covered not only the rear, but also both flanks with many javelin men
and slingers, and led his army in the form of a quadrangle; and the
cavalry received orders to repel the attack of the enemy, but when they
had repulsed them, not to pursue far, in consequence of which the
Parthians during the four following days sustained as much damage as
they inflicted, and their ardour being dulled they thought of retiring,
as an excuse for which they alleged the approach of winter. On the fifth
day Flavius Gallus, a man of military talent and great activity, who
held a command, came and asked Antonius for more light-armed troops for
the rear,[414] and for some of the cavalry from the van, in the
expectation of having great success. Antonius gave him the troops, and
when the enemy made his attack, he fell upon them, not as on former
occasions, at the same time withdrawing towards the heavy-armed soldiers
and retreating, but resisting them and engaging with the enemy in a
desperate way. The commanders of the rear seeing that he was being
separated from them, sent and called him back, but he would not listen
to them. They say that Titius the quæstor, seizing the standards, turned
them round and abused Gallus for throwing away the lives of many brave
men. But as Gallus abused him in turn, and urged those about him to
remain, Titius retreated. While Gallus was pushing forwards against the
enemy in front, a large body of those in the rear got round him before
he perceived it. Being now attacked on all sides he sent for aid; but
the commanders of the heavy-armed troops, among whom was Canidius, a man
who had the greatest influence with Antonius, are considered to have
committed a great mistake. For when they ought to have moved the whole
line against the enemy, they sent a few at a time to help against them;
and again when these were being worsted, they sent others, and thus
these came near filling the whole army with defeat and flight before
they were aware of it; but Antonius himself quickly came with the
heavy-armed men from the van to meet the enemy, and the third legion
quickly pushing through the fugitives against the enemy stopped their
further pursuit.
XLIII. There fell no fewer than three thousand; and there were carried
to the tents five thousand wounded, and among them Gallus, who was
pierced with five arrows in front. Gallus did not recover from his
wounds; but Antonius, going about, visited the rest of the wounded, and
he encouraged them with tears in his eyes and deep sympathy. The men,
cheerfully grasping his right hand, begged him to go and take care of
his health and not to trouble himself about them, calling him Imperator,
and saying that they were all secure if he was only safe. For altogether
it seems that no Imperator of that age got together an army more
distinguished by courage or endurance or strength; but the respect
towards the commander himself, and the obedience combined with
affection, and the circumstance that all alike, those of good
reputation, those of bad, commanders, private soldiers, preferred honour
and favour from Antonius to their own lives and safety, left nothing
even for the ancient Romans to surpass, and of this there were several
reasons, as we have said before; noble birth, powerful eloquence,
simplicity, generosity and munificence, affability in his pleasures and
conversation. On that occasion, by the pains that he took and his
sympathy with the wounded, and by sharing with them whatever they
wanted, he made the sick and wounded more full of alacrity than those
who were whole.
XLIV. However the victory so elated the enemy, who were already worn out
and exhausted, and they despised the Romans so much that they even
passed the night[415] close to the camp, expecting that they should soon
plunder the deserted tents and the baggage of the Romans skulking away.
At daybreak the enemy crowded upon them in still greater numbers, and
there are said to have been not fewer than forty thousand horsemen, as
the king had sent even those who were always placed around himself, as
to certain and secure success; for the king himself was never present in
any battle. But Antonius, wishing to harangue the soldiers, asked for a
dark garment that he might appear more piteous. But as his friends
opposed him, he came forward in the purple dress of a general and
addressed the troops, praising those who had been victorious, and
upbraiding those who had fled. The former exhorted him to be of good
cheer, and the others making their apology offered themselves to him
either to be decimated or to be punished in any other way; only they
prayed him to cease being troubled and grieved. Hereupon, raising his
hands, he prayed to the gods, that if any reverse of fortune should
follow on account of his former prosperity, it might come upon him, but
that they would give safety and victory to the rest of the army.
