RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
"If a great change is to be made in human affairs, the minds of men
will be fitted to it; the general opinions and feelings will draw
that way. Every fear, every hope will forward it, and then they who
persist in opposing this mighty current in human affairs, will appear
rather to resist the decrees of Providence itself, than the mere
designs of men. They will not be resolute and firm, but perverse and
obstinate."--Burke (_Thoughts on French Affairs_).
The Parliament elected in January 1906 contained an overwhelming
Liberal majority; it also contained more than 400 members, belonging
to all parties, who were pledged to the principle of women's suffrage.
A considerable number of these had expressed their adherence to the
movement in their election addresses.
Mr. (now Viscount) Haldane had said at Reading, just before the
election, that he considered women's suffrage not only desirable,
but necessary, if Parliament would grapple successfully with the
difficult problems of social reform. Mr. Lloyd George stigmatised the
exclusion of women from the right of voting as "an act of intolerable
injustice." Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, the Prime Minister, who
received a deputation containing representatives of all the suffrage
societies in May 1906, said that they "had made out a conclusive and
irrefutable case." Still no promise of Government help for the passing
of a Suffrage Bill was forthcoming; the difference of opinion in both
parties on the subject of women's suffrage cut across all party ties,
and thus hindered Government action. It was obvious that no private
member, in the changed conditions of modern politics, could pass so
important a Bill without Government help; and no promise of this
help could be obtained. The first debate on a Women's Suffrage Bill
in the new Parliament took place in 1907, when the speaker refused
to grant the closure and the Bill was talked out. Mr. Stanger, K.C.,
M.P., drew a good place in the ballot in 1908, and his Bill for the
simple removal of the sex disability from existing franchises came on
for second reading in February. The closure having been granted, the
division resulted in the great majority for the Bill of 273 to 94. But
no further progress was made.
In May of the same year a deputation of Liberal M.P.'s waited on Mr.
Asquith, who had then become Prime Minister, to press him for aid
for passing into law a Women's Suffrage Bill. He admitted that about
two-thirds of his Cabinet and a majority of his party were favourable
to women's suffrage, and while maintaining his own continued opposition
to it, made a statement that his Government intended to introduce
a measure of electoral reform, and that if an amendment for the
admission of women were proposed on democratic lines, his Government
as a Government would not oppose it. This was a great advance on
the position occupied by Mr. Gladstone in 1884, when he vehemently
opposed a women's suffrage amendment to the Reform Bill of that year.
All the organs of public opinion without exception recognised that
this promise advanced the movement for women's suffrage to a higher
place in practical politics than it had ever before occupied. The
next year, 1909, Mr. Geoffrey Howard, M.P., and other Liberal members
abandoned the non-party Women's Suffrage Bill which had hitherto always
been introduced, and brought forward a Bill for what was practically
universal adult suffrage; this course alienated all Conservative
and much moderate Liberal support, and was taken in the face of the
strongly expressed protests of all the suffrage societies. The division
on the second reading showed a majority of only 35 or less than
one-fifth of the majority for the more moderate Bill. The supporters
fell in numbers from 273 to 159, and the opposition increased from
94 to 124, and this in a House of Commons with the immense combined
Liberal, Labour, and Nationalist majority of 513 to 157. In the House
of Commons elected successively in January and December 1910 the same
combination of parties had a majority of about 125, as compared with
a majority of 356 in the Parliament of 1906. These figures are most
eloquent of the real political situation, and explain why genuine
suffragists who want women's names on the register before the next
election, supported, in the absence of Government aid, a measure on
moderate lines calculated to unite the greatest amount of support from
all parts of the House, rather than a Bill drafted on extreme party
lines, which would certainly alienate Conservative and moderate Liberal
support. If an Adult Suffrage Bill could only obtain a majority of 35
when the Government majority was 356, it is easy to predict where it
would be when the Government majority was reduced to 125.
In December 1909 the Government announced an immediate dissolution of
Parliament. For the first time in the history of the women's suffrage
movement the political campaign preceding a general election was opened
with important declarations from the Prime Minister and other members
of his Government on the subject of the enfranchisement of women.
At the great meeting of his party at the Albert Hall, December 10,
1909, after indicating his own continued opposition to women's
suffrage, Mr. Asquith said: "Nearly two years ago I declared on
behalf of the present Government that in the event, which we then
contemplated, of our bringing in a Reform Bill, we should make the
insertion of a suffrage amendment an open question for the House of
Commons to decide (cheers). Our friends and fellow-workers of the
Women's Liberal Federation (cheers) have asked me to say that my
declaration survives the expiring Parliament, and will hold good in its
successor, and that their cause, so far as the Government is concerned,
shall be no worse off in the new Parliament than it would have been in
the old. I have no hesitation in acceding to that request (cheers). The
Government ... has no disposition or desire to burke this question;
it is clearly an issue on which the new House of Commons ought to be
given an opportunity to express its views."
On the same day Sir Edward Grey, at Alnwick, reiterated his continued
support of women's suffrage. In reply to a question, he said: "If that
means, am I in favour of a reasonable Bill for giving votes to women, I
have always supported that Bill, and I don't think it right to change
my opinions because what I believe to be a small minority among women
has been very violent and unreasonable." Mr. Winston Churchill, a few
days earlier, expressed a similar opinion to that of Sir Edward Grey.
The anti-suffragists are never weary of asserting that women's suffrage
has never been before the country as a practical political issue. It
is difficult to imagine what being "before the country" consists in,
if the foregoing declarations on the part of the leaders of the party
in power do not indicate that a question has reached this stage. At
the general election of January 1910, 245 candidates mentioned in
their election addresses that they supported the extension of the
Parliamentary franchise to women.[41] In this election the National
Union organised a voters' petition in support of women's suffrage.
The signatures, amounting to over 280,000, were nearly all collected
on polling day from electors who had just recorded their own vote. In
some constituencies, especially in the North of England, hardly a man
refused his signature; the polling number was in each case attached to
the signature as a means of identification, and as a guarantee of good
faith. No objection has ever been made to our petitions, or signatures
disallowed, as in the case of some of the anti-suffrage petitions,
on the ground that there were pages of signatures all in the same
handwriting.
