I HAVE already related to you with what care they look after their
sick, so that nothing is left undone which may contribute either to
their health or ease. And as for those who are afflicted with incurable
disorders, they use all possible means of cherishing them, and of making
their lives as comfortable as possible; they visit them often, and take
great pains to make their time pass easily. But if any have torturing,
lingering pain, without hope of recovery or ease, the priests and
magistrates repair to them and exhort them, since they are unable to
proceed with the business of life, are become a burden to themselves and
all about them, and have in reality outlived themselves, they should no
longer cherish a rooted disease, but choose to die since they cannot but
live in great misery; being persuaded, if they thus deliver themselves
from torture, or allow others to do it, they shall be happy after death.
Since they forfeit none of the pleasures, but only the troubles of life
by this, they think they not only act reasonably, but consistently with
religion; for they follow the advice of their priests, the expounders
of God's will. Those who are wrought upon by these persuasions, either
starve themselves or take laudanum. But no one is compelled to end his
life thus; and if they cannot be persuaded to it, the former care and
attendance on it is continued. And though they esteem a voluntary death,
when chosen on such authority, to be very honourable, on the contrary,
if any one commit suicide without the concurrence of the priest and
senate, they honour not the body with a decent funeral, but throw into a
ditch.*
* Memoirs. A translation of the Utopia, &c, of Sir Thomas
Moore, Lord High Chancellor of England. By A. Cayley the
Younger, pp. 102,103. (Edition of 1808.)
In pleading for the morality of Euthanasia, it seems not unwise to
show that so thoroughly religious a man as Sir Thomas Moore deemed that
practice so consonant with a sound morality as to make it one of the
customs of his ideal state, and to place it under the sanction of the
priesthood. As a devout Roman Catholic, the great Chancellor would
naturally imagine that any beneficial innovation would be sure to obtain
the support of the priesthood; and although we may differ from him on
this head, since our daily experience teaches _us_ that the priest may
be counted upon as the steady opponent of all reform, it is yet
not uninstructive to note that the deep religious feeling which
distinguished this truly good man, did not shrink from this idea of
euthanasia as from a breach of morality, nor did he apparently dream
that any opposition would (or could) be offered to it on religious
grounds. The last sentence of the extract is specially important; in
discussing the morality of euthanasia we are not discussing the moral
lawfulness or unlawfulness of suicide in general; we may protest against
suicide, and yet uphold euthanasia, and we may even protest against the
one and uphold the other, on exactly the same principle, as we shall see
further on. As the greater includes the less, those who consider that a
man has a right to choose whether he will live or not, and who therefore
regard all suicide as lawful, will, of course, approve of euthanasia;
but it is by no means necessary to hold this doctrine because we contend
for the other. _On the general question of the morality of suicide, this
paper expresses no opinion whatever_. This is not the point, and we do
not deal with it here. This essay is simply and solely directed to prove
that there are circumstances under which a human being has a moral right
to hasten the inevitable approach of death. The subject is one which is
surrounded by a thick fog of popular prejudice, and the arguments in
its favour are generally dismissed unheard. I would therefore crave the
reader's generous patience, while laying before him the reasons
which dispose many religious and social reformers to regard it as of
importance that euthanasia should be legalised.
In the fourth Edition of an essay on Euthanasia, by P. D. Williams,
jun.,--an essay which powerfully sums up what is to be said for and
against the practice in question, and which treats the whole subject
exhaustively--we find the proposition for which we contend laid down in
the following explicit terms:
"That in all cases of hopeless and painful illness, it should be the
recognised duty of the medical attendant, whenever so desired by the
patient, to administer chloroform, or such other anaesthetic as may
by-and-by supersede chloroform, so as to destroy consciousness at once,
and to put the sufferer to a quick and painless death; all needful
precautions being adopted to prevent any abuse of such duty; and means
being taken to establish, beyond the possibility of doubt or question,
that the remedy was applied at the express wish of the patient."
