while the ramparts were blockaded, Brutus secretly got out of the gates
which led to a marshy spot, full of water and reeds, and made his way by
night to Larissa. From thence he wrote to Cæsar, who was pleased that he
was alive and told him to come to him; and he not only pardoned Brutus,
but had him about him and treated him with as much respect as any one
else. No one could say where Pompeius had fled to, and there was much
doubt about it; but Cæsar walking a short way alone with Brutus tried to
find out his opinion on the matter; and as Brutus appeared, from certain
considerations, to have come to the best conjecture about the flight of
Pompeius, Cæsar leaving everything else hurried to Egypt. But Pompeius,
who, as Brutus conjectured, had landed in Egypt, met his fate there; and
Brutus mollified Cæsar even towards Cassius.[510] When Brutus was
speaking in defence of the King of the Libyans,[511] he felt himself
overpowered by the magnitude of the charges against him, but yet by his
prayers and urgent entreaties he preserved for him a large part of his
dommions. Cæsar is said, when he first heard Brutus speaking, to have
remarked to his friends: "This youth, I know not what he wills, but what
he does will, he wills with energy." For the earnest character of
Brutus, and his disposition not to listen unadvisedly nor to every one
who asked a favour, but to act upon reflection and principle, made his
efforts strong and effective towards accomplishing whatever he turned
to. But towards unreasonable prayers he was immovable by flattery, and
to be overcome by those who impudently urged their suit, which some call
to be shamed out of a thing, he considered to be most disgraceful to a
great man, and he was wont to say that those who can refuse nothing,
were in his opinion persons who had not well husbanded their youthful
bloom. When Cæsar was going to cross over to Libya against Cato and
Scipio, he intrusted Brutus with Gallia[512] on this side of the Alps,
to the great good fortune of the province; for while the other
provinces, through the violence and rapacity of those who were intrusted
with them, were harassed like conquered countries, Brutus was to the
Gauls a relief and consolation for their former misfortunes; and he put
all to Cæsar's credit, so that when after his return Cæsar was going
about Italy, the cities that had been under Brutus were a most pleasing
sight, as well as Brutus himself, who was increasing his honour and
associating with him as a friend.
VII. Now there were several prætorships, but that which conferred the
chief dignity, and is called the Urban prætorship,[513] it was expected
that either Brutus or Cassius would have; and some say that Brutus and
Cassius, who had before some slight causes of dispute, were still more
at variance about this office, though they were kinsmen, for Cassius was
the husband of Junia, the sister of Brutus. Others say that this rivalry
was the work of Cæsar, who continued secretly to give both of them
hopes, until, being thus urged on and irritated, they were brought into
collision. Brutus relied on his good fame and virtues against the many
splendid exploits of Cassius in his Parthian campaigns. Cæsar hearing
this and consulting with his friends said: "What Cassius says has more
justice, but Brutus must have the first office." Cassius was appointed
to another prætorship, but he had not so much gratitude for what he got,
as anger for what he failed in getting. Brutus also shared Cæsar's power
in other respects as much as he chose. For if he had chosen, he might
have been the first of his friends and had most power; but his intimacy
with Cassius drew him that way and turned him from Cæsar, though he had
not yet been reconciled to Cassius after their former rivalry; but he
listened to his friends who urged him not to let himself be softened and
soothed by Cæsar, and to fly from the friendly advances and the favours
which a tyrant showed him, not because he respected the virtues of
Brutus, but because he wished to curtail his vigour and to undermine his
spirit.
VIII. Nor yet was Cæsar altogether without suspicions of Brutus, and
matter of complaint against him; he feared the proud temper and the
credit and friends of the man, but he trusted in his moral character. In
the first place, when Antonius and Dolabella[514] were said to be aiming
at change, he said, it was not sleek and long-haired men who gave him
trouble, but those pale and lean fellows, meaning Brutus and Cassius.