An extremely important event in the development of the suffrage
movement in the field of practical politics took place almost
simultaneously with the January 1910 election. This was the formation
of the Conciliation Committee. It was recognised on all hands that
women's suffrage was in an unprecedented Parliamentary position; a
large majority of members of Parliament were pledged to it, but it was
not backed by either of the great parties, and consequently lacked the
driving power to get through the stages necessary to convert a Bill
into an Act of Parliament. This was in part due to differences as to
the sort of women's suffrage which members of Parliament were prepared
to accept. The Liberals objected to a Bill in the old lines based
on the removal of the sex disability, dreading that such a measure
would be used as a means of multiplying plural voting, and would thus
probably tell heavily against the Liberal party. Conservatives and
moderate Liberals objected to the immense addition to the electorate
which would be caused by adult suffrage. The Conciliation Committee
was formed with the view of reconciling these differences, by finding
a Bill which all suffragists could support. With the exception of
the chairman, the Earl of Lytton, and the Hon. Secretary, Mr. H. N.
Brailsford, it consisted entirely of members of the House of Commons
favourable to women's suffrage, and representing the parties--Liberal,
Conservative, Labour, and Nationalist--into which the House is divided.
As the result of the work of this committee a Bill was arrived at, to
which all the parties represented on the committee could agree.
The Bill was drafted on the lines of simple Household Suffrage
with a clause expressly laying down that marriage was not to be a
disqualification. It has never been contended that this is a perfect
Bill; it was the result of a compromise between the different parties
in the House of Commons. The Conservatives and moderate Liberals
objected to adult suffrage; the Liberals and their allies objected
to the old suffrages being simply opened to women for the reasons
just indicated; therefore, in deference to Liberal objections, the
freeholders, occupiers, service, university, lodger, and other
franchises were abandoned in the case of women, and in deference to
Conservative objections adult suffrage was not proposed. The Bill
which was agreed upon was based upon the democratic principle of
Household Suffrage, of which the country had had more than forty years'
experience as far as women were concerned in municipal elections.
The principle of the Conciliation Bill is to make Household Suffrage
a reality. Mrs. Humphry Ward condemns this measure as "absurd."[42]
Wherein its absurdity consists she does not explain. Household Suffrage
was the main sheet anchor of all the great Reform Bills of the last
century; it is the basis of most of the local franchises. It is by
far the most important, numerically, of all the various existing
franchises. An interesting return is published every year of the
total number of Parliamentary voters, indicating the qualifications
under which they vote. That dated February 28, 1911, shows that in
the whole United Kingdom there were 7,705,602 registered electors;
of these 6,716,742 voted as occupiers and householders, while less
than 1,000,000 represented the total of all the other franchises put
together. The Bill, therefore, which gives women Household Suffrage
admits them to by far the most important suffrage which men enjoy.
Personally many suffragists would prefer a less restricted measure, but
the immense importance and gain to our movement in getting the most
effective of all the existing franchises thrown open to women cannot
be exaggerated. This was immediately appreciated by all the suffrage
societies and also by the Women's Liberal Federation, all of which gave
hearty and enthusiastic support to the Bill, known as the Conciliation
Bill, to extend Household Suffrage to women.[43]
The Conciliation Committee and the suffrage societies successfully
refuted the charge made against the Conciliation Bill that it was
undemocratic. It would, if passed, enfranchise approximately 1,000,000
women, and it was proved conclusively, by careful analysis of the
social status of women householders in a large and representative group
of constituencies, that the overwhelming majority of these would be
working-class women. In London (1908) the proportion of working-class
women was shown to be 87 per cent., in Dundee (1910), 89 per cent.,
Bangor and Carnarvon (1910), 75 per cent. The average in about fifty
representative constituencies, where the investigation was conducted
under the auspices of the Independent Labour Party, was shown to be
82 per cent. The Bill gave no representation to property whatever.
The only qualification which it recognised was that of the resident
householder.
This Bill, drawn in such a way as not to admit of amendment, was
introduced by Mr. Shackleton, Labour member for Clitheroe in the new
Parliament, elected in January 1910. Two days of Government time were
given for its second reading in July of that year. It was the first
time a Women's Suffrage Bill had been the subject of a full-dress
debate. Parliamentary leaders on both sides took part in it, and the
voting was left to the free judgment of the House of Commons. Among
the supporters of the Bill were Mr. (now Viscount) Haldane, Mr. Arthur
Balfour, Mr. Philip Snowden, and Mr. W. Redmond, while among its
opponents were Mr. Asquith, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Mr. F. E. Smith,
and Mr. Haviland Burke. Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston Churchill also
vehemently opposed the Bill, not on the ground of opposition to women's
enfranchisement, but because of the alleged undemocratic character of
this particular measure, and because it was introduced in a form that
did not admit of amendment. The division resulted in the large majority
of 110 for the second reading, a figure in excess of anything which the
Government could command for their chief party measures. An analysis
of the division list gave the following results, omitting pairs of whom
there were 24:--
For the Bill Against the Bill
Liberals 161 60
Unionists 87 113
Labour 31 2
Nationalists 20 14
---- ----
299 189
Notwithstanding this large majority the Bill was destined to make no
further progress that session; but the interval between the second
reading and the assembling of Parliament for the autumn session was
utilised for the organisation of the most remarkable series of public
demonstrations of an entirely peaceful character which have probably
ever been held in this country in support of any extension of the
suffrage. It was estimated that no fewer than 4000 public meetings
were held in the four months between July and November; the largest
halls all over the country were filled again and again; the Albert
Hall was filled twice in one week; the largest meeting ever held in
Hyde Park, when more than half a million of people were assembled, was
organised by the Women's Social and Political Union. It was at this
moment that the remarkable movement, already referred to in Chapter V.,
was begun--the series of petitions from Town and other locally elected
Councils for the speedy passing into law of the measure known as the
Conciliation Bill. The city of Glasgow led the way with a unanimous
vote of its Council.
