CHAPTER XVIII

EARLY WIDOWHOOD: THE FALL OF BISMARCK

It is said that one of the last acts of the dying Emperor was to place

Bismarck's hand in that of the Empress as a token of reconciliation. But

there was no reconciliation. On the contrary, the Emperor Frederick was

no sooner dead, than Bismarck once more became all-powerful, and

ruthlessly he used his power.

The accession of the young Emperor William was followed by an astounding

outburst of violence against the Empress Frederick on the part of

Bismarck's tools, his agents in the Press and elsewhere--indeed, the

Empress once told an intimate friend that no humiliation and pain which

could be inflicted on her had been spared her.

The first humiliation took a strange and terrible form; a cordon of

soldiers was drawn round the New Palace, when the Emperor Frederick was

known to be dying, in order that no secret documents might be removed

without the knowledge of the new Emperor.

The Empress, aware that this was the work of Bismarck, requested an

interview with him, but Bismarck replied that he had no time, as he was

so fully occupied with his master, the new Emperor. As a matter of

fact, everything at the New Palace which the late Emperor or the Empress

Frederick considered to be important had been placed out of Bismarck's

reach. For a considerable time these private papers were entrusted to

the care of a person in the Empress's confidence, who resided outside

the country, ultimately they were sent back to Germany.

Unfortunately not all the late Emperor's papers had been so carefully

guarded, and, to the anguish of his widow, his memory became involved in

acute, and it may even be said degrading, controversy.

In the well-known review, the _Deutsche Rundschau_, Dr. Geffcken, a

Liberal publicist who had been honoured by the Emperor Frederick's

friendship, published extracts from the diary of the late Sovereign.

They were designed to defend his memory against his traducers, and in

particular to prove that it was he who suggested the united German

Empire. It seems that the diaries were found locked up at the Villa

Zirio, and it was stated that they were given, or at least shown, by the

Emperor Frederick to Baron von Roggenbach, the Baden statesman.

Bismarck at first affected to believe, and apparently he succeeded in

persuading the Emperor William, that the published extracts were

forgeries. The offending number of the review was accordingly

suppressed, and Geffcken was arrested on September 29 on a charge of

high treason. He was acquitted of criminal intention in the following

January, and in the interval the _Cologne Gazette_ charged Sir Robert

Morier, then British Ambassador in St. Petersburg, with having given

information to Marshal Bazaine of the movements of the Prussian forces

in 1870. Fortunately Morier was able to produce convincing documentary

evidence of his innocence, but it was generally felt that this monstrous

attack on the Empress Frederick's old friend was really directed against

the Empress herself.

The Empress behaved with the greatest dignity and self-restraint during

this time of bitter persecution, and in the many diaries and memoirs of

the period we can find but one reference which reveals how she really

felt. This reference is in Sir Horace Rumbold's _Recollections_. He

tells of the deep feeling with which the Empress spoke of the suffering

she had passed through and the wrongs she had endured. "She spoke of

them with an exceeding bitterness, emphasising what she said with

clenched hands and betraying an emotion which suddenly gained me, and

more than explained the Queen's well-known reference to her as her 'dear

persecuted daughter.'"

It may be asked why the young Emperor William did not intervene to

protect his mother from the hostility of his Chancellor. Unfortunately

there is no doubt that at this time there was an estrangement between

mother and son. Years before, Bismarck had taken precautions to prevent

the heir presumptive to the throne from imbibing the liberal principles

of both his parents, and had caused him to spend the impressionable

years of early manhood entirely under the influence of his grandfather,

the old Emperor, and the military glories of the new Empire. Bismarck no

doubt thought that he had obtained a complete ascendancy over his new

master. It was significant that whereas on his accession the Emperor

Frederick had addressed his first message to the nation at large through

the Chancellor, the Emperor William addressed his first messages to the

Army and Navy, the civilians having to wait a day or two for their

recognition. Another indication of the character of the new régime was

afforded by the Emperor William's reversal of his father's decision to

name the New Palace, Friedrichskron.

