Grover Cleveland Second Inaugural Address Saturday, March 4, 1893

My Fellow-Citizens:

IN obedience of the mandate of my countrymen I am about to dedicate

myself to their service under the sanction of a solemn oath. Deeply

moved by the expression of confidence and personal attachment which has

called me to this service, I am sure my gratitude can make no better

return than the pledge I now give before God and these witnesses of

unreserved and complete devotion to the interests and welfare of those

who have honored me.

I deem it fitting on this occasion, while indicating the opinion I hold

concerning public questions of present importance, to also briefly refer

to the existence of certain conditions and tendencies among our people

which seem to menace the integrity and usefulness of their Government.

While every American citizen must contemplate with the utmost pride and

enthusiasm the growth and expansion of our country, the sufficiency of

our institutions to stand against the rudest shocks of violence, the

wonderful thrift and enterprise of our people, and the demonstrated

superiority of our free government, it behooves us to constantly watch

for every symptom of insidious infirmity that threatens our national

vigor.

The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts the

sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constant

labor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease that

dooms him to sudden collapse.

It can not be doubted that our stupendous achievements as a people and

our country's robust strength have given rise to heedlessness of those

laws governing our national health which we can no more evade than human

life can escape the laws of God and nature.

Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacy as a nation and to the

beneficent purposes of our Government than a sound and stable currency.

Its exposure to degradation should at once arouse to activity the

most enlightened statesmanship, and the danger of depreciation in the

purchasing power of the wages paid to toil should furnish the strongest

incentive to prompt and conservative precaution.

In dealing with our present embarrassing situation as related to this

subject we will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in our

national strength and resources with the frank concession that even

these will not permit us to defy with impunity the inexorable laws

of finance and trade. At the same time, in our efforts to adjust

differences of opinion we should be free from intolerance or passion,

and our judgments should be unmoved by alluring phrases and unvexed by

selfish interests.

I am confident that such an approach to the subject will result in

prudent and effective remedial legislation. In the meantime, so far as

the executive branch of the Government can intervene, none of the powers

with which it is invested will be withheld when their exercise is deemed

necessary to maintain our national credit or avert financial disaster.

Closely related to the exaggerated confidence in our country's greatness

which tends to a disregard of the rules of national safety, another

danger confronts us not less serious. I refer to the prevalence of

a popular disposition to expect from the operation of the Government

especial and direct individual advantages.

The verdict of our voters which condemned the injustice of maintaining

protection for protection's sake enjoins upon the people's servants the

duty of exposing and destroying the brood of kindred evils which are

the unwholesome progeny of paternalism. This is the bane of republican

institutions and the constant peril of our government by the people.

It degrades to the purposes of wily craft the plan of rule our

fathers established and bequeathed to us as an object of our love and

veneration. It perverts the patriotic sentiments of our countrymen and

tempts them to pitiful calculation of the sordid gain to be derived from

their Government's maintenance. It undermines the self-reliance of

our people and substitutes in its place dependence upon governmental

favoritism. It stifles the spirit of true Americanism and stupefies

every ennobling trait of American citizenship.

The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned and the better lesson

taught that while the people should patriotically and cheerfully support

their Government its functions do not include the support of the people.

The acceptance of this principle leads to a refusal of bounties and

subsidies, which burden the labor and thrift of a portion of our

citizens to aid ill-advised or languishing enterprises in which they

have no concern. It leads also to a challenge of wild and reckless

pension expenditure, which overleaps the bounds of grateful recognition

of patriotic service and prostitutes to vicious uses the people's prompt

and generous impulse to aid those disabled in their country's defense.

Every thoughtful American must realize the importance of checking at its

beginning any tendency in public or private station to regard frugality

and economy as virtues which we may safely outgrow. The toleration of

this idea results in the waste of the people's money by their chosen

servants and encourages prodigality and extravagance in the home life of

our countrymen.

Under our scheme of government the waste of public money is a crime

against the citizen, and the contempt of our people for economy and

frugality in their personal affairs deplorably saps the strength and

sturdiness of our national character.

It is a plain dictate of honesty and good government that public

expenditures should be limited by public necessity, and that this should

be measured by the rules of strict economy; and it is equally clear

that frugality among the people is the best guaranty of a contented and

strong support of free institutions.