Next, when some persons were making insinuations against the fidelity of
Brutus and urging Cæsar to be on his guard, he touched his body with his
hand and said, "What, think you that Brutus would not wait for this poor
body?" thereby intimating that no person but Brutus had any pretensions
to so much power after himself. And indeed it seems that Brutus might
certainly have been the first man in the State, if he could have endured
for a short time to be second to Cæsar, and if he had let Cæsar's power
pass its acme, and the fame got by his great exploits waste away. But
Cassius, who was a violent-tempered man and rather on his individual
account a hater of Cæsar than on the public account a hater of the
tyrant, inflamed Brutus and urged him on. Brutus indeed is said to have
been discontented with the dominion, but Cassius to have hated the
dominator; and Cassius had various grievances against Cæsar and among
others, the seizing of the lions, which Cassius had procured when he was
going to be ædile, but Cæsar kept them after they had been found in
Megara at the time when the city was taken by Calenus.[515] It is said
that these beasts were the cause of great calamity to the people of
Megara: for when the enemy were getting possession of the city, the
citizens forced open their dens and loosed their chains, that the beasts
might oppose the enemy who were entering the city, but they rushed
against the citizens themselves, and running among them rent those who
were unarmed, so that the sight moved even the enemy to pity.
IX. Now they say that this was with Cassius the main cause of his
conspiring; but they say so untruly. For there was from the beginning in
the nature of Cassius a certain hostility and dislike to all the race of
tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the same
school with Faustus,[516] the son of Sulla. Faustus was one day bragging
among the boys and exalting the monarchy of his father, on which Cassius
got up and thumped him. The guardians of Faustus and his kinsmen were
desirous to prosecute the matter and seek legal satisfaction; but
Pompeius prevented this, and bringing both the boys together questioned
them about the affair. Thereon it is reported that Cassius said, "Come,
now, Faustus, say if you dare before Pompeius the words at which I was
enraged, that I may break your mouth again." Such was the character of
Cassius. But many words from his friends and many oral and written
expressions from the citizens called and urged Brutus to the deed. For
they wrote on the statue of his ancestor Brutus, who had put down the
dominion of the kings: "Would you were here, Brutus!" and "Would Brutus
were now living!" And the tribunal of Brutus, who was prætor, was found
every morning full of such writings as these: "Brutus, are you asleep?"
and "You are not really Brutus!" But they who were the real cause of
this were the flatterers of Cæsar, who devised various unpopular
distinctions for him and placed diadems on his statues by night, as if
their design was to lead on the many to salute him as king instead of
dictator. But the contrary was the result, as it has been
circumstantially told in the Life of Cæsar.[517]
X. When Cassius was trying to move his friends against Cæsar, they all
assented, provided Brutus would take the lead; for they said that the
undertaking required not hands nor yet daring, but the character of a
man such as Brutus was, who should as it were begin the holy rite and
confirm it by his presence: if this could not be, the conspirators would
be more dispirited in the doing of the deed and more timid when they had
done it, for it would be said that Brutus would not have rejected all
share in the thing, if it had a good cause. Cassius, who saw the truth
of this, now made the first advances to Brutus since their difference.
And after their reconciliation and friendly greeting Cassius asked, if
he intended to be present in the Senate on the new-moon of March, for he
heard that Cæsar's friends would then make a proposal about the kingly
power. Brutus replied that he would not be present. "What then," said
Cassius, "if they summon us?" "It would be my business then," said
Brutus, "not to be silent, but to fight and die in defence of liberty."
Cassius being now encouraged said, "What Roman will endure that you die
first? Brutus, do you not know yourself? Do you think it is the weavers
and tavern-keepers who have written on your tribunal, and not the first
and best who have done this, and who demand from the other prætors
donations and shows and gladiators, but from you, as a debt that you owe
your country, the destruction of the tyranny, and who are ready to
suffer everything for you, if you show yourself to be such a man as they
think you ought to be and they expect you to be." Upon this he threw his
arms around Brutus and embraced him, and thus separating each went to
his friends.
XI. There was one Caius Ligarius,[518] a friend of Pompeius, who had
been accused on this ground and acquitted by Cæsar. This man, who had
not gratitude for his acquittal of the charge, but was hostile to the
power by reason of which he had been in danger, was an enemy of Cæsar,
and one of the most intimate friends of Brutus. Brutus, who came to see
him when he was sick, said, "Ligarius, at what a time you are sick!"
Immediately supporting himself on his elbow, and laying hold of the hand
of Brutus, Ligarius said, "But if you, Brutus, design anything worthy of
yourself, I am well."