These and other incidents show how the Emperor began his reign under the

domination of Bismarck, but it is pleasant to record that the

estrangement from his mother, which the old Chancellor undoubtedly

fostered, was not of long duration.

It is curious how seldom, among the many studies, criticisms, and

estimates of the Emperor William II, we find his extraordinary

versatility attributed to the influence of heredity; and yet it is easy

to see now that the Empress Frederick ought to have enjoyed much greater

popularity in Germany than she did as a matter of fact enjoy at any

time, if only because she was the mother of such a son.

We can best perhaps realise the remarkable qualities which the Empress

brought into the House of Hohenzollern by comparing her eldest son with

his predecessors on the throne. King Frederick William IV had a mind

which appeared incapable of appreciating matters of greater importance

than the etiquette of Courts and the prescriptions of mediæval heraldry.

As we know, during the last years of his life his intellect was clouded

much in the same way as was that of King George III of England. King

Frederick's brother and successor, the old Emperor William, possessed

remarkable strength of character combined with little capacity or

intellect, as Bismarck very frankly explained, both to his creature,

Busch, and in other recorded expressions of opinion. As for the Emperor

William's father, the ill-fated Frederick, it was no doubt from him that

the son derived that dash of romantic idealism characteristic of both

monarchs.

But undoubtedly William II was always much more the son of his mother

than of his father, which seems, indeed, to be the rule in families of

less exalted rank. We have seen how the Empress really received from her

father the training of a man, and, it may be added, of an extremely

versatile man. If fate had compelled her eldest son to earn his own

living in a private station, it is extraordinary to think of the number

of professions in any one of which he could have attained a competence,

if not indeed high distinction. From his mother, rather than from his

father, he inherited a great appetite for work and an extraordinary

aptitude for detail; and he showed himself at different times to have

had in him the making, not only of a soldier and a sailor, but of a

musician, a poet, an artist, a preacher, and an orator.

Compare this with his grandfather, the old Emperor, who, if he had not

been born in the purple, could only have been a soldier, and not, it

must be added, one who could have held very high commands. Compare him

again with his father; the Emperor Frederick, if he had not been born in

the purple, though he certainly showed greater military capacity than

the old Emperor, nevertheless would probably not have been happy or

successful in any private station other than that of a great moral

teacher.

The Emperor William's affinity to his mother in character, temperament,

and accomplishments becomes the more striking the more it is

investigated. He shared with her a certain impulsiveness, a deficiency

in what is ordinarily called tact, which really amounts to a

constitutional inability to appreciate the effect which a particular

word or action will necessarily have on other people. This, which seems

a negative quality, is really a positive one, interwoven with a high

courage and a contempt for the mean little dictates of conventional

prudence, which have always commanded the admiration of generous minds.

This remarkable similarity between mother and son assuredly furnishes

the key to the somewhat complex question of their relationships at

different periods. They were in fact too much alike for their relations

to be always harmonious.

The widowed Empress did not owe all her unhappiness to Bismarck alone.

In 1889 Gustav Freytag published a volume of Reminiscences of the

Emperor Frederick which attracted a great amount of attention, more

perhaps than they intrinsically deserved. But Freytag's position among

German writers as novelist, poet, dramatist, and historian, was so great

that everything he wrote had its importance, and in addition to that it

was known that he had at one time been admitted to the confidence of the

then Crown Prince, whose political Liberalism he appeared to share.

Freytag was a Silesian by birth, and this no doubt did him no harm with

the Emperor Frederick, who was warmly attached to Silesia, and delighted

in the graphic pictures of life in that province which Freytag drew in

his novels. The Empress made Freytag's acquaintance in the early years

of her married life--indeed, the first German novel which she read with

her husband was Freytag's _Soll und Haben_. The novelist had been

presented to the Prince Consort by his patron, Duke Ernest of

Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and it was natural in all the circumstances that the

Crown Princess and her husband should have shown the great writer marked

signs of favour.