During this autumn Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Birrell, and Mr. Runciman made
public declarations in support of women's suffrage, and said that in
their opinion facilities for the further progress of the Bill and its
passage into law ought to be provided in 1911. A few months later Lord
Haldane said he hoped "the Bill would pass quickly." The most important
practical gain for the suffrage movement was, however, achieved
in November 1910. Early in the month Mr. Asquith had announced the
intention of his Government again immediately to dissolve Parliament;
and on the 22nd, in reply to a question in the House, he said that the
Government would, "if they were still in power, give facilities in the
next Parliament for effectively proceeding with a [Women's Suffrage]
Bill, if so framed as to admit of free amendment." These words gave
to suffragists the key which enabled them to unlock the doors which
barred their progress. The more astute political minds among the
anti-suffragists immediately saw the importance of this promise. _The
Times_, November 24, announced that it made women's suffrage an issue
before the country at the coming election, and added, "If the election
confirms the Government in power the new Parliament _will be considered
to have received a mandate on the subject of women's suffrage_."[44]
The feather-heads could see nothing of any importance in this promise,
and the _Anti-Suffrage Review_ allowed itself the treat of entitling
an article "Nod and wink promises." All suffragists of any experience,
however, felt that their cause had received an immensely important
impetus, and that they were gaining ground not by painful inches but by
furlongs. When the session of 1911 opened, the Conciliation Committee
was again formed, and good luck smiled upon its members, for three of
them drew the first, second, and third places in the ballot, and thus
secured an excellent place for the second reading of the Bill. The
member in charge was Sir George Kemp, who sits for N.W. Manchester. The
Bill was, of course, drawn so as to admit of free amendment. The second
reading was on May 5, 1911, and there voted for it 255, and against it
88. The majority of 110 in 1910 had thus grown in 1911 to 167. There
were 55 pairs; but the number of members wishing to pair in favour of
the Bill was so great that the demand could not be satisfied. Six of
these wrote to the papers explaining their position. Adding the pairs,
and those who desired to pair, but were unable to do so, the analysis
works out as follows:--
For the Bill Against the Bill
Liberals 174 48
Conservatives 79 86
Labour 32 0
Nationalists 31 9
---- ----
316 143
Almost immediately after this an announcement was made from the front
bench that Mr. Asquith's promise of the previous November that an
opportunity should be given for proceeding with the Bill in all its
stages would be fulfilled during the session of 1912. There was for a
time some fencing and difficulty over the point whether this promise
applied exclusively to the Conciliation Bill or to any Women's Suffrage
Bill which might obtain a place in the ballot for second reading. All
doubt on this subject was finally set at rest on August 23, by a letter
from Mr. Asquith to Lord Lytton, in which the Prime Minister stated
that the promises were given in regard to the Conciliation Bill, and
that they would be strictly adhered to both in letter and in spirit.
This, then, was the position of the suffrage question between the
close of the summer session and the beginning of November 1911. All
the suffrage societies were working in complete harmony on the same
lines and for the same Bill. The militant societies had suspended
militant tactics, and also their anti-government election policy. The
Women's Liberal Federation, whose co-operation was of great and obvious
importance, were uniting their efforts with those of the suffrage
societies, when on November 7, a bombshell was dropped among them in
the speech of the Prime Minister, replying to a deputation from the
People's Suffrage Federation, who presented a memorial asking for
adult suffrage. Mr. Asquith then announced that it was the intention
of his Government to introduce during the coming session (1912) the
Electoral Reform Bill, which he had foreshadowed in 1908, that all
existing franchises would be swept away, plural voting abolished, and
the period of residence reduced. The new franchise was to be based
on citizenship, and votes were to be given "to citizens of full age
and competent understanding." But no place was found within the four
comers of the Bill for the enfranchisement of women. Mr. Asquith
reiterated his promise of facilities for the Conciliation Bill, and
then merely dismissed the subject of women's suffrage with the remark
that his opinions upon it were well known. If it had been his object to
enrage every women's suffragist to the point of frenzy, he could not
have acted with greater perspicacity. Years of unexampled effort and
self-sacrifice had been expended by women to force upon the Government
the enfranchisement of women, and when the Prime Minister spoke the
only promise he made was to give more votes to men. Mrs. Bernard Shaw
exactly expressed the sentiments of women's suffragists, whether
militant or non-militant, when she wrote that Mr. Asquith's speech
filled her with "an impulse of blind rage"; she felt she had been
personally insulted, and that he had said to her in effect "that the
vilest male wretch who can contrive to keep a house of ill-fame shall
have a vote, and that the noblest woman in England shall not have one
because she is a female" (_The Times_, November 21, 1911).
It is never safe to act under an impulse of blind rage, and very soon
a closer knowledge of the actual facts surrounding and explaining
the situation brought the conviction home to many of us, indeed it
may be stated to the whole body of suffragists with one important
exception,[45] that the new situation created by Mr. Asquith's speech,
so far from decreasing the chances of success for women's suffrage in
1912 had very greatly strengthened them. First of all we were cheered
by the courageous and outspoken remonstrances on behalf of women
made by _The Manchester Guardian_ and _The Nation_. _The Manchester
Guardian_, (November 9, 1911), said that the exclusion of women would
be "an outrage and, we hope, an impossibility.... No Government calling
itself Liberal could so far betray Liberal principles without incurring
deep and lasting discredit and ultimate disaster." The Labour party,
through its chairman, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, M.P., also spoke out very
plainly. "We shall take care," he said, "that the Manhood Suffrage
Bill is not used to destroy the success of the women's agitation,
_because we have to admit that it has been the women's agitation that
has brought the question of the franchise both for men and women to the
front at the present time_." Like other experienced Parliamentarians,
he advised us to hold the Government to their pledges about the
Conciliation Bill until we had actually secured something better (_The
Manchester Guardian_, November 9, 1911).
Then we began to hear from those we knew we could trust of meetings
that were being held of suffrage members of the Government to decide
upon a plan of action, so as to secure for women a better chance of
enfranchisement through the operation of an amendment to the Government
Bill than we could have if we relied upon the Conciliation Bill alone.