XLV. On the following day they advanced under better protection; and
when the Parthians made their attack, the result was very contrary to
their expectations. For they expected to advance to plunder and booty,
and not to battle; but as they were assailed by many missiles, and saw
that the Romans were encouraged and fresh with alacrity, they were again
completely wearied of the contest. However the Parthians again fell upon
them as they were descending some steep hills, and galled them with
arrows as they were slowly retreating, whereon the shield-bearers[416]
faced about and placing the light-armed troops within their ranks,
dropped down on one knee and held their shields before them; those
behind held their shields before the front rank, and those who were
behind the second rank did the same. This form, which very much
resembles a roof,[417] presents a theatrical appearance, and is the
safest of bulwarks against the arrows, which thus glance off. But the
Parthians, who thought that the Romans bending on one knee was a sign of
exhaustion and fatigue, laid aside their bows, and grasping their spears
by the middle, came to close quarters. But the Romans with one shout all
at once sprang up, and pushing with their javelins which they held in
their hands, killed the foremost and put all the rest to flight. This
took place also on the following days, the Romans making only small way.
Famine also attacked the army, which could get little grain and that
with fighting, and they had few implements for grinding; for the greater
part were left behind, owing to some of the beasts dying, and others
being employed in carrying the sick and wounded. It is said that an
Attic choenix[418] of wheat was sold for fifty drachmæ; and they sold
barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they betook themselves to
vegetables and roots; but they found few of the kind that they were
accustomed to, and being compelled to make trial of what they had never
tasted before, they ate of one herb that caused madness and then death.
For he who had eaten of it recollected nothing, and understood nothing,
and busied himself about nothing except one sole thing, which was to
move and turn every stone, as if he were doing something of great
importance. The plain was full of men stooping to the ground and digging
round stones and moving them; and finally they vomited bile and died,
for wine, which was the only remedy, failed them. As many were dying and
the Parthians did not desist from their attack, they say that Antonius
often cried out "O the ten thousand!"[419] whereby he expressed his
admiration of the ten thousand, that though they marched even a greater
distance, from Babylonia, and fought with many more enemies, yet they
made good their retreat.
XLVI. The Parthians, not being able to break through the Roman army nor
yet to separate their ranks, and being already often defeated and put to
flight, again mingled in a friendly way with those who went out for
grass or corn, and pointing to the strings of their bows which were
unstrung, said, that they were going back and this was the end of their
attack; but that a few of the Medes would follow still one or two days'
journey without annoying them at all, and for the purpose of protecting
the more distant villages. To these words were added embraces and signs
of friendship, so that the Romans were again of good cheer; and Antonius
hearing this resolved to keep nearer to the plains, as the road through
the mountains was said to be waterless. While he was intending to do
this, there came to the camp a man from the enemy, named Mithridates, a
cousin of Monæses, of him who had been with Antonius and had received
the three cities as a present. And he asked for some one to come near to
him who could speak the Parthian or the Syrian language. Alexander of
Antioch came to him, and he was an intimate friend of Antonius,
whereupon Mithridates, saying who he was, and intimating that they must
thank Monæses for what he was going to say, asked Alexander, if he saw
in the distance a continuous range of lofty mountains. On Alexander
saying that he saw them, he replied, "Under those mountains the
Parthians with all their forces lie in ambush for you. For the great
plains border on these mountains, and they expect that you will be
deceived by them and will turn in that direction and leave the road
through the mountains. The way over the mountains is attended with
thirst and labour to which you are accustomed, but if Antonius goes by
the plain, let him be assured that the fate of Crassus awaits him."