One mode of the misappropriation of public funds is avoided when

appointments to office, instead of being the rewards of partisan

activity, are awarded to those whose efficiency promises a fair return

of work for the compensation paid to them. To secure the fitness and

competency of appointees to office and remove from political action the

demoralizing madness for spoils, civil-service reform has found a place

in our public policy and laws. The benefits already gained through this

instrumentality and the further usefulness it promises entitle it to

the hearty support and encouragement of all who desire to see our

public service well performed or who hope for the elevation of political

sentiment and the purification of political methods.

The existence of immense aggregations of kindred enterprises and

combinations of business interests formed for the purpose of limiting

production and fixing prices is inconsistent with the fair field which

ought to be open to every independent activity. Legitimate strife in

business should not be superseded by an enforced concession to the

demands of combinations that have the power to destroy, nor should the

people to be served lose the benefit of cheapness which usually

results from wholesome competition. These aggregations and combinations

frequently constitute conspiracies against the interests of the people,

and in all their phases they are unnatural and opposed to our American

sense of fairness. To the extent that they can be reached and restrained

by Federal power the General Government should relieve our citizens from

their interference and exactions.

Loyalty to the principles upon which our Government rests positively

demands that the equality before the law which it guarantees to every

citizen should be justly and in good faith conceded in all parts of

the land. The enjoyment of this right follows the badge of citizenship

wherever found, and, unimpaired by race or color, it appeals for

recognition to American manliness and fairness.

Our relations with the Indians located within our border impose upon us

responsibilities we can not escape. Humanity and consistency require us

to treat them with forbearance and in our dealings with them to honestly

and considerately regard their rights and interests. Every effort should

be made to lead them, through the paths of civilization and education,

to self-supporting and independent citizenship. In the meantime, as the

nation's wards, they should be promptly defended against the cupidity

of designing men and shielded from every influence or temptation that

retards their advancement.

The people of the United States have decreed that on this day the

control of their Government in its legislative and executive branches

shall be given to a political party pledged in the most positive terms

to the accomplishment of tariff reform. They have thus determined in

favor of a more just and equitable system of Federal taxation. The

agents they have chosen to carry out their purposes are bound by

their promises not less than by the command of their masters to devote

themselves unremittingly to this service.

While there should be no surrender of principle, our task must be

undertaken wisely and without heedless vindictiveness. Our mission is

not punishment, but the rectification of wrong. If in lifting burdens

from the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequal

advantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of

our return to right and justice. If we exact from unwilling minds

acquiescence in the theory of an honest distribution of the fund of

the governmental beneficence treasured up for all, we but insist upon a

principle which underlies our free institutions. When we tear aside the

delusions and misconceptions which have blinded our countrymen to their

condition under vicious tariff laws, we but show them how far they have

been led away from the paths of contentment and prosperity. When we

proclaim that the necessity for revenue to support the Government

furnishes the only justification for taxing the people, we announce

a truth so plain that its denial would seem to indicate the extent to

which judgment may be influenced by familiarity with perversions of

the taxing power. And when we seek to reinstate the self-confidence and

business enterprise of our citizens by discrediting an abject dependence

upon governmental favor, we strive to stimulate those elements of

American character which support the hope of American achievement.

Anxiety for the redemption of the pledges which my party has made and

solicitude for the complete justification of the trust the people have

reposed in us constrain me to remind those with whom I am to cooperate

that we can succeed in doing the work which has been especially set

before us only by the most sincere, harmonious, and disinterested

effort. Even if insuperable obstacles and opposition prevent the

consummation of our task, we shall hardly be excused; and if failure can

be traced to our fault or neglect we may be sure the people will hold us

to a swift and exacting accountability.

The oath I now take to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of

the United States not only impressively defines the great responsibility

I assume, but suggests obedience to constitutional commands as the rule

by which my official conduct must be guided. I shall to the best of

my ability and within my sphere of duty preserve the Constitution

by loyally protecting every grant of Federal power it contains,

by defending all its restraints when attacked by impatience and

restlessness, and by enforcing its limitations and reservations in favor

of the States and the people.

Fully impressed with the gravity of the duties that confront me and

mindful of my weakness, I should be appalled if it were my lot to bear

unaided the responsibilities which await me. I am, however, saved from

discouragement when I remember that I shall have the support and the

counsel and cooperation of wise and patriotic men who will stand at my

side in Cabinet places or will represent the people in their legislative

halls.

I find also much comfort in remembering that my countrymen are just and

generous and in the assurance that they will not condemn those who

by sincere devotion to their service deserve their forbearance and

approval.

Above all, I know there is a Supreme Being who rules the affairs of men

and whose goodness and mercy have always followed the American people,

and I know He will not turn from us now if we humbly and reverently seek

His powerful aid.

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