An invitation was received from the Prime Minister to all the suffrage
societies to attend a deputation on the subject. The full report of
that deputation was in all the papers of November 18, 1911. It is
sufficient here to say that when Mr. Asquith spoke he acknowledged the
strength and intensity of the demand for women's suffrage, and admitted
that in opposing it he was in a minority both in his Cabinet and in
his party; finally, and most important of all, he added that although
he could not initiate and propose the change which women were seeking,
he was prepared to bow to, and acquiesce in, the deliberate judgment
of the House of Commons, and that it was quite in accordance with the
best traditions of English public life that he should act thus. A great
majority of those who were present thought that the Prime Minister had
recognised that women's suffrage was inevitable, and that it would not
be for the benefit of his party that he should withstand to the last
this great advance in human freedom.
Mr. Asquith gave positive and definite answers in the affirmative to
the four questions which were asked by the National Union of Women's
Suffrage Societies:--
1. Is it the intention of the Government that the Reform Bill
shall go through all its stages in 1912?
2. Will the Bill be drafted in such a way as to admit of any
amendments introducing women on other terms than men?
3. Will the Government undertake not to oppose such amendments?
4. Will the Government regard any amendment enfranchising
woman which is carried as an integral part of the Bill in
all its stages?
Almost immediately after this Mr. Lloyd George authorised the public
announcement that he was himself prepared to move the women's suffrage
amendment to the Reform Bill, or, if it was thought best in the
interests of women's suffrage, he would be pleased to stand aside in
favour of Sir Edward Grey or of some leading Conservative. It has been
indicated very plainly that the amendment Mr. Lloyd George himself
favours will be one for the enfranchisement of householders and wives
of householders. A Bill to this effect has been some time before
Parliament, and is familiarly known as Dickinson, No. 2; it enacts
that when a husband and wife reside together in premises for which,
under the existing law, the husband is entitled to vote, the wife shall
also be entitled to vote as a joint-occupier. There is a parallel for
a provision of this kind in the existing franchise law of Norway.
Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, and other
suffragists in and out of the House of Commons concur in the opinion
that the present situation gives our movement almost a certainty of
success in the session of 1912.
Mr. Lloyd George opened his campaign for women's suffrage in an
important speech at Bath on November 24, 1911. It was a men's meeting,
the occasion being the Annual Congress of the Liberal Federation. He
was received with enthusiasm and made a powerful and well-reasoned
speech in favour of the enfranchisement of women. This was followed in
December 16 by a meeting in London of the Women's Liberal Federation
addressed by Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Lloyd George.[46] The former dwelt
upon the reasons which weighed with him in favour of the representation
of women, and indicated that the amendment to the Reform Bill which he
favoured would be on the lines of Women's Suffrage in Norway, _i.e._
not Adult Suffrage, but suffrage for women householders, including
wives (as indicated on p. 81). Mr. Lloyd George dwelt on the essential
partnership of men and women in all the greatest things in human life,
and urged that this partnership should be extended to politics. Thus
the year 1911 ended with every prospect of a hard won Parliamentary
victory for women's suffrage in 1912. Women's suffrage always has
been, and will remain, a non-party question. The Conservative and
Unionist Women's Franchise Association is working as keenly as any
of the other suffrage societies. We shall not succeed in 1912 unless
we are successful in attracting the support of Conservatives as well
as Liberals and Radicals. To aid us in the final struggle it is of
no little value that we have the promise of a week's Government time
for the Conciliation Bill, if our hopes of carrying a satisfactory
amendment to the Reform Bill should be frustrated.
We are on the eve of the fulfilment of our hopes. The goal towards
which many of us have been striving for nearly half a century is in
sight. I appeal to each and all of my fellow-suffragists not to be
over confident, but so to act as if the success of the suffrage cause
depended on herself alone. And even if our anticipated victory should
be once more delayed, I appeal to them again not to despond but to
stand firm and fast, and be prepared to work on as zealously and as
steadfastly as of old.
A splendid lesson reaches us from America. The great victory for
women's suffrage in California in October 1911 was at first reported
to be a defeat. A group of the leaders, including Dr. Anna Shaw, had
been sitting up to the small hours of the morning in the New York
Women's Suffrage Office, receiving news from California, 3000 miles
away. The first returns were so bad that it looked as if nothing could
save the situation; and the grief was all the greater because victory
had been confidently counted on. Dr. Anna Shaw went away in deep
despondency. Presently she came back saying she could not sleep, and
walking backwards and forwards in the office, she explained a new plan
of campaign which her fertile brain had already originated. This is the
spirit which is unconquerable and it is our spirit too.
He who runs may read the signs of the times. Everything points to the
growing volume and force of the women's movement. Even if victory
should be delayed it cannot be delayed long. The suffragists ought to
be the happiest of mankind, if happiness has been correctly defined
as the perpetual striving for an object of supreme excellence and
constantly making a nearer approach to it.
A BRIEF REVIEW
OF THE
WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT
SINCE ITS BEGINNING IN 1832
_Reprinted with abbreviations, by kind permission of the
National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies
14 Great Smith Street, Westminster_
HISTORY OF THE WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT IN PARLIAMENT
In 1832, the word "male" introduced into the Reform Act (before
"person") restricted the Parliamentary franchise to men, and debarred
women from its use.
1850, Lord Brougham's Act came into operation, which ruled that, in
the law of the United Kingdom, "words importing the masculine gender
shall be deemed to include females, unless the contrary is expressly
provided."
In 1867, John Stuart Mill moved an amendment to the Representation of
the People Bill (Clause 4), to leave out the word "man" and substitute
"person." This amendment was lost by a majority of 123.
In 1868, the judges in the Chorlton _v._ Lings case ruled that in the
case of the Parliamentary franchise, the word "man" does not include
"woman" when referring to privileges granted by the State.
Since 1869, Bills and Resolutions have been constantly before the House
of Commons. Debates took place in 1870 (twice), 1871, 1872, 1873, 1875,
1876, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1883, 1884, 1886, 1892, 1897, 1904, 1905, 1908
(twice), 1910, 1911.
