will be content with this.
Unless the clerical party in France itself causes the Emperor to assume an
attitude of opposition to the Jesuit ultramontane programme of the
Council, there is not much to be expected from him, since in view of the
internal difficulties his Government at present has to contend with, he is
obliged to take that party into account as an important factor in his
calculations.
The Jesuits work assiduously in France, as well as Germany, to form a
propaganda for the projected dogmas, and to familiarize men’s minds with
the idea that absolute certainty and inerrancy are only to be found with
one man, viz., the Pope. Bouix in Paris, and Christophe at Lyons, have,
with the _Monde_, and _Univers,_ already most urgently inculcated on the
Bishops what “good Catholics” expect of them in regard to the acclamation.
But, with the exception of the Bishop of Nîmes, none of them have openly
adhered to the Jesuit programme of the Council; on the contrary, the
attitude of the French episcopate is perhaps at this hour the only black
speck on the horizon of the _Curia_. And in fact with them rests the
decision in the present ecclesiastical crisis. To the French episcopate it
belongs to show that they still preserve the great traditions of internal
freedom in the Church, newly brought to light since the mediæval reforming
Councils by French theologians, and thenceforth always conspicuously
represented among them, and that they are filled with the spirit of
Bossuet, who did not confound loyalty to the Church with blind devotion to
unfounded claims of the Pope, but understood it to mean, above all things,
loyalty to the ancient spirit and original institution of the Church.
But there are good grounds for hoping that at least a majority of the
French Bishops will constitute a free-spoken opposition at the Council;
the two French theologians Freppel and Trullet, as well as Cardinal
Bonnechose, are said to have exercised a most powerful influence in this
direction.(7) The latter openly complains that words of moderation are not
listened to in Rome, and that, up to this time, giving any definite
declarations of a reassuring nature has been avoided. He is understood to
have said plainly that the great majority of the French episcopate wished
to keep peace with the State, and would lend no hand to the sanctioning of
extreme tendencies. It is even rumoured that a collective remonstrance of
the French Bishops on the notions prevalent at Rome is already
contemplated, but has not yet been able to be carried out on account of
some hesitation about the mode of action. Much may be hoped from
Dupanloup’s attitude at the Council; in him freedom of discussion and
voting is sure to find a representative equally bold and eloquent.
But even the opposition of the French Bishops will produce no results, if
the decisions of the Council are to depend on majorities, for there can be
no doubt that Rome may safely count on the great majority upholding her
designs. We should have a repetition of what occurred in the Doctrinal
Commission, when the question of Infallibility came before it, and a
Monsignore and titular Bishop, residing in Rome, produced a memorial
intended to prove that this high prerogative of the Pope had been the
abiding faith of the Church all along, and arguing from this belief for
the opportuneness of promulgating the new dogma, on the ground especially,
among others, that at no period had the Bishops been so devoted to the
Holy See as now. It is natural to expect of men so submissive, and so
ready to follow every hint of the Papal will, that they should joyfully
seize the occasion for offering this grand homage also to the Pope. This
was so conclusive to the Committee that they all decided at once, without
any discussion, for the promulgation of the new dogma. Only one of the two
German theologians, Alzog of Freiburg, opposed it; Schwetz of Vienna, on
the other hand, fully agreed. For Rome, therefore, the question is
settled, and whoever is otherwise minded at once forfeits his character
for Catholic orthodoxy.
