the party went up to the Gap, which they reached about half past one on
the morning of the 11th Sept. They then continued their journey on foot
towards Christiana. The party then consisted of Kline, Edward Gorsuch,
Dickinson Gorsuch, his son, Joshua M. Gorsuch, his nephew, Dr. Thomas
Pierce, Nicholas T. Hutchings and Nathan Nelson.
After they had proceeded about a mile, they met a man who was
represented to be a guide. He is said to have been disguised in such
a way that none of the party could recognize him, and his name is
not mentioned in any of the proceedings. It is probable that he was
employed by Mr. Edward Gorsuch, and one condition of his services
might have been that he should be allowed to use every possible means
of concealing his face and name from the rest of the party. Under his
conduct, the party went on and soon reached a house in which they were
told one of the slaves was to be found. Mr. Gorsuch wished to send
part of the company after him, but Kline was unwilling to divide their
strength, and they walked on, intending to return that way after making
the other arrests.
The guide led them by a circuitous route until they reached the Valley
Road near Parker’s house, their point of destination. They halted in
a lane near by, ate some crackers and cheese provided by one of their
number, examined the condition of their fire arms, and consulted upon
the plan of the attack. A short walk brought them to the orchard in
front of Parker’s house, which the guide pointed out and then left
them. He had no desire to remain and witness the result of his false
information. His disguise and desertion of his employer, are strong
circumstances in proof of the fact that he knew he was misleading the
party. On the trial of Hanway it was proven by the defence that Nelson
Ford was not on the ground until after the sun was up. Joshua Hammond
had lived in the vicinity up to the time that a man by the name of
Williams had been kidnapped, when he and several others departed, and
had not been heard from afterwards. Of the two others, one at least, if
the evidence for the prosecution is to be relied upon, was in the house
at which the party first halted, so that there could not have been more
than one of Mr. Gorsuch’s slaves in Parker’s house, and of this there
is no positive testimony.
It was not daybreak when the party approached the house. They made
demand for the slaves, and threatened to shoot them or burn the house
down if they would not surrender. At this time, the number of besiegers
seems to have been increased, and as many as fifteen are said to have
been near the house. By daybreak and before entrance was made into
the house, the party was diminished to the original number. When they
were advancing a second or third time, they saw a negro going up whom
Mr. Gorsuch thought he recognized as one of his slaves. Kline pursued
him with a revolver in his hand, and stumbled over the bars near the
house. Some of the company came up before him and found the door open.
They entered, and Kline following called for the owner, ordered all to
come down, and said he had two warrants for the arrest of Nelson Ford
and Joshua Hammond. He was answered that there were no such men in the
house. Kline followed by Mr. Gorsuch attempted to go up stairs. They
were prevented from ascending by what appears to have been an ordinary
_fish gig_. Some of the witnesses described it as “like a pitchfork
with blunt prongs,” and others were at a loss what to call this, the
first weapon used in the contest. A pitchfork any of the party would
have recognized, as the most of them were farmers; besides, this is
not a weapon usually kept in dwelling houses. This had “four or five
prongs” and was probably an old fish gig, which had been stored away
for safe keeping. An axe was next thrown down, but hit no one.
Mr. Gorsuch and others then went outside to talk with the negroes at
the window. Just at this time Kline fired his pistol up stairs. The
warrants were then read outside the house, and demand made upon the
landlord. No answer was heard. After a short interval, Kline proposed
to withdraw his men, but Mr. Gorsuch refused, and said he would not
leave the ground until he had made the arrests. Kline then in a loud
voice ordered some one to go to the sheriff and bring a hundred men,
thinking, as he afterwards said, this would intimidate them. This
threat appears to have had some effect, for the negroes asked time to
consider. The party outside agreed to fifteen minutes.
During these scenes at the house, there were occurrences elsewhere
which are worthy of attention, but cannot be understood without a short
statement of previous facts.