It is very important, at the outset, to lay down clearly the limitations
of the proposed medical reform. It is, sometimes, thoughtlessly stated
that the supporters of euthanasia propose to put to death all persons
suffering from incurable disorders; no assertion can be more inaccurate
or more calculated to mislead. We propose only, that where an incurable
disorder is accompanied with extreme pain--pain, which nothing can
alleviate except death--pain, which only grows worse as the inevitable
doom approaches--pain, which drives almost to madness, and which must
end in the intensified torture in the death agony--that pain should be
at once soothed by the administration of an anaesthetic, which should
not only produce unconsciousness, but should be sufficiently powerful
to end a life, in which the renewal of consciousness can only be
simultaneous with the renewal of pain. So long as life has some
sweetness left in it, so long the offered mercy is not needed;
euthanasia is a relief from unendurable agony, not an enforced
extinguisher of a still desired existence. Besides, no one proposes to
make it obligatory on anybody; it is only urged that where the patient
asks for the mercy of a speedy death, instead of a protracted one, his
prayer may be granted without any danger of the penalties of murder or
manslaughter being inflicted on the doctors and nurses in attendance. I
will lay before the reader a case which is within my own knowledge,--and
which can be probably supplemented by the sad experience of almost every
individual,--in which the legality of euthanasia would have been a boon
equally to the sufferer and to her family. A widow lady was suffering
from cancer in the breast, and as the case was too far advanced for the
ordinary remedy of the knife, and as the leading London surgeons refused
to risk an operation which might hasten, but could not retard, death,
she resolved, for the sake of her orphan children, to allow a medical
practitioner to perform a terrible operation, whereby he hoped to
prolong her life for some years. Its details are too-painful to enter
into unnecessarily; it will suffice to say that it was performed by
means of quick-lime, and that the use of chloroform was impossible.
When the operation, which extended over days, was but half over,
the sufferer's strength gave way, and the doctor was compelled to
acknowledge that even a prolongation of life was impossible, and that
to complete the operation could only hasten death. So the patient had to
linger on in almost unimaginable torture, knowing that the pain could
only end in death, seeing her relatives worn out by watching, and
agonised at the sight of her sufferings, and yet compelled to live on
from hour to hour, till at last the anguish culminated in death. Is it
possible for any one to believe that it would have been wrong to have
hastened the inevitable end, and thus to have shortened the agony of
the sufferer herself, and to have also-spared her nurses months of
subsequent ill-health. It is in such cases as this that euthanasia would
be useful. It is, however, probable that all will agree that the benefit
conferred by the legalisation of euthanasia would, in many instances, be
very great; but many feel that the objections to it, on moral grounds,
are so weighty, that no physical benefit could countervail the moral
wrong. These objections, so far as I can gather them, are as follows:--
Life is the gift of God, and is therefore sacred, and must only be taken
back by the giver of life.*
* We, of course, here, have no concern with theological
questions touching the existence or non-existence of Deity,
and express no opinion about them.
Euthanasia is an interference with the course of nature, and is
therefore an act of rebellion against God.
Pain is a spiritual remedial agent inflicted by God, and should
therefore be patiently endured.
_Life is the gift of God, and is therefore sacred, and must only
be taken back by the Giver of life_. This objection is one of those
high-sounding phrases which impose on the careless and thoughtless
hearer, by catching up a form of words which is generally accepted as an
unquestionable axiom, and by hanging thereupon an unfair corollary.
