CHAPTER X

GRAND PRINCE BECOMES TSAR

Vasili, who succeeded Ivan III. in 1505, continued his work on the same

lines of absorption and consolidation by unmerciful means. Pskof,--the

sister republic to Novgorod the Great,--which had guarded its liberties

with the same passionate devotion, was obliged to submit. The bell

which had always summoned their _Vetché_, and which symbolized their

liberty, was carried away. Their lament is as famous as that for the

Moorish city of Alhama, when taken by Ferdinand of Aragon. The poetic

annalist says: "Alas! glorious city of Pskof--why this weeping and

lamentation?" Pskof replies: "How can I but weep and lament? An eagle

with claws like a lion has swooped down upon me. He has captured my

beauty, my riches, my children. Our land is a desert! our city ruined.

Our brothers have been carried away to a place where our fathers never

dwelt--nor our grandfathers--nor our great-grandfathers!" In the whole

tragic story of Russia nothing is more pathetic and picturesque than

the destruction of the two republics--Novgorod and Pskof.

By 1523 the last state had yielded, and the Muscovite absorption was

complete. There was but one Russia; and the head of the consolidated

empire called himself not "Grand Prince of all the Russias," but

_Tsar_. When it is remembered that Tsar is only the Slavonic form for

_Caesar_, it will be seen that the dream of the Varangian Princes had

been in an unexpected way realized. The Tsar of Russia was the

successor of the Caesars in the East.

Vasili's method of choosing a wife was like that of Ahasuerus. Fifteen

hundred of the most beautiful maidens of noble birth were assembled at

Moscow. After careful scrutiny the number was reduced to ten, then to

five--from these the final choice was made. His wife's relations

formed the court of Vasili, became his companions and advisers,

_boyars_ vying with each other for the privilege of waiting upon his

table or assisting at his toilet. But the office of adviser was a

difficult one. To one great lord who in his inexperience ventured to

offer counsel, as in the olden time of the _Drujina_, he said sharply:

"Be silent, rustic." While still another, more indiscreet, who had

ventured to complain that they were not consulted, was ordered to his

bedchamber, and there had his head cut off.

The court grew in barbaric and in Greek splendor. As the Tsar sat upon

the throne supported by mechanical lions which roared at intervals, he

was guarded by young nobles with high caps of white fur, wearing long

caftans of white satin and armed with silver hatchets. Greek

scholarship was also there. A learned monk and friend of Savonarola

was translating Greek books and arranging for him the priceless volumes

in his library. Vasili himself was now in correspondence with Pope Leo

X., who was using all his arts to induce him to make friends with

Catholic Poland and join in the most important of all wars--a war upon

Constantinople, of which he, Vasili, the spiritual and temporal heir to

the Eastern Empire, was the natural protector.

All this was very splendid. But things were moving with the momentum

gained by his father, Ivan the Great. It was Vasili's inheritance, not

his reign, that was great. That inheritance he had maintained and

increased. He had humiliated the nobility, had developed the movements

initiated by his greater father, and had also shown tastes magnificent

enough for the heir of his imperial mother, Sophia Paleologus. But he

is overshadowed in history by standing between the two Ivans--Ivan the

Great and Ivan the Terrible.

[Illustration: The Czar Iván the Terrible and his son Iván Ivánovitch.

From the painting by I. E. Répin.]

Leo X. was soon too much occupied with a new foe to think about designs

upon Constantinople. A certain monk was nailing a protest upon the

door of the Church at Wittenburg which would tax to the uttermost his

energies. As from time to time travelers brought back tales of the

splendor of the Muscovite court, Europe was more than ever afraid of

such neighbors. What might these powerful barbarians not do, if they

adopted European methods! More stringent measures were enforced. They

must not have access to the implements of civilization, and Sigismund,

King of Poland, threatened English merchants on the Baltic with death.

It is a singular circumstance that although, up to the time of Ivan the

Great, Russia had apparently not one thing in common with the states of

Western Europe, they were still subject to the same great tides or

tendencies and were moving simultaneously toward identical political

conditions. An invisible but compelling hand had been upon every

European state, drawing the power from many heads into one. In Spain,

Ferdinand and Isabella had brought all the smaller kingdoms and the

Moors under one united crown. In France, Louis XI. had shattered the

fabric of feudalism, and by artful alliance with the people had

humiliated and subjugated the proud nobility. Henry VIII. had

established absolutism in England, and Maximilian had done the same for

Germany, while even the Italian republics, were being gathered into the

hands of larger sovereignties. From this distance in time it is easy

to see the prevailing direction in which all the nations were being

irresistibly drawn.

The hour had struck for the tide to flow toward _centralisation_; and

Russia, remote, cut off from all apparent connection with the Western

kingdoms, was borne along upon the same tide with the rest, as if it

was already a part of the same organism! There, too, the power was

passing from the many to one: first from many ruling families to one

family, then from all the individual members of that family to a

supreme and permanent head--the Tsar.

There were many revolutions in Russia from the time when the Dolgorukis

turned the life-currents from Kief to the North; many centers of

volcanic energy in fearful state of activity, and many times when ruin

threatened from every side. But in the midst of all this there was one

steady process--one end being always approached--a consolidation and a

centralization of authority before which European monarchies would

pale! The process commenced with the autocratic purposes of Andrew

Bogoliubski. And it was because his _boyars_ instinctively knew that

the success of his policy meant their ruin that they assassinated him.

In "Old Russia" a close and fraternal tie bound the Prince and his

_Drujina_ together. It was one family, of which he was the adored

head. What characterized the "New Russia" was a growing antagonism

between the Grand Prince and his lords or _boyars_. This developed

into a life-and-death struggle, similar to that between Louis XI. and

his nobility. His elevation meant their humiliation. It was a

terrible clash of forces--a duel in which one was the instrument of

fate, and the other predestined to destruction.

It was of less importance during the period between Andrew Bogoliubski

and Ivan IV. that Mongols were exercising degrading tyranny and making

desperate reprisals for defeat--that Lithuania and Poland, and

conspirators everywhere, were by arms and by diplomacy and by treachery

trying to ruin the state; all this was of less import than the fact

that every vestige of authority was surely passing out of the hands of

the nobility into those of the Tsar. The fight was a desperate one.

It became open and avowed under Ivan III., still more bitter under his

son Vasili II., and culminated at last under Ivan the Terrible, when,

like an infuriated animal, he let loose upon them all the pent-up

instincts in his blood.

A Short History of Russia · 第 10 / 26 章