It is all the more extraordinary, therefore, that in his Reminiscences

Freytag should have drawn such a picture of the Emperor Frederick as

must have deeply distressed his then newly-made widow. It was a picture

which she herself knew to be inaccurate, and which indeed could only

gratify the personal hostility of Bismarck and his adherents. There is

no need to linger long over this picture, but it demands some notice

because it, so to speak, gathers together in a convenient form the

principal features of what may be called the Bismarckian view of both

the Empress and her husband.

It has been said that Freytag apparently shared the Crown Prince's

Liberalism, but he was also steeped in Prussian particularism, and it

was this that brought him to his almost blind admiration of Bismarck,

and rendered him incapable of appreciating the political conceptions of

the Emperor Frederick. Freytag, indeed, was a bad judge of character,

the presentation of which was his weak point as a novelist.

Allusion has already been made to the fact that the Crown Prince invited

Freytag to accompany him with the Third Army in the Franco-German War,

and the Reminiscences terminate soon after the battle of Sedan. After

1870 the Crown Prince hardly ever saw Freytag, and never with any real

intimacy; yet on this slender foundation of knowledge the novelist

revived, under the specious cloak of affection, some of the worst

charges of the Reptile Press, and of the insulting commentary which

Bismarck published on the late Emperor's diary.

The principal charge for our purposes here is that the Crown Prince was

subjected to foreign influence, and was entirely dominated by his wife.

In effect Freytag suggests that through the Crown Princess, Princess

Alice, and other members of the English Royal family, important secrets

of German military movements reached the French commanders. "Both the

Empress Frederick and Princess Alice," he says, "wrote to their august

mother and the family in London, and what crossed the North Sea could be

sent to France again in letters a few hours later. It is therefore not

unnatural that the French learned by way of England a variety of news

about our army which with greater propriety would have remained

concealed."

Such a charge is incapable of complete disproof, but at any rate it is

obvious that Freytag could know nothing of the contents, either of the

Crown Prince's letters to his wife, who was at that time working day and

night in the German hospitals, or of the letters of the Crown Princess

and her sister to their relations in England. Yet he describes Princess

Alice as "at heart during the whole of the war a brave German woman,"

which is a plain insinuation that the Crown Princess had not her whole

heart in the success of the German arms. The whole plan of _dénigrement_

is the more subtle, for Freytag professes the most ardent admiration for

the ability of the Crown Princess, her rich natural gifts, and her keen

soaring intellect. At the same time he says:

"The Crown Prince's love for her was the highest and holiest passion of

his life, and filled his whole existence; she was the lady of his youth,

the _confidante_ of all his thoughts, his trusted counsellor whenever

she was so inclined. Arrangements of the garden, decorations of the

house, education of the children, judgments of men and things, were in

every respect regulated by him in accordance with her thoughts and

wishes. It is perfectly intelligible that so complete an ascendancy of

the wife over the husband, who was destined to be the future ruler of

Prussia, threatened to occasion difficulties and conflicts, which,

perhaps, would be greater for the woman than the man--greater for the

wife who led and inspired the husband whose guidance she ought to have

accepted."

Here again we see the limitations of Freytag's undoubtedly great

intellect, as well as his instinctive German middle-class conception of

woman's sphere. To the North-German the idea of woman as a comrade, as

being even approximately on a level with her husband, was then, and is

still to a great extent, inconceivable. In that view of matrimony the

wife is really a chattel, or at best a respected housekeeper.

It may be asked, how could Freytag have supposed that the Emperor

Frederick would have submitted to such domination on the part of his

wife? The answer is that Freytag's conception of the emperor's character

was hopelessly erroneous. He is obliged to confirm his title to be

considered the originator of the idea of a German Empire, but he

attributes it to a mere love of pomp and ceremony, a passion for Court

millinery. The plain truth is that few monarchs have been simpler in

their personal tastes than the Emperor Frederick; the etiquette, the

monotony, and the restraint of Court life bored him, and he was never so

happy as when he could escape to the congenial society of savants,

artists, and writers. It is certainly true that his imaginative and

poetical gifts induced him to try to infuse some elements of dignity and

meaning into the routine of Court ceremonial, but that he cared for such

ceremonial in itself, or attached to it any greater value than that of

symbolism, is frankly absurd.