The ordinary man or woman, on hearing this assertion, would probably
answer--"Life sacred? Yes, of course; on the sacredness of life depends
the safety of society; anything which tampers with this principle must
be both wrong and dangerous." And yet, such is the inconsistency of the
thoughtless, that, five minutes afterwards, the same person will glow
with passionate admiration at some noble deed, in which the sacredness
of life has been cast to the winds at the call of honour or of humanity,
or will utter words ot indignant contempt at the baseness which counted
life more sacred than duty or principle. That life is sacred is an
undeniable proposition; every natural gift is sacred, _i e._, is
valuable, and is not to be lightly destroyed; life, as summing up all
natural gifts, and as containing within itself all possibilities of
usefulness and happiness, is the most sacred physical possession which
we own. But it is _not_ the most sacred thing on earth. Martyrs slain
for the sake of principles which they could not truthfully deny;
patriots who have died for their country; heroes who have sacrificed
themselves for others' good;--the very flower and glory of humanity
rise up in a vast crowd to protest that conscience, honour, love,
self-devotion, are more precious to the race than is the life of the
individual. Life is sacred, but it may be laid down in a noble cause;
life is sacred, but it must bend before the holier sacredness of
principle; life which, though sacred, can be destroyed, is as nothing
before the indestructible ideals which claim from every noble soul the
sacrifice of personal happiness, of personal greatness, yea, of personal
life.*
* The word "life" is here used in the sense of "personal
existence in this world." It is, of course, not intended to
be asserted that life is really destructible, but only that
personal existence, or identity, may be destroyed. And
further, no opinion is given on the possibility of life
otherwhere than on this globe; nothing is spoken of except
life on earth, under the conditions of human existence.
It will be conceded, then, on all hands, that the proposition that life
is sacred must be accepted with many limitations: the proposition, in
fact, amounts only to this, that life must not be voluntarily laid down
without grave and sufficient cause. What we have to consider is, whether
there are present, in any proposed euthanasia, such conditions as
overbear considerations for the acknowledged sanctity of life. We
contend that in the cases in which it is proposed that death should be
hastened, these conditions do exist.
We will not touch here on the question of the endurance of pain as a
duty, for we will examine that further on. But is it a matter of no
importance that a sufferer should condemn his attendants to a prolonged
drain on their health and strength, in order to cling to a life which is
useless to others, and a burden to himself? The nurse who tends, perhaps
for weeks, a bed of agony, for which there is no cure but death--whose
senses are strained by intense watchfulness--whose nerves are racked
by witnessing torture which she is powerless to alleviate--is, by
her self-devotion, sowing in her own constitution the seeds of
ill-health--that is to say, she is deliberately shortening her own life.
We have seen that we have a right to shorten life in obedience to a call
of duty, and it will at once be said that the nurse is obeying such a
call. But has the nurse a right to sacrifice her own life--and an
injury to health is a sacrifice of life--for an obviously unequivalent
advantage? We are apt to forget, because the injury is partially veiled
to us, that we touch the sacredness of life whenever we touch health:
every case of over-work, of over-strain, of over-exertion, is, so to
speak, a modified case of euthanasia. To poison the spring of life is
as real a tampering with the sacredness of life as it is to check its
course. The nurse is really committing a slow euthanasia. Either the
patient or the nurse must commit an heroic suicide for the sake of the
other--which shall it be? Shall the life be sacrificed, which is torture
to its possessor, useless to society, and whose bounds are already
clearly marked? or shall a strong and healthy life, with all its future
possibilities, be undermined and sacrificed _in addition to that which
is already doomed?_ But, granting that the sublime generosity of the
nurse stays not to balance the gain with the loss, but counts herself as
nothing in the face of a human need, then surely it is time to urge then
to permit this self-sacrifice is an error, and that to accept it is a
crime. If it be granted that the throwing away of life for a manifestly
unequivalent gain is wrong, that we ought not to blind ourselves to the
fact, that to sacrifice a healthy life in order to lengthen by a few
short weeks a doomed life, is a grave moral error, however much it may
be redeemed in the individual by the glory of a noble self-devotion.
Allowing to the full the honour due to the heroism of the nurse, what
are we to say to the patient who accepts the sacrifice? What are we to
think of the morality of a human being who, in order to preserve the
miserable remnant of life left to him, allows another to shorten life?
