III.

No period of man's earlier doubting can be more interesting than that of

the centuries just prior to the Christian era, when the peoples of the

Mediterranean contributed so much, directly and indirectly, to the

preparation for Christianity and to the discovery, or revelation, which

finally came and in due time changed the ancient to our modern world.

What the preparation was has already been indicated, at least partially,

in the references that have been made to the Sophists and to the

Pharisees. Christianity has been only the interest, the earned

increment, or rather should I not say the compounded principal, of the

scepticism, of the formalism and the utilitarianism which beset the

Greeks and the Hebrews, to mention no others, as their peculiar

civilizations were merging into the larger and deeper life of a great

empire. In their several lives the demand came, and came, too, from

within, not merely from without, as in all life [p.265] it must come,

for use of their gathered treasures, whether spiritual or material, and

the rise of Rome was but the result of that demand satisfied, of the use

realized. As for the scepticism, this with all its incidents made the

use possible, made it possible for the peoples to give or relinquish

what they had to the larger life to which they all belonged, while the

religion of Christianity spiritualized for them all the resulting

empire.

Those wonderful races of the Mediterranean, who achieved--at least some

of them--such great things in all that counts for civilization, became

at the last most extravagant sceptics, not only formulating, but also

very generally living up to, the conviction of ignorance and

forgetfulness of reality. Everything which their long past had gathered

for them they resigned--or let me say crucified--and themselves they

threw, as if with an investor's recklessness, upon a world of chance or

fate, upon a world seemingly of empty forms in all human relations, a

world of disguises for license and of mere conceits of moral power and

religious piety. Sensuous mysticism and pantheism, formalism of all

kinds, Stoicism, Epicureanism, legalism, and cosmopolitanism were

crosses upon which one people and another, one class and another, nailed

their long-cherished devotions, their love of God and man and nature, of

temple and family and country. A great doubting, then, was truly theirs.

A great sacrificial offering was their preparation for Christianity. In

a way, with a completeness that seems to have no parallel in history,

they put their talents to the bankers--despairing, of course, but hoping

also, [p.266] if only their doubting, when it came, may be supposed as

genuine as their earlier believing. From the North and from the East and

from the South their good men came, and their rich and their wise, and

laid what they had at the feet of the life that was new born.

People read their histories so differently. The pagan doubt, the

Christian revelation and belief, the conversion of the pagan world to

Christianity, the Renaissance, in which the conversion was in a sense

reversed, and the Reformation mean such different things to different

people. Some must still have it that paganism, or pre-Christianism,

ended in absolutely blind despair, in the avowal of complete failure--as

if such despair or failure could ever find words for its own utterance;

that Christianity came into a hopelessly pagan world wholly from

without, came into a world of nothing but unmixed doubt, and brought

with it nothing but unmixed belief; that the conversion was a sort of

conquest, by a power all its own capturing the pagans, so wholly

unnerved as to be quite incapable even of a futile resistance; that the

Renaissance, restoration as it was of the pagan life and thought, was at

best a great condescension on the part of Christendom and at worst an

unfortunate return to the pagan idols; and that in the Reformation the

Christian Religion Militant did but retreat upon the Bible as its

impregnable fortress. But such history can hardly be our history here.

For us the rise and the progress of Christianity have had quite a

different character. To strike at the foundation of that whole structure

the pagan doubting was too articulate. It was, also, too earnest. It was

too genuine. The races did indeed resign, as with [p.267] an investor's

recklessness, all that they had, but their recklessness was not unmixed.

Their doubting had hope in it as well as despair. It still loved the

spirit of what had been even when it betrayed the letter. It had its

martyrs, too, as well as its suicides; its sense of life as well as its

enervating fear of death. Say what you will, then, a great, warm,

yearning belief dwelt within it. And so, just because the pagan doubting

was too earnest and too genuine and too articulate, because it was, in

truth, a great sacrificial offering, the crucifixion on Calvary was also

too true to life at Athens and Alexandria, as well as to life at

Jerusalem, and the resurrection of the spirit was too true to life at

Rome; they were too true to mean anything but fulfilment and

achievement. Everywhere, in every place and in every department of life,

the letter had been rejected; but everywhere also--and this, nothing

else, was the true conversion to Christianity--the spirit was accepted.

Acceptance of the spirit, too, meant that in good time the letter would

be restored, as indeed at the Renaissance it surely was.

Christianity, therefore, came when the times were ripe for it. It came

not from without, but deeply from within the pagan life of the

Mediterranean. Moreover, if in this way, not in that other way, we must

read the rise of Christianity, then we must read both the Renaissance

and the Reformation under the same light. The Renaissance, as was just

said, brought a restoration of the letter; but, necessarily, of the

letter under the light of the spirit, of the letter transfigured. The

Renaissance, so dramatically manifested in the Crusades, was only

Christendom returning to its [p.268] birthplace. With its crusades to

Jerusalem, to all the old capitals, to the pagan ideas and institutions,

to the ancient languages and literatures, Christianity rediscovered

itself in the past, winning back in this way some of its childhood,

curing a homesickness that a worldly church had made it feel, securing

for itself such a deep experience as comes to a man who, after years of

wandering and forgetting, has returned to the home of his infancy. And

as for the Reformation--if indeed this was a retreat, shall we say, of a

defeated religion upon the Bible, its supposed impregnable fortress--we

need only to remember the pagan origin, the Hebrew and the Greek

inspiration, and the Roman atmosphere of that sacred book.

And of the relation of Christianity to paganism, just one thing more.

The Christian revelation, so wonderfully portrayed and enacted in the

life and character of Jesus, was only an idealization, a spiritual

interpretation, of the very present, the thoroughly actual life of the

time, of the life that the pagans, doubting but believing, despairing

but also trusting, resigning all but hoping for more, had already

brought upon themselves; a life of self-denial, of common, universal

humanity, all men being "members one of another," and of perfect faith.

Perhaps the self-denial was bravely concealed in an accepted subjection,

but it was not less real. Perhaps the common humanity was military and

imperial, yet it also was real. Perhaps, too, the faith was blind and

fatalistic, but it was nevertheless faith. Can faith go farther or do

more than fatalism? The pagans, then, had become Christians in fact or

status, and Christianity came, breathing [p.269] life into the bare

fact, into the self-denial, and the broad humanity and the faith, and

made these not the mere phases of bare fact or condition, but motives

and ideals, manifesting them heroically in a single human life, and so

in the form and with the power of a personal discovery of self.

Where genuine doubt is the God is always born.

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