Nor is there any more doubt about making the Syllabus dogmatic, for Roman
prelates, who wish to have the character of being very enlightened, openly
affirm that the propositions contained in it might already be regarded as
dogmas. And it is stated on the best authority, even by high dignitaries
themselves, that the whole of the seventeen questions laid before the
assembled episcopate by Cardinal Caterini at the time of the Centenary,
are to come before the Council for discussion, on the basis of the
opinions then transmitted by the Bishops to Rome. And as a considerable
number of these questions concern the relations of Church and
State—_e.g._, civil marriage, the relations of Bishops to the civil power,
etc.,—it is clear enough what credit is to be given to the assurances that
the Council will not deal with any matter that could involve the Church in
conflict with the State. It was found almost necessary, after public
opinion had been alarmed by the _Civiltà_, to change the method of
procedure. It was either expressly denied that the Council would deal with
such matters as the _Civiltà_ had indicated, or it was said that even in
Rome what subjects would come on for discussion and decision was unknown,
since the intentions of the Bishops, at present scattered over all parts
of the world, were not known, and on the general ground that the decisions
of a Council acting under Divine guidance cannot be conjectured
beforehand. As if the recent Provincial Synods, and the answers of the
Bishops to the questions laid before them by Caterini, had not supplied
Rome with a perfectly clear understanding of their views! As if it was not
notorious that the work the Council was desired to accomplish had been
already cut out for it in detail in the preparatory Congregations!
Now, at length, if we may trust a communication dated from Rome in the
_Donau Zeitung_, the authorities seem inclined to abandon this system of
playing at hide-and-seek with the public, and find it necessary, in some
measure at least, to lift the mask from their designs for the Council.
Pius IX. himself is said no longer to make any secret of his intention to
bring forward the question of Infallibility; but he declares that the
Council will be left entirely free in discussing and deciding on it, and
that it will only be raised to a dogma if a large majority pronounce for
it. And with this agrees a recent statement of Antonelli, made in the
teeth of his earlier declarations, that the Holy Father will meet the
Council with positive proposals of his own, and that no doubt can be
allowed as to the acceptance of his authority. This last clause shows what
is meant in Rome by the so-called freedom to be enjoyed by the Council. If
then that freedom is all of a sudden pointedly dwelt on, this is only one
of the devices of the _Curia_ for hoodwinking public opinion, just as
eminent theologians of liberal tendencies were summoned to the previous
Commissions, which were none the less occupied with duties of a precisely
opposite kind.
It may be conceived that loyal but far-sighted Catholics, like
Montalembert, are profoundly afflicted at the course things are taking in
questions of decisive interest for the authority and the whole future of
the Church, The religious indifference of the age will prevent any open
schism in the Catholic Church, but the internal apostasy will be all the
more extensive. All modern culture will separate itself in spirit from the
Church, which has nothing but anathemas for the development of the human
mind. And when an Œcumenical Council, which is the highest teaching
authority in the Church, degenerates into the instrument of an extreme
party, and sanctions doctrines in glaring contradiction to the teaching
and history of the Church, the very foundation on which the confidence of
faith has hitherto reposed is undermined and destroyed. And thus the ever
growing rejection of Christianity will be powerfully strengthened, so that
even believing Protestants watch with sorrow an Œcumenical Council
preparing to compromise its authority. Very different, of course, is the
view of men like Manning and Ward, who fancy the definition of Papal
Infallibility will be a short and easy way for restoring their countrymen
to the bosom of the Catholic Church. Pius IX. himself is indeed convinced
that he is only building up the Church and crowning her work in placing
the dogma of Infallibility on it as a cupola.
It has been thought fit by statesmen to exercise no constraint on the
designs of the _Curia_, but to await its decisions, and afterwards, if
they should be menacing to political interests, to employ measures of
repression. This conduct cannot, of course, accord with the mind of
believing Catholics who are not ultramontanes, as it leaves their
obligations towards those articles of faith untouched, and cannot annul
the definitions for their consciences. But the question arises, whether
from a political point of view this expedient must not be pronounced a
mistake. Consider the dangerous influence conciliar decrees provoking
hostility against the modern State and its civilisation may exert on those
numerous classes, which are always in the hands of the clergy, and form an
important factor in the life of the State. Consider, again, what is to be
expected in this respect of a clergy who, as everything serves to
indicate, will hereafter more than ever before be alienated from all
modern culture, on the express ground of the decrees of the approaching
Council, educated in a spirit of hostility to the State, and made into a
mere passive instrument of Rome. It is difficult to exaggerate the
conflicts between Church and State that may be expected to follow.