If we honour the man who sacrifices himself to defend his family, or
risks his own life to save theirs, we must surely blame him who, on the
contrary, sacrifices those he ought to value most, in order to prolong
his own now useless existence. The measure of our admiration for the
one, must be the measure of our pity for the weakness and selfishness of
the other. If it be true that the man who dies for his dear ones on the
battlefield is a hero, he who voluntarily dies for them on his bed of
sickness is a hero no less brave. But it is urged that _life is the gift
of God, and must only be taken back by the Giver of life_, I suppose
that in any sense in which it can be supposed true that life is the gift
of God, it can only be taken back by the giver--that is to say, that
just as life is produced in accordance with certain laws, so it can
only be destroyed in accordance with certain other laws. Life is not the
direct gift of a superior power: it is the gift of man to man and
animal to animal, produced by the voluntary agent, and not by God, under
physical conditions, on the fulfilment of which alone the production of
life depends. The physical conditions must be observed if we desire to
produce life, and so must they be if we desire to destroy life. In
both cases man is the voluntary agent, in both law is the means of his
action. If life-giving is God's doing, then life-destroying is his doing
too. But this is not what is intended by the proposers of this aphorism.
If they will pardon me for translating their somewhat vague proposition
into more precise language, they say that they find themselves in
possession of a certain thing called life, which must have come from
_somewhere_; and as in popular language the unknown is always the
divine, it must have come from God: therefore this life must only be
taken from them by a cause that also proceeds from _somewhere_--i e.,
from an unknown cause--i e., from the Divine will. Chloroform comes from
a visible agent, from the doctor or nurse, or at least from a bottle,
which can be taken up or left alone at our own choice. If we swallow
this, the cause of death is known, and is evidently not divine; but if
we go into a house where scarlet fever is raging, although we are in
that case voluntarily running the chance of taking poison quite as truly
as if we swallow a dose of chloroform, yet if we die from the infection,
we can imagine the illness to be sent from God. Wherever we think the
element of chance comes in, there we are able to imagine that God rules
directly. We quite overlook the fact that there is no such thing as
chance. There is only our ignorance of law, not a break in natural
order. If our constitution be susceptible of the particular poison
to which we expose it, we take the disease. If we knew the laws of
infection as accurately as we know the laws affecting chloroform,
we should be able to foresee with like certainty the inevitable
consequence; and our ignorance does not make the action of either set of
laws less unchangeable or more divine. But in the "happy-go-lucky" style
of thought peculiar to ignorance, the Christian disregards the fact
that infection is ruled by definite laws, and believes that health and
sickness are the direct expressions of the will of his God, and not the
invariable consequence of obscure but probably discoverable antecedents;
so he boldly goes into the back slums of London to nurse a family
stricken down with fever, and knowingly and deliberately runs "the
chance" of infection--i e., knowingly and deliberately runs the chance
of taking poison, or rather of having poison poured into his frame.
This he does, trusting that the nobility of his motive will make the
act right in God's sight. Is it more noble to relieve the sufferings of
strangers, than to relieve the sufferings of his family? or is it more
heroic to die of voluntarily-contracted fever, than of voluntarily-taken
chloroform?
The argument that _life must only be taken back by the life-giver_,
would, if thoroughly carried out, entirely prevent all dangerous
operations. In the treatment of some diseases there are operations that
will either kill or cure: the disease must certainly be fatal if left
alone; while the proposed operation may save life, it may equally
destroy it, and thus may take life some time before the giver of life
wanted to take it back. Evidently, then, such operations should not
be performed, since there is risked so grave an interference with the
desires of the life-giver. Again, doctors act very wrongly when they
allow certain soothing medicines to be taken when all hope is gone,
which they refuse so long as a chance of recovery remains: what
right have they to _compel_ the life-giver to follow out his apparent
intentions? In some cases of painful disease, it is now usual to produce
partial or total unconsciousness by the injection of morphia, or by the
use of some other anaesthetic. Thus, I have known a patient subjected to
this kind of treatment, when dying from a tumour in the aesophagus; he
was consequently for some weeks before his death, kept in a state
of almost complete unconsciousness, for if he were allowed to become
conscious, his agony was so unendurable as to drive him wild. He was
thus, although breathing, practically dead for weeks before his death.