In the month of Sept. 1850, a colored man, known in the neighborhood
around Christiana to be free, was seized and carried away by men known
to be professional kidnappers, and has never been seen by his family
since. In March 1851, in the same neighborhood, under the roof of his
employer, during the night, another colored man was tied, gagged, and
carried away, marking the road along which he was dragged by his own
blood. No authority for this outrage was ever shown, and he has never
been heard from. These and many other acts of a similar kind, had so
alarmed the neighborhood that the very name of kidnapper was sufficient
to create a panic. The blacks feared for their own safety, and the
whites knowing their feelings, were apprehensive that any attempt
to repeat these outrages would be the cause of bloodshed. Many good
citizens were determined to do all in their power to prevent these
lawless depredations, though they were ever ready to submit to any
measures sanctioned by legal process. They regretted the existence
among them of a body of people liable to such violence; but without
combination, had, each for himself, resolved that they would do
everything dictated by humanity to resist barbarous oppression.
On the morning in question, a colored man living in the neighborhood,
who was passing Parker’s house at an early hour, saw the yard full of
men. He halted, and was met by a man who presented a pistol at him, and
ordered him to leave the place. He went away and hastened over to the
store kept by Elijah Lewis, which, like all places of that kind, was
probably the headquarters of news in the neighborhood. Mr. Lewis was
in the act of opening his store when this man told him that “Parker’s
house was surrounded by _kidnappers_, who had broken into the house,
and _were trying to get him away_.” Lewis, not questioning the truth of
the statement, repaired immediately to the place. On the way he passed
Castner Hanway’s house, and telling him what he had heard, asked him to
go over to Parker’s house. Hanway was in feeble health and unable to
undergo the fatigue of walking that distance. He saddled his horse, and
reached Parker’s during the armistice.
Having no reason to believe he was acting under legal authority, when
Kline approached and demanded assistance in making the arrests, Hanway
made him no answer. Kline then handed him the warrants, which Hanway
examined, saw they appeared genuine, and returned them.
At this time, several colored men, who no doubt had heard the report
that kidnappers were about, came up, armed with such weapons as they
could suddenly lay hands upon. How many there were on the ground during
the affray it is _now_ impossible to determine. The witnesses on both
sides vary materially in their estimate. Some said they saw a dozen
or fifteen; some, thirty or forty; and others maintained, as many as
two or three hundred. It is known there were not two hundred colored
men to be found within eight miles of Parker’s house, nor half that
number within four miles, and it would have been almost impossible to
get together even thirty at an hour’s notice. It is probable there were
about twenty-five, all told, at or near the house from the beginning
of the affray until all was quiet again. These the fears of those who
afterwards testified to larger numbers, might easily have magnified to
fifty or a hundred.
While Kline and Hanway were in conversation, Elijah Lewis came up.
Hanway said to him, “Here is the marshal.” Lewis asked to see his
authority, and Kline handed him one of the warrants. When he saw the
signature of the U. S. Commissioner, “he took it for granted that
Kline had authority.” Kline then ordered Hanway and Lewis to assist
in arresting the alleged fugitives. Hanway refused to have anything
to do with it. The negroes around these three men seeming disposed to
make an attack, Hanway “motioned to them and urged them back.” He then
“advised Kline that it would be dangerous to attempt making arrests,
and that they had better leave.” Kline, after saying he would hold them
accountable for the negroes, promised to leave, and beckoned two or
three times to his men to retire.
The negroes then rushed up, some armed with guns, some with
corn-cutters, staves, clubs, others with stones or whatever weapon
chance offered. Hanway and Lewis in vain endeavored to restrain them.
Kline leaped the fence, passed through the standing grain in the field,
and for a few moments was out of sight. Mr. Gorsuch refused to leave
the spot, saying his “property was there, and he would have it or
perish in the attempt.” The rest of his party endeavored to retreat
when they heard the marshal calling to them, but they were too late;
the negroes rushed up and the firing began. How many times each party
fired, it is impossible to tell. For a few moments, everything was
confusion and each attempted to save himself. Nathan Nelson went down
the short lane, thence into the woods and towards Penningtonville.
Nicholas Hutchings, by direction of Kline, followed Lewis to see where
he went. Thomas Pierce and Joshua Gorsuch went down the long lane,
pursued by some of the negroes, caught up with Hanway, and shielding
themselves behind his horse, followed him to a run of water near by.