Altogether, besides resolutions, thirteen Bills have been introduced
into the House of Commons, and seven passed their second reading,
_i.e._ in the years 1870, 1886, 1897, 1908, 1909, 1910, 1911. There has
been a majority in the House of Commons in favour of women's suffrage
since 1886.
Formation of the Conciliation Committee
In 1910 the Conciliation Committee was formed in the House of Commons.
With the exception of the chairman, the Earl of Lytton, and the Hon.
Secretary, Mr. Brailsford, it consisted of members of the House of
Commons representative of all the political parties. This committee
drafted a Bill which extended the Parliamentary franchise to women
householders (about one million in all). This Bill, popularly known as
the "Conciliation Bill," was introduced into the House of Commons by
Mr. Shackleton. Two days of Government time were allotted to it, and
on July 13, 1910, it passed its second reading by a majority of 110,
a larger majority than the Government got for any of its measures,
including the Budget.
Time was refused for the further stages necessary for its passage into
law, and Parliament dissolved in November 1910.
In the new Parliament Sir George Kemp re-introduced the Bill; it was
nearly the same Bill as that introduced by Mr. Shackleton; but it was
given a more general title, leaving it open to amendment. The second
reading of this Bill took place on May 5, 1911, and secured a _majority
of_ 167.
History of the Agitation in the Country
The first women's suffrage societies were founded in Manchester, in
London, and in Edinburgh in 1867, and in Bristol and in Birmingham in
1868.
These united to form the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.
This Union has grown into a large and powerful body, its progress
during the last two years being especially remarkable.
In January 1909 there were 70 affiliated societies; in October 1911
there were 305 affiliated societies, and new societies are formed every
week.
Societies of the National Union are now, therefore, in existence in all
parts of Great Britain, and take an active part in electoral work. The
National Union regards this part of its work as the most important it
has to do, both as propaganda and as a means of bringing pressure to
bear upon the Government. Its election policy is to oppose its enemies
and support its friends, and in carrying out this policy it disregards
all parties.
For the purposes of its peaceful propaganda, whether by public
meetings, petitions, or other constitutional forms of agitation, the
N.U.W.S.S. has, during the past year (1910), alone, raised considerably
over £20,000. More than £100,000 has also been raised for suffrage work
by the Women's Social and Political Union.
Public Meetings and Demonstrations
These have been organised in great numbers. For example:--
In February 1907, 3000 women marched in procession in London,
from Hyde Park to Exeter Hall.
In October 1907, 1500 women marched in procession through
Edinburgh.
In October 1907, 2000 women marched in procession through
Manchester.
In June 1908, 15,000 women marched in procession in London to
the Albert Hall.
In June 1911 more than 40,000 women, representing all the
suffrage societies, walked in a procession four miles long
to the Albert Hall.
Public meetings have been held all over the country by all the suffrage
societies. It is obviously impossible to enumerate them. We content
ourselves with a rough estimate of meetings held in support of the
"Conciliation Bill." These amount to, at least, 5000 meetings,
including a demonstration in Hyde Park, attended by half a million
people, a demonstration in Trafalgar Square, attended by 10,000 people.
Also six Albert Hall meetings (two in one week), and demonstrations
held in other cities than London, _e.g._, Manchester (2), Edinburgh,
Bristol, Newcastle, Guildford, &c., &c.
These figures include meetings held by the N.U.W.S.S. and other
societies; but leave out of account out-door meetings held in such
numbers as to make even a rough estimate impossible. During the summer
and autumn of 1910 there were at least two or three hundred every week.
Growth of the Movement outside the N.U.W.S.S.
Many other societies have been formed, having women's suffrage as their
sole object. Such are the National Women's Social and Political Union,
the Men's League for Women's Suffrage, the Women's Freedom League, the
National Industrial and Professional Women's Suffrage Society, the New
Union, the New Constitutional Society, the Men's Political Union, the
Church League, the Free Church League, the League of Catholic Women,
the League of the Society of Friends, the Tax-Resistance League.
Besides such groups as the Artists' League, the Suffrage Atelier,
the Actresses' Franchise League, the Society of Women Graduates, the
Women Writers' Suffrage League, the Younger Suffragists, the Cambridge
University Men's League, the London Graduates' Union for Women's
Suffrage, the Gymnastic Teachers' Suffrage Society, &c., &c.
There is also the Irish Women's Suffrage and Local Government
Association, and an Irish Women's Franchise League.
Within the political parties there have been formed the Forward
Suffrage Union (within the Women's Liberal Federation), the
Conservative and Unionist Women's Franchise Association, the People's
Suffrage Federation (which demands the suffrage for all adult men and
women).
The following organisations have officially identified themselves with
the demand for some measure of women's suffrage:--the London Liberal
Federation, the Women's Liberal Federation, the Welsh Women's Liberal
Federation, the Independent Labour Party, the Fabian Society.
Other societies have repeatedly petitioned Parliament, or passed
resolutions asking for a measure of women's suffrage. Among them the
National British Women's Temperance Association (148,000 members), the
Scottish Union of the above (42,000 members), the National Union of
Women Workers (the largest Women's Union, numbers not exactly known),
the International Council of Women, the Association of Headmistresses,
the Association of University Women Teachers, the Incorporated
Assistant Mistresses in Secondary Schools, the Society of Registered
Nurses, the Nurses' International Congress, the Women's Co-operative
Guild (the only organised body representing the married working-women
of this country).
Resolutions in favour of the "Conciliation Bill" have been passed by
49 Trades and Labour Councils, and 36 Trades Unions and Federations.
Moreover, during the year between October 1910 and October 1911 more
than 130 Town and other local Councils petitioned Parliament in favour
of women's suffrage; among the Town Councils who have done this are
those of Liverpool, Manchester, Sheffield, Birmingham, Leeds, Bradford,
Huddersfield, Brighton, Dover, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee, Inverness,
Dublin,[47] Limerick, Cork, Cardiff, and Bangor.
It is to be remembered that these bodies represent women as well as
men, as women already possess the municipal franchise.
Women's Suffrage in other Countries
The suffrage movement has now become world-wide. The International
Women's Suffrage Alliance, which meets quadrennially, includes
societies in Austria, Australia, Belgium, Bohemia, Bulgaria, Canada,
Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy,
Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Russia, Cape Colony, Natal, Sweden,
Switzerland, the United States.