We cannot but wonder, in view of such a case as his, what it is that
people mean when they talk of "life." Life includes, surely, not only
the involuntary animal functions, such as the movements of heart and
lungs; but consciousness, thought, feeling, emotion. Of the various
constituents of human life, surely those are not the most "sacred" which
we share with the brute, however necessary these may be as the basis on
which the rest are built. It is thought, then, that we may rightfully
destroy all that constitutes the beauty and nobility of human life, we
may kill thought, slay consciousness, deaden emotion, stop feeling,
we may do all this, and leave lying on the bed before us a breathing
figure, from which we have taken all the nobler possibilities of life;
but we may not touch the purely animal existence; we may rightly
check the action of the nerves and the brain, but we must not dare to
outrage-the Deity by checking the action of the heart and the lungs.
We ask, then, for the legalisation of euthanasia, because it is in
accordance with the highest morality yet known, that which teaches the
duty of self sacrifice for the greater good of others, because it is
sanctioned in principle by every service performed at personal danger
and injury, and because-it is already partially practised by modern
improvements in medical science.
_Euthanasia is an interference with the course of nature, and its
herefore an act of rebellion against God_. In considering this
objection, we are placed in difficulty by not being told what sense our
opponents attach to the word "nature"; and we are obliged once more
to ask pardon for forcing these vague and high-flown arguments into a
humiliating precision of meaning. Nature, in the widest sense of the
word, includes all natural laws: and in this sense it is of course
impossible to interfere with nature at all. We live, and move, and have
our being in nature; and we can no more get outside it than we can get
outside everything. With this-nature we cannot interfere: we can study
its laws, and learn how to balance one law against another, so as to
modify results; but this can only be done by and through nature itself.
The "interference with the course of nature" which is intended in the
above objection does not of course mean this impossible proceeding; and
it can then only mean an interference with things which would proceed
in one course without human agency meddling with them, but which are
susceptible of being turned into another course by human agency. If
interference with nature's course be a rebellion against God, we are
rebelling against God every day of our lives. Every achievement of
civilisation is an interference with nature. Every artificial comfort we
enjoy is an improvement on nature. Everybody professes to approve and
admire many great triumphs of art over nature: the junction by bridges
of shores which nature had made separate, the draining of nature's
marshes, the excavation of her wells, the dragging to light of what
she has buried at immense depths in the earth, the turning away of her
thunderbolts by lightning-rods, of her inundations by embankments, of
her ocean by breakwaters. But to commend these and similar feats, is
to acknowledge that the ways of nature are to be conquered, not obeyed;
that her powers are often towards man in the position of enemies, from
whom he must wrest, by force and ingenuity, what little he can for his
own use, and deserves to be applauded when that little is rather more
than might be expected from his physical weakness in comparison to those
gigantic powers. All praise of civilisation, or art, or contrivance, is
so much dispraise of nature; an admission of imperfection, which it
is man's business, and merit, to be always endeavouring to correct or
mitigate.*
* "Essay on Nature," by John Stuart Mill.
It is difficult to understand how anyone, contemplating the course of
nature, can regard it as the expression of a Divine will, which man has
no right to improve upon. Natural law is essentially unreasoning and
unmoral: gigantic forces clash around us on every side unintelligent,
and unvarying in their action. With equal impassiveness these blind
forces produce vast benefits and work vast catastrophes. The benefits
are ours, if we are able to grasp them; but nature troubles itself not,
whether we take them or leave them alone. The catastrophes may rightly
be averted, if we can avert them; but nature stays not its grinding
wheel for our moans. Even allowing that a Supreme Intelligence gave
these forces their being, it is manifest that he never intended man to
be their plaything, or to do them homage; for man is dowered with reason
to calculate, and with genius to foresee; and into man's hands is given
the realm of nature (in this world) to cultivate, to govern, to improve.