XII. After this they secretly sounded their acquaintance whom they
trusted, and communicated the design to them, and added them to their
number; making choice not only among their intimates, but those whom
they knew to be good darers and to despise death. It was for this reason
that they concealed their design from Cicero, though both as to
trustworthiness and goodwill he was esteemed by them among the first,
lest to his natural defect of courage he should join by reason of his
years senile caution, and so attempting by deliberation to bring
everything singly to perfect security, should blunt their edge, which
required the speed of ready action. Among his other companions Brutus
omitted also Statilius[519] the Epicurean, and Favonius, an admirer of
Cato, because when Brutus, in conversation and philosophical
disquisition, had remotely and in a circuitous way sounded them about
such an attempt, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an
illegal monarchy; and Statilius said that it was not befitting a wise
man, and one who had understanding, to expose himself to danger and to
trouble on account of the vile and foolish. Labeo,[520] who was present,
opposed both of them. Brutus, indeed, at the time kept silent, as if he
considered that the matter was something hard and difficult to
determine; but afterwards he communicated his design to Labeo. When
Labeo had readily accepted the proposal, it was resolved to gain over
the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus,[521] who was not a man of action,
nor courageous, but he was strengthened by a number of gladiators, whom
he was keeping for a spectacle for the Romans, and he was also in the
confidence of Cæsar. When Cassius and Labeo spoke to him he made no
answer, but meeting privately with Brutus, and learning that he was the
leader in the act, he agreed to co-operate zealously. The greater part,
and the men of chief note among the rest of the conspirators, were also
brought over by the reputation of Brutus. And without swearing any
mutual oath, or taking or giving mutual pledges by sacrifice of victims,
they all so kept the secret in themselves and were silent and carried it
with them, that the act, though prognosticated by the gods through
oracular answers and sights and victims, was considered past belief.
XIII. Brutus having now the first men in Rome, both for spirit and
family and virtues, dependent upon himself, and having a view of the
whole danger, in his public demeanour endeavoured to restrain within
himself and to keep his designs under strict control; but at home and by
night he was no longer the same man, for sometimes care roused him
involuntarily from his sleep, and at other times he was sunk in thought
and brooding over the difficulties; and it did not escape his wife, who
was resting with him, that he was full of unusual trouble, and was
revolving in himself some design hard to carry and difficult to unravel.
Now Porcia,[522] as it has been said, was the daughter of Cato, and
Brutus, who was her cousin, had married her, not in her virgin state,
but he took her after the death of her husband, while she was still a
young woman, and had one little child by her husband, and the child's
name was Bibulus; and there is extant a small book of memoirs of Brutus,
written by Bibulus. Porcia, who was a philosopher and loved her
husband, and was full of spirit and good sense, did not attempt to
question her husband about his secrets before she had made trial of
herself in manner following. She took a knife, such as barbers pare the
nails with, and putting all her attendants out of the chamber, she
inflicted a deep wound in her thigh, so that there was a large flow of
blood, and, shortly after, violent pains and shivering fever came upon
her in consequence of the wound. Brutus being agonised and full of
trouble, Porcia spoke to him thus in the acme of her pain: "I, Brutus,
Cato's daughter, was given unto thy house, not like women, who serve as
concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner in thy
happiness, and a partner in thy sorrows. Now, with respect to thy
marriage, everything is blameless on thy part; but as to me, what
evidence is there, or what affection, if I must neither share with thee
a secret sorrow nor a care which demands confidence? I know that a
woman's nature is considered too weak to carry a secret, but, Brutus,
there is a certain power towards making moral character in a good
nurture and honest conversation; and I am Cato's daughter and also
Brutus' wife, whereon hitherto I had less relied, but now I know that I
am also invincible to pain." Thus saying, she showed him the wound, and
told him of the trial she had made of herself. Struck with astonishment
and stretching forth his hands, Brutus prayed that the gods would permit
him to succeed in the enterprise and to show himself a husband worthy of
Porcia. He then consoled his wife.