XLVII. Having said this, he went away; and Antonius, who was troubled at
these words, called together his friends and the Mardian who was their
guide, and had exactly the same opinion. For even if there were no
enemy, he knew that the want of roads in the plains and the mistakes in
the track which they might make there were matters of hazard and
difficulty; but he declared that the road over the mountains presented
no other risk than the want of water for a single day. Accordingly
Antonius turned aside and led his army by this route by night, having
given orders to the men to take water with them. But the greater part
had no vessels, and accordingly they filled their helmets with water and
carried them, and others took it in skins. As soon as Antonius began to
advance, the Parthians had intelligence of it, and contrary to their
custom they commenced the pursuit while it was still night. Just as the
sun was rising, they came up with the rear, which was in weak condition
through want of sleep and fatigue: for they had accomplished two hundred
and forty stadia in the night; and the enemy coming upon them so
suddenly when they did not expect it, dispirited them. The contest
increased their thirst, for they still advanced while they were
defending themselves. Those who were in the first ranks, as they were
marching onwards, came to a river,[420] the water of which was cool and
pellucid, but salt and of a medicinal nature; and this water, when drank
of immoderately, caused pains with purging and augmentation of the
thirst: and though the Mardian had warned them of this, the soldiers
nevertheless forced away those who tried to hinder them and drank of the
water. Antonius went round to the men and prayed them to hold out for a
short time, and he said there was another river not far off, and besides
this, the rest of the route was impracticable for horses and rough, so
that the enemy must certainly turn back. At the same time he summoned
those who were engaged in the fight and gave the signal for pitching the
tents, that the soldiers might at least enjoy the shade a little.
XLVIII. While then the tents were being fixed and the Parthians as usual
were immediately retiring, Mithridates came again, and upon Alexander
going up to him, he advised him to put the army in motion after it had
rested a little and to hasten to the river: for he said that the
Parthians would not cross it, but would follow up the pursuit as far as
the river. Alexander reported this to Antonius, and then brought out
from him numerous gold cups and goblets, of which Mithridates taking as
many as he could hide in his dress, rode off. As it was still daylight,
they broke up their tents and advanced, without being annoyed by the
enemy; but they made that night of all others the most painful and
frightful to themselves. For they killed and plundered those who had
silver or gold, and took the things that were carried by the beasts; and
finally falling upon the baggage of Antonius, they cut in pieces and
divided among them cups and costly tables, there being great disturbance
and confusion through the whole army; for they thought that the enemy
had fallen upon them and that flight and dispersion had ensued, Antonius
called one of the freedmen, who was on his guard, named Rhamnus, and
bound him by oath when he gave him the order, to push his sword through
him and to cut off his head, that he might neither be taken alive by the
enemy nor be recognised when dead. His friends broke out in tears, but
the Mardian encouraged Antonius by telling him that the river was near;
for a moist breeze blowing and a cooler air meeting them made their
respiration more agreeable; and he said that the time they had been on
the march confirmed his estimate of the distance, for what now remained
of the night was not much. At the same time others reported that the
disorder was owing to their own wrongful deeds and rapacity. Accordingly
Antonius, wishing to bring the army into order from their state of
disorder and confusion, commanded the signal to be given for pitching
the tents.
XLIX. Day was now dawning, and as the army was beginning to get into
certain order and tranquillity, the arrows of the Parthians fell upon
the rear, and the signal for battle was given to the light-armed troops.
The heavy-armed troops again covering one another in like manner as
before with their shields, stood the assault of the missiles, the enemy
not venturing to come near. The first ranks advancing slowly in this
form, the river was seen; and Antonius drawing up his cavalry on the
banks in face of the enemy, took across the weak first. Those who were
fighting were now relieved from apprehension, and had the opportunity of
drinking; for when the Parthians saw the river, they unstrung their bows
and bade the Romans pass over in confidence, with great encomiums on
their valour. Accordingly, they crossed, and recruited themselves
quietly; and then they marched forwards, but yet not with full
confidence in the Parthians. On the sixth day after the last battle they
reached the river Araxes,[421] which is the boundary between Media and
Armenia. It appeared dangerous both for its depth and roughness, and a
rumour went through the army that the enemy was in ambush there, and
would fall on them as they were crossing. When they had safely crossed
and had set foot in Armenia, as if they had just got sight of that land
from the sea, they saluted it and fell to shedding of tears and
embracing of one another for joy. In their progress through a fertile
country, during which they used everything freely after having suffered
great want, they were subject to dropsical and bowel complaints.