Dickinson Gorsuch was with his father near the house. They were both
wounded; the father mortally. Dickinson escaped down the lane, where
he was met by Kline, who had returned from the woods at the end of the
field. Kline rendered him assistance, and went towards Penningtonville
for a physician. On his way he met Joshua M. Gorsuch, who was also
wounded and delirious. Kline led him over to Penningtonville and placed
him on the upward train from Philadelphia. Before this time several
persons living in the neighborhood had arrived at Parker’s house. Lewis
Cooper found D. Gorsuch in the place where Kline had left him, attended
by Joseph Scarlett. He placed him in his dearborn, and carried him to
the house of Levi Pownall, where he remained till he had sufficiently
recovered to return home. Mr. Cooper then returned to Parker’s, placed
the body of Mr. E. Gorsuch in the same dearborn, and carried it to
Christiana. Neither Nelson nor Hutchings rejoined their party, but
during the day went by the railroad to Lancaster.
Thus ended an occurrence which has been the theme of conversation
throughout the land. Not more than two hours had elapsed from the time
demand was first made at Parker’s house until the dead body of Edward
Gorsuch was carried to Christiana. In that brief time the blood of
strangers had been spilled in a sudden affray, an unfortunate man had
been killed and two others badly wounded. How many of the negroes were
wounded, has never been ascertained. All could not have escaped, but no
one has been able to discover who were injured.
When rumor had spread abroad the result of this sad affray, the
neighborhood was appalled. The inhabitants of the farm houses and the
villages around, unused to scenes of this kind, could not at first
believe that it had occurred in their midst. Before midday, exaggerated
accounts had reached Philadelphia, and were transmitted by telegraph
through the country.
The first information the public received, was that “the negroes had
determined to prevent the arrest of the slaves; that about eighty of
them, armed with guns, &c., had formed an ambush in the neighboring
woods and cornfields, and that when the party arrived in search of the
fugitives, they had surrounded them, and poured upon them a deadly
fire, killing Mr. Gorsuch, _mortally_ wounding one of his sons, and
badly wounding an officer from Baltimore.” These were given as “leading
facts.” The next day’s news contained the information that the U. S.
Marshal, the U. S. District Attorney, a special Commissioner from
Washington city, a company of U. S. Marines, and fifty of the Marshal’s
police, had gone to the scene of action from the city. It was also
announced to be the intention of the U. S. Marshal to “_scour_ the
neighborhood,” and that Judges Grier and Kane (of the U. S. Courts,
before whom the case was afterwards tried,) had _decided_ the offence
of the rioters to be treason against the U. S.
Such statements as these naturally aroused the whole community, and it
was not until a few days had developed the exact truth, that public
excitement began to subside. Believing the published accounts of the
transaction to be correct, a number of the citizens of Philadelphia
addressed the following letter to the Chief Executive of the State, who
happened then to be in the city, urging upon him prompt action, in what
they considered an important crisis:
_To the Governor of Pennsylvania_:
The undersigned, citizens of Pennsylvania, respectfully represent:
That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly assassinated
by a band of armed outlaws, at a place not more than three hours’
journey distant from the seat of government and from the commercial
metropolis of the State.
That this insurrectionary movement, in one of the most populous
parts of the State, has been so far successful as to overawe the
local ministers of justice, and paralyze the powers of the law.
That your memorialists are not aware that “any military force”
has been sent to the seat of the insurrection, or that the civil
authority has been strengthened by the adoption of any measure
suited to the momentous crisis.
They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive
magistrate of Pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity
of vindicating the outraged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the
Commonwealth on this important and melancholy occasion.
John Cadwalader, R. Simpson, John Swift, Thomas McGrath, S. R.
Carnahan, Samuel Hays, Geo. H. Martin, A. L. Roumfort, W. Deal,
John W. Forney, Isaac Leech, Jr., C. Ingersoll, James Page, Harry
Connelly, Frederick McAdams.
The Governor, who, as far as was in his power, had apprized himself of
the facts of the case, and had taken the measures which devolved upon
him by reason of his office, replied immediately. He knew the danger
of inflaming the public mind upon a subject which was then exciting
the whole Union. The law had prescribed the proper officers to act
in every emergency, and he knew they were upon the alert, with their
police force strengthened for the occasion. Whatever might have been
the motive for addressing the Governor, the following letter was a full
and sufficient answer.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 14, 1851.