XIV. When notice had been given of a meeting of the Senate, at which
Cæsar was expected to be present, they resolved to make the attempt, for
they would be then collected without raising any suspicion, and they
would have together all the men of highest character and rank, who would
be ready as soon as a great act was accomplished, forthwith to seize
their freedom. The circumstance of the place, too, was considered to be
a token from heaven and in their favour. For it was a portico, one
belonging to the theatre,[523] with an exhedra, in which there was a
statue of Pompeius, which the city erected at the time when Pompeius
adorned that site with porticoes and the theatre. Hither then the Senate
was summoned about the middle of the month of March; the Romans call the
day the Ides; so that some dæmon seemed to be bringing the man to the
vengeance of Pompeius. When the day came, Brutus put a dagger under his
vest, without any one being privy to it except his wife, and went forth;
the rest assembled at the house of Cassius, to conduct down to the Forum
Cassius' son, who was going to assume the toga called virilis. From
thence they all hurried to the portico of Pompeius, where they waited in
expectation of Cæsar's coming immediately to the Senate. Herein most of
all would one have admired the impassiveness of the men and their
presence of mind before the danger, if he had known what was going to
take place--in that, being compelled by their duties of prætor to attend
to the concerns of many persons, they not only listened patiently to
those who came before them and had matter in dispute, like men who have
plenty of leisure, but they also gave to each their decision in exact
form and with judgment, carefully attending to the business. And when
one person, who was unwilling to submit to the decision, was appealing
to Cæsar, and calling out loud and protesting, Brutus, looking on the
bystanders, said: "Cæsar does not hinder me from acting according to the
laws, and he will not hinder me."
XV. And yet many things chanced to fall out to cause them perplexity;
first and chief, that Cæsar tarried while the day was getting on, and as
the victims were not propitious, was kept at home by his wife, and was
hindered by the priests from going abroad. In the next place, a person
came up to Casca, who was one of the conspirators, and taking his hand
said, "Casca, you have concealed the secret from us, but Brutus has
disclosed all to me." Casca was startled at this, whereon the other
smiled and said, "How have you grown so rich all at once as to become a
candidate for the ædileship?" So near did Casca come to betraying the
secret, being deceived by the ambiguity of the man's words. A senator
also, Popilius Lænas,[524] saluted Brutus and Cassius in a more lively
way than usual, and whispering in a low tone, "You have my wishes," he
said, "for success in what you design, and I urge you not to tarry, for
the matter is no secret." Saying this he withdrew, putting them in great
suspicion of the intended deed being known. In the meantime one came
running from the house of Brutus and told him that his wife was dying.
For Porcia, who was beside herself through thinking of what was going to
be done, and unable to bear the weight of her anxiety, could scarce keep
herself within doors, and at every noise and shout, like those possessed
with bacchic frenzy, she would spring forth and question every one who
came in from the Forum, what Brutus was doing, and was continually
sending others out. At length, as the time began to be protracted, her
bodily strength no longer held out, but she fainted and swooned away,
her mind wandering by reason of her perplexity; and she could not reach
her apartment before faintness and indescribable alarm seized her, where
she was sitting in the midst of her attendants, and her colour changed
and her voice was completely choked. Her maids at this sight shrieked
aloud, and as the neighbours quickly ran to the door, a report went
forth and was given out abroad, that she was dead. However she quickly
recovered and was herself again, and her women took care of her. Brutus
was troubled, as was natural, by this report coming upon him; yet he did
not desert the public interest, nor allow himself to be carried away by
his feelings to his own domestic affairs.
XVI. And now it was told that Cæsar was approaching, borne in a litter.
For he had determined, in consequence of being dispirited by the
sacrifices, to ratify nothing of importance at that time, but to put
things off on the pretext of illness. When he had stepped out of the
litter, Popilius Lænas hurried up to him, he who had a little before
wished Brutus good luck and success, and he talked some time with Cæsar
who was standing there and listening. The conspirators (for so we may
call them) not hearing what he said, but conjecturing from their own
suspicions that the conversation was a discovery of the plot, sunk in
their spirits and looked at one another, by their countenances declaring
to one another that they ought not to wait to be seized, but forthwith
to die by their own hands. Cassius and some others had already laid
their hands on the hilts of their daggers under their garments and were
drawing them out, when Brutus observing in the attitude of Lænas the
earnestness of a man who was asking a favour and not preferring an
accusation, said nothing, because so many persons not of their party
were mingled with them, but he encouraged Cassius by the cheering
expression of his countenance. And soon after Lænas kissed Cæsar's right
hand and withdrew, by which it was plain that he had spoken with Cæsar
about himself and some of his own concerns.