Women's suffrage was granted in--
Wyoming, U.S.A. in 1869
Colorado, U.S.A. " 1893
New Zealand " 1893
South Australia " 1893
Utah, U.S.A. " 1895
Idaho, U.S.A. " 1896
W. Australia " 1899
The Commonwealth of Australia " 1902
New South Wales " 1902
Tasmania " 1903
Queensland " 1905
Finland " 1907
Norway " 1908
Victoria " 1909
Washington, U.S.A. " 1910
California, U.S.A. " 1911
It will be noticed that all the Australian States have now granted
women's suffrage. That they have done so proves that they realised its
beneficial effects, where they could actually see it in working as
State after State came into line.
LIST OF BOOKS
_The Subjection of Women._ By J. S. Mill.
_On Liberty._ By J. S. Mill
_On Representative Government._ By J. S. Mill.
_Essays and Dissertations_ (vol. ii.). By J. S. Mill. Article by Mrs.
Mill on the Enfranchisement of Women.
_Letters._ By J. S. Mill. Edited by Hugh Elliot.
_Record of Women's Suffrage._ By Helen Blackburn.
_A Handbook for Women._ By Helen Blackburn.
Articles on Women's Rights in _Encyclopædia Britannica_ and in
_Chambers's Encyclopædia_.
_The Emancipation of English Women._ By W. Lyon Blease.
_Questions Relating to Women._ By Emily Davies, LL.D.
_Women and Labour._ By Olive Schreiner.
_The Suffragette._ By E. Sylvia Pankhurst.
_The Status of Women, 1066-1909._ By the Misses Wallis Chapman.
_Women's Work in Local Government._ By Jane E. Brownlow.
_The Life of Josephine Butler._
_Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women._ By Dr.
Elizabeth Blackwell.
_Women's Suffrage in Many Lands._ By Alice Zimmern.
_The Englishwoman._ By David Staars.
_The Women's Franchise Movement in New Zealand._ By W. Sidney Smith.
_Le Vote des Femmes._ Par Ferdinand Buisson, Député de la Seine et
Président de la Commission du Suffrage Universel.
_Women and Economies._ By Charlotte Perkins Gilman.
_Common-sense Applied to Women's Suffrage._ By Mary Putnam Jacobi, M.D.
_Equal Suffrage._ By Helen Sumner, Ph.D.
_A Short History of Women's Rights._ By Eugene Hecker.
_Reports of the International Women's Suffrage Alliance._
FOOTNOTES
[1] _Vindication of the Rights of Women_, published in 1792.
[2] See _Le vote des Femmes_, pp. 16-22, par Ferdinand Buisson, Député
de la Seine et Président de la Commission du Suffrage Universelle.
Condorcet had a predecessor in Mademoiselle Jars de Gournay, the friend
of Montaigne. See Miss E. Sichel's _Michel de Montaigne_, p. 137.
[3] Helen Blackburn's _Record of Women's Suffrage_, also _Women in
English Life_, by Miss Georgina Hill. Mrs. Wheeler's daughter Rosina,
married Mr. Lytton Bulwer, afterwards the first Lord Lytton. The
present Earl of Lytton is thus the great-grandson of the lady who
prompted the reply to James Mill's article referred to in the text.
[4] This view has also been supported in France, see _Le vote des
Femmes_, by Ferdinand Buisson, for evidence of women having in ancient
times voted and sat in the Parlements of France. Taine also mentions
the Countess of Perigord sitting in the États of her province prior
to the Revolution (_Les Origines de la France Contemporaire_, par H.
Taine, vol. i. p. 104).
[5] _Annals of a Yorkshire House_, vol. ii. p. 319.
[6] Report of the Manchester National Society for Women's Suffrage,
1869.
[7] _The Life of Mrs. Norton_, by Miss Jane Gray Perkins (John Murray).
[8] The date of this speech is given in Miss Blackburn's _Record of
Woman's Suffrage_ as 1866, the only mistake I have found in her careful
and faithful history.
[9] See the interesting picture in the staircase of the National
Portrait Gallery, London.
[10] Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. i. p. 571.
[11] _James Mill: a Biography_, by Alexander Bain, LL.D., p. 215.
[12] _Representative Government_, by J. S. Mill, pp. 175-180.
[13] _Dissertations and Discussions_, by J. S. Mill, vol. ii. p. 417.
[14] _Autobiography_, p. 241.
[15] The census of 1911 shows that the excess of women over men is in
the proportion of 1068 women to 1000 men, and that this proportion has
changed but little during the last hundred and ten years.
[16] _Record of Women's Suffrage_, by Helen Blackburn, pp. 53, 54, 55.
[17] _Record of Women's Suffrage_, p. 190, by Helen Blackburn.
[18] A few isolated associations of Liberal women had existed before
this. There was one at Bristol started in 1881; but nothing was done on
an extended scale till 1886.
[19] An important new departure in journalism was taken by _The
Standard_ in October 1911. This paper now devotes more than a page
daily to a full statement both of events and arguments bearing on all
sides of the suffrage and other women's questions.
[20] See _Outlines of the Women's Franchise Movement in New Zealand_,
by W. Sydney Smith. Whitecombe & Tombs, Ltd., Christchurch, N.Z. 1905.
[21] See Report by Sir Charles Lucas, who visited New Zealand on behalf
of the Colonial Office in 1907.
[22] See _Colonial Statesmen and Votes for Women_, published by The
Freedom League, p. 6.
[23] See letter from Miss Alice Stone Blackwell in _Manchester
Guardian_, July 12, 1911.
[24] See _Anti-Suffrage Review_, No. 33, p. 167.
[25] The exact numbers in England and Wales (autumn 1911) are fifteen
on Town Councils (two being Mayors) and four on County Councils.
[26] As an example I quote the canvass of women municipal electors
in Reading made respectively by the suffragists in 1909 and
anti-suffragists in 1911. When the suffragists canvassed, the results
were:--
Did not answer
In Favour Against and Neutral
1047 60 467
When the anti-suffragists canvassed in 1910 the results were:--
Did not answer
In Favour Against and Neutral
166 1133 401
With such disparity as this between the two returns no conclusion can
possibly be drawn from either without further investigation of the
methods pursued.