So long as men believed that a god wielded the thunderbolt, so long
would a lightning-conductor be an outrage on Jove; so long as a god
guided each force of nature, so long would it be impiety to resist,
or to endeavour to regulate the divine volitions. Only as experience
gradually proved that no evil consequences followed each amendment of
nature, were natural forces withdrawn, one by one, from the sphere
of the unknown and the divine. Now, even pain, that used to be God's
scourge, is soothed by chloroform, and death alone is left for nature
to inflict, with what lingering agony it may. But why should death,
any more than other ills, be left entirely to the clumsy, unassisted
processes of nature?--why, after struggling against nature all our
lives, should we let it reign unopposed in death? There are some natural
evils that we cannot avert. Pain and death are of these; but we can dull
pain by dulling feeling, and we can ease by shortening its pangs. Nature
kills by slow and protracted torture; we can defy it by choosing a rapid
and painless end. It is only the remains of the old superstition that
makes men think that to take life is the special prerogative of
the gods. With marvellous inconsistency, however, the opponents of
euthanasia do not scruple to "interfere with the course of nature" on
the one hand, while they forbid us to interfere on the other. It is
right to prolong pain by art, although it is wrong to shorten it. When a
person is smitten down with some fearful and incurable disease, they do
not leave him to nature; on the contrary, they check and thwart nature
in every possible way; they cherish the life that nature has blasted;
they nourish the strength that nature is undermining; they delay each
process of decay which nature sows in the disordered frame; they contest
every inch of ground with nature to preserve life; and then, when life
means torture, and we ask permission to step in and quench it, they cry
out that we are interfering with nature. If they would leave nature to
itself, the disease would generally kill with tolerable rapidity; but
they will not do this. They will only admit the force of their own
argument when it tells on the side of what they choose to consider
right. "Against nature," is the cry with which many a modern improvement
has been howled at; and it will continue to be raised, until it is
generally acknowledged that happiness, and not nature, is the true guide
to morality, and until men recognises that nature is to be harnessed to
his car of triumph, and to bend its mighty forces to fulfil the human
will.
_Pain is a spiritual remedial agent, inflicted by God, and should
therefore be patiently endured._ Does anyone, except a self-torturing
ascetic, endure any pain which he can get rid of? This might be deemed
a sufficient answer to this objection, for common sense always bids
us avoid all possible pain, and daily experience tells us that people
invariably evade pain, wherever such evasion is possible. The objection
ought to run: "pain is a spiritual remedial agent, inflicted by God,
which is to be got rid of as soon as possible, but ought to be patiently
endured when unavoidable." Pain as pain has no recommendations,
spiritual or otherwise; nor is there the smallest merit in a voluntary
and needless submission to pain. As to its remedial and educational
advantages, it as often as not sours the temper and hardens the heart;
if a person endures great physical or mental pain with unruffled
patience, and comes out of it with uninjured tenderness and sweetness,
we may rest assured that we have come across a rare and beautiful nature
of exceptional strength. As a general rule, pain, especially if it be
mental, hardens and roughens the character. The use of anaesthetics is
utterly indefensible, if physical pain is to be regarded as a special
tool whereby God cultivates the human soul. If God is directly acting on
the sufferer's body, and is educating his soul by racking his nerves,
by what right does the doctor step between with his impious anaesthetic,
and by reducing the patient to unconsciousness, deprive God of his
pupil, and man of his lesson? If pain be a sacred ark, over which hovers
the divine glory, surely it must be a sinful act to touch the holy
thing. We may be inflicting incalculable spiritual damage by frustrating
the divine plan of education, which was corporeal agony as a spiritual
agent. Therefore, if this argument be good for anything at all, we
must from henceforth eschew all anaesthetics, we must take no steps
to alleviate human agony, we must not venture to interfere with this
beneficent agent, but must leave nature to torture us it will. But we
utterly deny that the unnecessary endurance of pain is even a merit,
much less a duty; on the contrary, we believe that it is our duty to
war against pain as much as possible, to alleviate it wherever we cannot
stop it entirely; and, where continuous and frightful agony can only end
in death, then to give to the sufferer the relief he craves for, in
the sleep which is mercy. "It is a mercy God has taken him," is an
expression often heard when the racked frame at last lies quiet, and the
writhed features settle slowly into the peaceful smile of the dead. That
mercy we plead that man should be allowed to give to man, when human
skill and human tenderness have done their best, and when they have left
within their reach no greater boon than a speedy and painless death.