To Messrs. John Cadwalader, A. L. Roumfort, Jas. Page, C.
Ingersoll, Isaac Leech, Jr., R. Simpson, W. Deal, George H. Martin,
Samuel Hays, S. R. Carnahan, Thos. McGrath, John Swift, Frederick
McAdams:
_Gentlemen_--Your letter, without date, was this afternoon put into
my hands by one of the servants of the hotel. The anxiety which you
manifested to maintain the laws of the land and the public peace, is
fully appreciated, and I have great pleasure in informing you that,
more than twenty-four hours before the receipt of your letter, the
parties implicated had been, through the vigilance and decision of
the local authorities, arrested, and are now in prison, awaiting an
inquiry into their imputed guilt. The District Attorney and Sheriff of
Lancaster county, acting in concert with the Attorney-General of the
State, deserve especial thanks for their prompt and energetic conduct.
This was all done early on Saturday morning, and duly reported to me by
the local officers.
The testimony taken by the U. S. Commissioner, who arrived at a
later period on the ground, a printed copy of which has accidentally
reached me this afternoon, confirms me in the belief that the State
authorities had vindicated the law, and, to a large extent, arrested
the perpetrators of the crimes.
The cruel murder of a citizen of a neighboring State, accompanied by
a gross outrage on the laws of the United States, in the resistance
of its processes, has been committed; and you may be assured that so
soon as the guilty agents are ascertained, they will be punished to its
severest penalty by the law of Pennsylvania. I am very proud that the
first steps to detect and arrest these offenders have been taken by
Pennsylvania officers.
Permit me, gentlemen, having thus removed all just cause of anxiety
from your minds, respectfully to suggest that the idea of rebellion,
or “insurrectionary movement” in the county of Lancaster, or anywhere
else in this Commonwealth, has no real foundation, and is an offensive
imputation on a large body of our fellow citizens. There is no
insurrectionary movement in Lancaster county, and there would be no
occasion to march a military force there, as you seem to desire,
and inflame the public mind by any such strange exaggeration. I do
not wish our brethren of the Union to think that, in any part of
this State, resistance to the law goes undetected or unpunished, or
that there exists such a sentiment as treason to the Union and the
constitution. The alleged murderers of Mr. Gorsuch, whose crime is
deep enough without exaggerating it, have been arrested, and will be
tried, and they and their abettors be made to answer for what they have
done in contravention of the law. But in the meantime, let me invite
your co-operation, as citizens of Pennsylvania, not only to see that
the law is enforced, but to add to the confidence which we all feel in
the judicial tribunals of the land, by abstaining from undue violence
of language, and letting the law take its course. Depend upon it,
gentlemen, there is in Lancaster county a sense of duty to the laws of
the land, manifested in the easy and prompt arrest of these offenders,
which will on all occasions show itself in practical obedience.
The people of that county are men of peace and good order, and
not easily led aside from the path of duty which the Constitution
prescribes. They, and every Pennsylvanian, love the Constitution and
the Union. They will detect, as they have done in this case, and
arrest and punish all who violate the laws of the land. There is no
warrant, depend upon it, for representing the men of Lancaster county
as traitors, and participants in an “insurrectionary movement.” You do
them, unintentionally I have no doubt, great injustice.
I am deeply indebted to you for affording me this opportunity of
expressing my views. But for your communication I might not have been
able to do so. You, and my fellow-citizens at large, may be assured of
my firm determination, at all hazards, and under all circumstances, to
maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and enforce obedience to
the laws alike of the United States and of this Commonwealth.
In order that I may be sure that my answer may reach its destination,
(your letter having but accidentally come to my hands,) I have
requested Mr. White to put it in the hands of Mr. John Cadwalader,
whose signature, I observe, is first.
I am, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
WM. F. JOHNSTON.
The Governor, however, had been misinformed, and was wrong in stating
that the murderers of Edward Gorsuch had been arrested. Every man
who was in Parker’s house, including Parker himself, escaped. As was
afterwards proven, not one of the guilty parties was secured. So soon
as this was ascertained the following proclamation was issued:
PROCLAMATION.