[27] See Statistical Abstract from the United Kingdom.
[28] Quoted in Lord Morley's _Studies in Literature_, pp. 133, 134.
The reference there given for the extract is _Order and Progress_, by
Frederic Harrison, pp. 149-154.
[29] _Early History of Charles James Fox_, by the Rt. Hon. Sir G. O.
Trevelyan, p. 449.
[30] _Anti-Suffrage Review_, December 1910.
[31] See p. 89.
[32] See _The Suffragette_, by Miss E. Sylvia Pankhurst (Gay and
Hancock, 1911).
[33] See _Garibaldi and the Making of Italy_, by G. M. Trevelyan, p. 3.
[34] Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. p. 371.
[35] I have in my possession positive proof that orders were given to
the police not to arrest a particular lady whose name is well known and
highly respected in every part of the country.
[36] I am requested by the Women's Freedom League to state that they
have never resorted to stone-throwing or to personal assaults.
[37] A third protest was published in December 1911.
[38] Morley's _Life of Oliver Cromwell_, pp. 232-3.
[39] See Summing up of Mr. Justice Avory in Hawkins _v._ Muff case. _A
Warning to Liberal Stewards_, published by the Men's Political Union,
1911.
[40] _More Tramps Abroad_, by Mark Twain, p. 208.
[41] See the Annual Report of the National Union of Women's Suffrage
Societies presented in March 1910.
[42] _Standard_, Oct. 17, 1911.
[43] See resolution adopted by the executive committee of the Women's
Liberal Federation, quoted in _Standard_, October 30, 1911:--
"That ... the executive resolves that until definite promises are made
of a Government Reform Bill including women they will support by all
means in their power the Bill promoted by the Conciliation Committee
and will pursue with regard to amendments to that Bill such a policy
as circumstances show to be most likely to secure for it a substantial
third reading majority."
[44] See "Political Notes," _Times_, November 24, 1910.
[45] The Woman's Social and Political Union dissented from this view.
They resumed militant tactics, and scenes of considerable disorder
occurred on November 21 and November 29, 1911.
[46] These speeches can be obtained from the Women's Liberal
Federation, 2 Victoria Street, London, S.W.
[47] The Corporation of Dublin authorised the Lord Mayor and other
officers to attend in their robes and present the Dublin petition in
person at the Bar of the House of Commons.
INDEX
Acton, Lord, on political violence, 66
Adult Suffrage Bill, 1909, 70
---- 1912, 78-82
America, Women's Suffrage in, 89
Amos, Mr. and Mrs. Sheldon, 22
Anderson, Mrs. Garrett, M.D. _See_ Garrett
Anti-Corn Law League, 13
Anti-slavery movement in America, 5
---- Congress, 13
Anti-Suffrage League, the, 46
_Anti-Suffrage Review_, quoted, 47, 52, 77
Anti-suffragists, arguments of, 14
---- and the Insurance Bill, 57
---- and municipal franchise, 50, 51, 52
---- letter against Conciliation Bill, 55, 56
---- movement in United States, 47
---- protest in _Nineteenth Century_ (1889), 46
---- tactics of, 33, 34, 35, 51-54
Ashton, Miss Margaret, 51
Asquith, Mr., on facilities for Suffrage Bill, 68, 77, 78
---- on position of women under Manhood Suffrage Bill, 78, 80, 81
---- on women's political activity, 32
---- on Women's Suffrage, 35, 70, 71, 80
Australia, Women's Suffrage in, 35, 40, 42, 43, 59, 89
Bannerman, Sir H. Campbell, on Women's Suffrage, 69
Becker, Miss Lydia, 10, 21
Begg, Mr. Faithfull, Women's Suffrage Bill of, 34, 60
Birrell, Mr., on Women's Suffrage, 76
Blackwell, Dr. Elizabeth, 22
Blake, Miss Jex, 22
Bodichon, Mrs., 20, 22
Borthwick, Sir Algernon, 24, 30
Brailsford, Mr. H. N., 73, 85
Bright, Mr. Jacob, 23
Bright, John, on Parliamentary Reform, 18
---- on Women's Suffrage, 19
Brougham's Act, Lord, 1850, 9
Browning, E. B., _Aurora Leigh_, 12
Bryce, Rt. Hon. James, 34
Burke on Dissenters' Petition, 54
Butler, Mrs. Josephine, 20, 22
California, Women's Suffrage in, 83, 89
Canvassing, 29, 30
Chorlton _v._ Lings, case of, 10, 11
Churchill, Lord Randolph, 30
Churchill, Mr. Winston, on militant tactics, 66, 67
---- on Women's Suffrage, 72, 75
Clark, Mrs. Helen, 27
Cobbe, Frances Power, 20
Cobden on Women's Suffrage, 13
Conciliation Committee, the, 72, 73, 85
Conciliation Bill (Mr. Shackleton's), 1910, 55, 75, 85
---- (Sir George Kemp's), 1911, 73-76, 77, 85
---- Anti-Suffragists' protest against, 55, 56
---- petitions and resolutions in favour of, 88
Condorcet, 5
Contagious Diseases Acts, 22
Corrupt Practices Act, 29, 30
Creighton, Mrs., 44
Crimean War, the, 14
Cromer, Lord, on Women's Suffrage, 47
Cromwell, on gains by force, 64
Davies, Miss Emily, 20, 21, 22
Demonstrations, public, 76, 86
Despard, Mrs., 63
Disraeli, on Women's Suffrage, 13, 24
Dissenters' Petition, Burke on, 54, 55
Divorce Act, 1857, 15
Dublin, Lord Mayor of, 88 _n._
Electoral Reform Bill, 1912, 78-82