Freytag even accuses the Crown Prince of having been ready to risk civil

war in order that he might secure the creation of the Imperial dignity

after the Franco-German War. This is based on a misapprehension of the

Prince's discussions with Bismarck at Versailles. The Crown Prince

believed that force would be unnecessary, and that the South German

States would accept the Constitution proclaimed by the majority of the

Princes assembled at Versailles. It is possible that he would have

advocated compulsion if Bavaria and Würtemberg had thrown themselves

into the arms of Austria, but he well knew that that contingency was in

the last degree improbable.

Early in 1889 the Empress Frederick suffered another bereavement which,

though not of course to be compared with many which she had endured,

nevertheless added perceptibly to her state of melancholy and

depression. This was the death of the venerable Empress Augusta, which

broke a much valued link with the happy past. From those days in the

early fifties when that highly-bred and highly-cultivated Princess had

become "Aunt Prussia" to the Royal children at Windsor, and even more

after the marriage of the Princess Royal, she had remained a loyal and

most kindly and affectionate friend to her daughter-in-law. The two

Royal ladies looked upon life from widely different angles, and the

elder must often have disapproved of the way in which the younger

interpreted her duty. But the Empress Augusta never faltered in her

admiration and affection for one who was so entirely unlike herself, and

in these latter days the death of the Emperor Frederick had brought

them, if possible, even more closely together.

The dramatic fall of Bismarck--the "Dropping the Pilot" of Sir John

Tenniel's memorable cartoon in _Punch_--occurred in March, 1890. It

could hardly have been regretted by the Empress Frederick, but she was

far too magnanimous, and we may add too well aware of Bismarck's

incomparable services to the Empire, to regard the event as in any sense

a personal triumph for herself.

What is truly astonishing, in view of all that had passed, is that the

fallen Minister should have turned to her for sympathy, and should even,

according to some authorities, have begged her to exert on his behalf

her now growing influence with her son. It is said that she then

reminded him that his past treatment of her had deprived her of any

power of helping him now, but such an answer does not accord with what

we know of the Empress's whole character. She was surely incapable at

such a moment of adding anything to the humiliation of her old enemy.

Besides, Professor Nippold speaks of Bismarck's having himself written:

"Her influence over her husband was very great at any time, and became

greater with the years, to culminate at the time when he was Emperor.

But also in her was the conviction that my position close to the throne

was in the interest of the dynasty."

There are, indeed, different versions of what took place in the now

famous interview between Bismarck and the Empress Frederick. It is quite

possible that she regarded the Minister's dismissal from office as an

imprudent and even dangerous step. However that may be, Prince Hohenlohe

declares that Bismarck did not entreat the Empress to intercede for him

with the Emperor; he merely said, when the Empress asked if she could do

anything for him, "I ask only for sympathy." But he certainly did ask to

be received by her in audience, although he must have vividly remembered

the insolent message which he had sent her immediately after the Emperor

Frederick's death, when she had requested him to come to her.

A year later, at Homburg, Prince Hohenlohe and the Empress Frederick had

a long conversation over the Bismarck affair. She said she was not at

all surprised at his dismissal, that "Bismarck was of a combative nature

and would never cease to fight. He could do nothing else." She talked of

previous incidents, of Bismarck's groundless distrust of her, and of the

Empress Augusta, and expressed the opinion "that we had only to thank

the old Emperor's quiet gentleness for any success of Bismarck's. He was

a very dangerous opponent, but not a Republican. He was too Prussian for

that. But the Brandenburg-Prussian noble was determined to rule, though

it were with the King."

The Empress Frederick: a memoir · 第 18 / 21 章