XVII.[525] The Senate having advanced to the exhedra, the conspirators
surrounded Cæsar's chair, as if they designed to have a conference with
him. And it is said that Cassius, turning his face to the statue of
Pompeius, invoked him as if he could hear; and Trebonius having engaged
Antonius in conversation at the door kept him out. As Cæsar entered, the
Senate stood up, and as soon as he sat down, the conspirators in a body
surrounded him, putting forward Tillius Cimber, one of their number, to
supplicate for his brother who was an exile; and they all joined in the
supplication, laying hold of Cæsar's hands, and they kissed his breast
and head. Cæsar at first repulsed their intreaties, and then, as they
did not intermit, he made a sudden attempt to rise up, on which Tillius,
with both his hands, pulled Cæsar's garment down from the shoulders, and
Casca first of all (for he stood behind him) drew his sword and drove it
into Cæsar's body near the shoulders, but to no great depth. Cæsar,
laying hold of the handle, cried out aloud in the Roman language,
"Villain Casca, what are you doing!" and Casca, addressing his brother
in Greek, urged him to come to his aid. Cæsar being now assaulted by
many, looked around with the intention of forcing his way through them,
but when he saw Brutus drawing his sword against him, he let loose his
hold of Casca's hand, and wrapping his head in his garment he offered
his body to the blows. The conspirators, who were all mingled in
confusion, and using their numerous swords against Cæsar, wounded one
another, so that even Brutus received a blow on the hand while he was
taking part in the slaughter; and they were all drenched with blood.
XVIII. Cæsar having been thus killed, Brutus advanced into the midst
wishing to speak, and he attempted to detain the Senate by encouraging
them; but the senators, through fear, fled in disorder, and there was
shoving and confusion about the door, though no one pursued or pressed
upon them. For it had been firmly resolved to kill no other than Cæsar,
but to invite all to freedom. Now the rest, when they were deliberating
about the deed, were of opinion that they should kill Antonius at the
same time with Cæsar, as he was a man who aspired to monarchical power
and was a violent man, and had got strength by his intercourse and
familiarity with the army; and chiefly that to his natural haughtiness
and daring temper he had added the dignity of the consulship, being then
Cæsar's colleague. But Brutus opposed the design, first relying on
grounds of justice, and next suggesting hopes of a change. For he did
not despair that Antonius, a man of generous nature, a lover of
honourable distinctions and fond of fame, when Cæsar was put out of the
way, would join his country in seizing hold of freedom, and be led on by
them through emulation to what was good. In this way Brutus saved
Antonius; but in the then alarm Antonius changed his dress for plebeian
attire and fled. Brutus and his partisans went to the Capitol, their
hands stained with blood, and displaying their bare swords called the
citizens to liberty. Now, at first, there were shouts, and the people
running this way and that, as chance would have it, after the murder,
increased the confusion; but as there was no more slaughter and no
plundering of the things exposed for sale, both the senators and many of
the plebeians took heart and went up to the conspirators to the Capitol.
The multitude being assembled, Brutus spoke in a way to please the
people and suitable to the circumstances; and as the people commended
him and called out for them to come down, the conspirators confidently
descended to the Forum, the rest following with one another; but many
of the persons of distinction putting Brutus in the midst of them,
conducted him with great show from the Capitol, and placed him on the
Rostra. At the sight of this the many, though a mingled body and
prepared to raise a tumult, were afraid, and they awaited the result in
order and silence. When Brutus came forward they all listened to what he
said; but that the deed was not agreeable to all, they made evident when
Cinna began to speak and to bring charges against Cæsar, by breaking out
in passion and abusing Cinna, so that the conspirators returned to the
Capitol. Brutus, fearing to be blockaded, then sent away the chief
persons of those who had gone up with him, not thinking it right that,
as they had no share in the blame, they should sustain a share in the
danger.
XIX. However, on the following day when the Senate met in the temple of
Earth, and Antonius and Plancus[526] and Cicero had spoken about an
amnesty and concord, it was resolved that the conspirators should not
only have impunity, but that the consuls should also propose a measure
for conferring honours on them. They voted these things, and then
separated. After Antonius had sent his son to the Capitol as a hostage,
Brutus and the conspirators came down, and there were salutations and
pressing of hands among all of them together. Antonius received Cassius
and feasted him, and Lepidus entertained Brutus; and the rest were
entertained by others according to the intimacy or friendship that
existed between them. At daybreak the senators met again, and in the
first place they conferred honours on Antonius for having stopped the
beginning of civil wars; in the second place, thanks were given to
Brutus and his friends who were present, and finally distributions of
provinces. For to Brutus they decreed Crete, and to Cassius Libya, and
to Trebonius Asia, and to Cimber Bithynia, and to the other Brutus
Gallia on the Eridanus.