L. Antonius there made a review of his men, and he found that twenty
thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry had perished; not all by the
enemy, but above half by disease. They marched from Phraata
twenty-seven days, and they defeated the Parthians in eighteen battles;
but these victories brought neither strength nor security, because their
pursuits were short and ineffectual. And this mainly showed that it was
Artavasdes[422] the Armenian who had deprived Antonius of the means of
bringing that war to an end. For if the sixteen thousand horsemen whom
he drew out of Media had been present, who were equipped like the
Parthians, and were accustomed to fight against them, and if, while the
Romans put to flight the fighting enemy, they had overtaken the
fugitives, it would not have been in their power after a defeat to
recover themselves and venture again so often. All the army accordingly
in passion endeavoured to incite Antonius to punish the Armenian. But
Antonius upon considerations of prudence neither reproached him for his
treachery nor abated of his usual friendly behaviour and respect towards
him, being weak in numbers and in want of supplies. Afterwards, however,
when he again broke into Armenia, and by many promises and invitations,
persuaded Artavasdes to come into his hands, he seized him and took him
in chains to Alexandria, where he was led in triumph. And herein chiefly
he offended the Romans, by giving to the Egyptians for the sake of
Cleopatra the honourable and solemn ceremonial of his native country.
This however took place later.
LI. Antonius now pressed on his march, the winter having already set in
with severity, through incessant snow-storms, in which he lost eight
thousand men on the route. Going down to the sea-coast with a very small
body of men, he waited for Cleopatra[423] in a place between Berytus and
Sidon, called "White village"; and as she was slow in coming, he became
uneasy and restless, soon giving himself up to drinking and
intoxication, but yet being unable to continue at table; for while his
companions were drinking he would rise and often spring up to look out,
till Cleopatra arrived there by sea bringing a quantify of clothes and
supplies for the soldiers. There are some who say that Antonius received
the clothes from her, but that the money was his own, though he
distributed it as if it were a present to him from Cleopatra.
LII. A quarrel arose between the king of the Medes and Phraortes[424]
the Parthian, which originated, as they say, about the Roman spoils, but
caused the Mede to have suspicions and fear of being deprived of his
dominions. For this reason he sent to invite Antonius, and proffered to
join him in a war with his own forces. Antonius accordingly being put in
great hope--for the only thing as he thought which had been the cause of
his failing to subdue the Parthians, his having gone against them
without many horsemen and bowmen, he now saw was offered to him in such
way that his part was rather to do a favour by accepting than to ask for
one--was preparing again to march into the upper country through Armenia,
and after joining the Mede near the Araxes, then to recommence the war.
LIII. At Rome Octavia[425] was desirous of going to Antonius, and Cæsar
gave her permission; as the greater part say, not with the design of
pleasing her, but in order that if she were greatly insulted and
neglected, he might have a specious pretext for the war. On reaching
Athens she received letters from Antonius, in which he told her to stay
there, and informed her of his intended expedition. Though Octavia was
annoyed, and saw that this was only a pretext, she wrote to him to ask
to what place he would have the things sent which she was bringing to
him. And she was taking a great quantity of clothing for the army, many
beasts, and money and presents for his officers and friends; and besides
this, two thousand picked soldiers equipped as prætorian cohorts, with
splendid armour. A certain Niger, a friend of Antonius, who was sent by
Octavia, reported this to him, and he added commendation of Octavia such
as she merited and was just. But Cleopatra, seeing that Octavia was
entering into a contest with her, and fearing that if to the dignity of
her behaviour and the power of Cæsar she added the pleasure of social
intercourse and attention to Antonius, she would be invincible and get
complete mastery over her husband, pretended to be desperately in love
with Antonius, and she wasted her body by spare diet; and she put on the
expression of strong passion when he approached her, and of sorrow and
depression when he went away. She also contrived to be often seen in
tears, which she would all at once wipe away and affect to conceal, as
if she did not wish Antonius to observe it. She practised these arts
while Antonius was preparing for his expedition from Syria against the
Mede.[426] Flatterers, too, who were busy in her behalf, abused Antonius
as a hard and unfeeling man, who was causing the death of a woman who
was devoted to him alone. As to Octavia, she came to meet Antonius upon
business on her brother's account, and enjoyed the name of wife of
Antonius; but Cleopatra, who was the queen of so many people, was only
called the beloved of Antonius, and she did not shun nor disdain this
name, so long as she could see Antonius and live with him; but if she
were driven away from him, she would not survive. At last they so melted
and softened the man, that through fear that Cleopatra might destroy
herself, he returned to Alexandria, and put off the Mede to the summer
season, though the affairs of Parthia were said to be in a state of
anarchy. However, he went up into the country, and brought over the king
to friendly terms, and after betrothing to one of his sons by Cleopatra
one of the daughters of the king, who was still a young child, he
returned, being now engaged in preparing for the civil war.