In and by the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I,
William F. Johnston, Governor of said Commonwealth, do hereby
issue this
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, it has been represented to me that a flagrant violation of
the public peace has occurred in Lancaster county, involving the
murder of Edward Gorsuch, and seriously endangering the lives of other
persons; and whereas, it has also been represented to me that some of
the participants in this outrage are yet at large; now, therefore, by
virtue of the authority in me vested by the Constitution and laws, I,
William F. Johnston, Governor of Pennsylvania, do hereby offer a reward
of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS for the arrest and conviction of the person
or persons guilty of the murder and violation of the public peace as
aforesaid.
[Illustration: SEAL]
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the great
seal of the State, this fifteenth day of September, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one.
Attest, A. L. RUSSELL,
Secretary of the Commonwealth.
For days after the melancholy tragedy, the vicinity of Christiana was
in possession of police officers of different classes and grades. Many
of them displayed their vigilance and valor in a way that rendered them
ridiculous in the eyes of all, except of those who were the objects of
their zeal. Passing by a number of outrages, perpetrated, in the name
of justice, by men who were clothed with a little authority, and who
delighted in terrifying helpless women and inoffensive children, we
have to speak only of those arrests which were made seriously and in
good faith, and to tell, so far as there are any records in existence,
how the authorities arrested, by wholesale, men who afterwards were
found to have been miles from the scene of action.
On the day of the affray it seems that no action was taken at
Christiana for the arrest of any parties. All was confusion. The next
morning (the 12th of Sept.) Kline went before Joseph D. Pownall,
Justice of the Peace of Lancaster County, for the township of Sadsbury,
and on oath charged Elijah Lewis, Castner Hanway, John Morgan, Henry
Simms, Charles Valentine, Lewis Clarkson, Charles Hunter, Lewis Gales,
George Williams, Alson Parnsley, Light Stewart, Hezekiah Clemens,
George Wells, Walter Harris, Abraham Clinch, Nelson Carter and Jacob
Phillips, with “aiding and abetting in the murder of Edward Gorsuch
on the morning of the 11th September, 1851,” and warrants were issued
for their arrest. As soon as Lewis and Hanway heard of this, they went
over to Christiana and surrendered themselves to the authorities. They
and the colored men were carried to Lancaster that night, to await a
further hearing before Alderman J. Franklin Reigart, of the city of
Lancaster.
The next day (the 13th Sept.) the train from Philadelphia brought up
the U. S. District Attorney, J. W. Ashmead; the U. S. Commissioner,
E. D. Ingraham; an Attorney who had acted as counsel for Mr. Gorsuch,
before he applied to Mr. Ingraham in Philadelphia; a company of Marines
from the Navy Yard at Philadelphia; and a number of the Marshal’s
police.
These, it seems, when reinforced by such volunteers as could be
procured from the neighborhood, composed the force by which “the
country was to be scoured.” They went from house to house with
fire-arms in their hands, demanding of the people they met whatever
best suited their fancies.
On the same day at Christiana, the Commissioner heard the charges
against Joseph Scarlett, Wm. Brown, Ezekiel Thompson, Daniel Clarksbury
and Benjamin Pendergrast, and they, with Isaiah Clarkson and Elijah
Clark,[A] were the next day (Sunday) brought to the Moyamensing prison
in Philadelphia, “to await their trial at the next term of the Circuit
Court upon the charge of having committed treason against the United
States.”
On the 15th (Monday) the Commissioner resumed his duties, and heard the
charges against Henry Green, Wm. Williams, John Halliday, Wm. Brown,
(second), George Read, Benjamin Johnson, John Jackson, Thomas Butler,
John Clark, Moses Johnson, Jacob Johnson, Emory Elias, Nero Johnson,
William Henry Morgan, Aaron Wesley, Daniel Jones, William Jackson,
Peter D. Watson and William Chandler. The first eight, in company
with Samuel Williams, were on the same day sent to Moyamensing. What
became of John Clark does not appear. The records of the prison do not
show that he was ever there, and the transcript of the Commissioner’s
dockett does not say he was discharged.