We are not aware that any objection, which may not be classed under one
or other of these three heads, has been levelled against the proposition
that euthanasia should be legalised. It has, indeed, been suggested that
to put into-a doctor's hands this "power of life and death," would be
to offer a dangerous temptation to those who have any special object to
gain by putting a troublesome person quietly out of the way. But this
objection overlooks the fact that the patient himself must _ask_ for the
draught, that stringent precautions can be taken to render euthanasia
impossible except at the patient's earnestly, or even repeatedly,
expressed wish, that any doctor or attendant, neglecting to take these
precautions, would then, as now, be liable to all the penalties for
murder or for manslaughter; and that an ordinary doctor would no more
be ready to face these penalties then, than he is now, although he
undoubtedly has now the power of putting the patient to death with but
little chance of discovery. Euthanasia would not render murder less
dangerous than it is at present, since no one asks that a nurse may be
empowered to give a patient a dose which would ensure death, or that she
might be allowed to shield herself from punishment on the plea that the
patient desired it. If our opponents would take the trouble to find out
what we do ask, before they condemn our propositions, it would greatly
simplify public discussion, not alone in this case, but in many proposed
reforms.
It may be well, also, to point out the wide line of demarcation which
separated euthanasia from what is ordinarily called suicide. Euthanasia,
like suicide, is a voluntarily chosen death, but there is a radical
difference between the motives which prompt the similar act. Those who
commit suicide thereby render themselves useless to society for the
future; they deprive society of their services, and selfishly evade
the duties which ought to fall to their share; therefore, the social
feelings rightly condemn suicide as a crime against society. I do not
say that under no stress of circumstances is suicide justifiable; that
is not the question; but I wish to point out that it is justly regarded
as a social offence. But the very motive which restrains from suicide,
prompts to euthanasia. The sufferer who knows that he is lost to
society, that he can never again serve his fellow-men; who knows, also,
that he is depriving society of the services of those who uselessly
exhaust themselves for him, and is further injuring it by undermining
the health of its healthy members, feels urged by the very social
instincts which would prevent him from committing suicide while in
health, to yield a last service to society by relieving it from a
useless burden. Hence it is that Sir Thomas Moore, in the quotation with
which he began this essay, makes the _social authorities_ of his ideal
state urge euthanasia as the duty of a faithful citizen, while they
yet consistently reprobate ordinary suicide as a _lese-majeste_ a
crime against the State. The life of the individual is, in a sense, the
property of society. The infant is nurtured, the child is educated,
the man is protected by others; and, in return for the life thus given,
developed, preserved, society has a right to demand from its members a
loyal, self-forgetting devotion to the common weal. To serve humanity,
to raise the race from which we spring, to dedicate every talent, every
power, every energy, to the improvement of, and to the increase of
happiness in, society, this is the duty of each individual man and
woman. And, when we have given all we can, when strength is sinking,
and life is failing, when pain racks our bodies, and the worse agony of
seeing our dear ones suffer in our anguish tortures our enfeebled minds,
when the only service we can render man is to relieve him of a useless
and injurious burden, then we ask that we may be permitted to die
voluntarily and painlessly, and so to crown a noble life with the laurel
wreath of a self-sacrificing death.