LIV. When Octavia returned from Athens, as Cæsar conceived her to have
been insulted, he ordered her to dwell in her own house. But she refused
to leave her husband's house, and she advised her brother, if he had not
for other reasons determined to go to war with Antonius, to let her
affairs alone, for it was not even decent to be said, that of the
greatest Imperators, one through love for a woman, and the other
through jealousy, brought the Romans to civil war. This she said, and
she confirmed what she said by her acts; for she lived in her husband's
house, just as if he were at home, and she took care of the children,
both her own and those of Fulvia, in an honourable and liberal way; she
also received the friends of Antonius who were sent to Rome to get
offices or on business, and assisted them in obtaining from Cæsar what
they wanted. She thus unintentionally damaged Antonius, for he was hated
for wronging such a woman. He was also hated for the division which he
made among his children at Alexandria, which appeared to be
tragical[427] and arrogant, and to show hatred of the Romans. For he
filled the gymnasium with a crowd, and caused to be placed on a tribunal
of silver two thrones of gold, one for himself, and the other for
Cleopatra, and for the children other thrones which were lower; and
first of all he declared Cleopatra Queen of Egypt and Cyprus and Libya
and Coele Syria, with Cæsarion as co-regent, who was believed to be the
son of the former Cæsar, who left Cleopatra pregnant; in the next place
he proclaimed his sons and Cleopatra's to be Kings of Kings; and to
Alexander he gave Armenia, and Media, and Parthia, when he should have
subdued it, and to Ptolemæus he gave Phoenice and Syria and Cilicia. At
the same time also he led forth Alexander, dressed in a Median vest with
a tiara and cittaris[428] upright, and Ptolemæus in boots, and a
chlamys, and a causia with a diadem attached to it; for this was the
dress of the kings who followed Alexander, and the other was the dress
of the Medes and Armenians. After the children had embraced their
parents, a guard of Armenians was placed around the one, and of
Macedonians around the other. Cleopatra, both on that occasion and on
other occasions when she went out before the people, used to put on a
dress sacred to Isis, different from her ordinary dress, and she was
called the new Isis.
LV. By bringing these matters before the Senate, and often complaining
of them before the people, Cæsar excited the multitude against Antonius.
Antonius also sent and made recriminations against Cæsar. The chief
charges which Antonius made against him were, in the first place, that
though he had taken Sicily from Pompeius, he did not give him a part of
the island; second, that Cæsar had borrowed ships from him for the war
and had kept them; third, that after ejecting his colleague Lepidus from
his authority and degrading him, Cæsar kept the army and territory and
revenues that were assigned to Lepidus;[429] and, finally, that he had
distributed nearly all Italy in allotments among his own soldiers, and
had left nothing for the soldiers of Antonius. To these charges Cæsar
replied, that he had deprived Lepidus of his authority because he was
abusing it, and as to what he had acquired in war, he would share it
with Antonius, when Antonius should share Armenia with him. He further
said that the soldiers of Antonius had no claim to any share of Italy,
for that they had Media and Parthia, which they had added to the Roman
possessions by their brave conduct in war under their Imperator.