Elmy, Mrs. Wolstenholme, 22
Fawcett, The Rt. Hon. H., 20, 62
Finland, Women's Suffrage in, 58, 59, 89
Fisher, Mr., on Women's Suffrage, 42
Five Mile Act, 54
Fry, Mrs. Elizabeth, 6
Garrett, Miss Elizabeth, 19, 20, 21
Garrison, William Lloyd, 13
General Election, 1910, 72
Gladstone, Mr., on Divorce Bill, 1857, 15
---- on household suffrage, 25
---- opposition to Reform Bill, 1884, 27
---- on women's political activity, 32
---- on Women's Suffrage, 27, 28, 33
Godwin, William, 5
Goschen, Lord, on agricultural labourers' franchise, 25
Grey, Mrs. William, 22
Grey, Sir Edward, on Women's Suffrage, 72, 76, 81, 82
Guardianship of Children Act, 22
Gurney, Miss, 22
---- Rt. Hon. Russell, 22, 23
Haldane, Lord, on Women's Suffrage, 69, 75, 76
Hall, Sir John, 37, 38
Harrison, Frederic, on powers of the elector, 53
Herschell, Miss Caroline, 12
Hill, Miss Davenport, 20
Household Suffrage, 25, 73, 74, 81
Howard, Mr. G., Adult Suffrage Bill, 1909, 70
Iddesleigh, Lord. _See_ Northcote
Indian Mutiny, 14
Infants' Custody Act, 12
Insurance Bill, the, 57
Isle of Man, Women's Suffrage in, 25
James, Lord, on Corrupt Practices Act, 29, 30
---- on Women's Suffrage, 49, 50
Jameson, Mrs., 12
Kemp, Sir George, Conciliation Bill (1911) introduced by, 24, 77, 85
Knight, Anne, 13
Labouchere, Mr., attitude to Suffrage Bills, 34
Langton, Lady Anna Gore, 20
Leavitt, Mrs., 37
Lees, Mrs., 51
Lloyd George, Mr., on Women's Suffrage, 69, 75, 81
Local Government Qualification of Women's Act, 1907, 49, 50
Lyne, Sir William, on Women's Suffrage, 42
Lytton, Earl of, 7 _n._, 73, 78, 85
MacDonald, Mr. Ramsay, 80, 81
M'Laren, Mrs. Duncan, 22
M'Laren, Mr. Walter, 26
_Manchester Guardian, The_, on Women's Suffrage, 79
Manhood Suffrage Bill, 1912, 78-82
Markham, Miss Violet, 50, 51
Married Women's Property Act, 22, 23
Martineau, Harriet, 20
Medical profession opened to women, 22
Militant Societies, the, 58
---- election policy of, 67
Mill, James, on Women's Suffrage, 6, 7, 15
Mill, John Stuart, on enfranchisement of women, 16, 17, 19
---- and Women's Parliamentary Petition, 20
---- Women's Suffrage Amendment Bill, 19, 20, 23
Mill, Mrs. John Stuart, on Enfranchisement of Women, 16, 17
Morley, Viscount, 26, 27, 62
Mott, Lucretia, 14
Müller, Mrs., 37
Municipal Corporation Act, 1835, 9
Municipal suffrage, 9, 20, 48
---- Anti-Suffragist support of, 47
National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, 21, 22, 62, 81, 85
---- election policy, of 67
---- protests against militant tactics, 63
National Women's Liberal Association, 31
New Zealand, Women's Suffrage in, 35, 36, 37, 89
---- electoral roll of, 41
Nightingale, Miss Florence, 14, 20
Northcote, Sir Stafford, 24
Norton, Hon. Mrs., 11, 12
Norway, Women's Suffrage in, 51, 59, 89
Pankhurst, Dr., 10
Pankhurst, Mrs. and Miss, 60
People's Suffrage Federation, 78, 87
Peterloo Massacre, the, 7
Petitions from Town Councils, 55, 88
Pochin, Mrs., 22
Poor Law Guardians, qualifications of, 50
Primrose League, the, 5, 30
Public meetings and demonstrations, 76, 86
Rathbone, Miss Eleanor, 51
Reeves, W. P., on Women's Suffrage, 38
Reform Acts, exclusion of females, 9
Reform Bill, 1832 and 1867, 6, 7, 9
---- 1884, 27-29
---- 1912, 78-82
Rollit, Sir A., Women's Suffrage Bill (1892) introduced by, 33, 34
Royal Astronomical Society, women members of, 12
Runciman, Mr., on Women's Suffrage, 76
School Boards, women members of, 20, 21
Seddon, Mr. Richard, 37
Serjeant Talfourd's Act, 1839, 12
Shackleton, Mr., Conciliation Bill, 1910, 55, 75, 85
Shaw, Dr. Anna, 82
Shaw, Mrs. Bernard, on Reform Suffrage Bill, 1912, 79
Sheffield Female Political Association, 13
Sherriff, Miss, 22
Sidgwick, Henry, 22
Smith, Mr. Goldwin, 35, 39
Smith, Sydney, on education for women, 6
Societies, Suffrage, 87
South African War, the, 58, 59, 60
Somerville, Mrs., 12, 20
Stanfield, Sir James, 22
Stanger, Mr., Women's Suffrage Bill (1908) introduced by, 70
Stanhope, Mrs. Spencer, quoted, 9
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 14
Stevenson, Miss Flora, 21
Stuart, Mr. James, 22
Suffrage Societies, 85, 87
Swanwick, Miss, 20
Taylor, Mrs. Peter, 20
Test Act, the, 54
Thackeray, in _Esmond_, on domestic tyranny, 12
_Times, The_, on Women's Suffrage, 77
Town Councils, petitions from, 85, 88
Town and County Councils Qualification Bill, 50, 51
Trades Union Congress (Aberdeen) and Women's Suffrage, 29
Twain, Mark, on Women's Suffrage, 65
United States, Anti-suffrage movement in, 47
---- Women's Suffrage in, 14, 35, 89
University education opened to women, 22
Unwin, Mrs. Cobden, 27
Voters' Petition, the, 1910, 72
Walpole, Horace, on Mary Wollstonecraft, 5
Ward, Mrs. Humphry, on Women's Suffrage, 35, 44, 50, 51
---- on Conciliation Bill, 1911, 74
---- on representation in local government, 48, 49
---- political activity of, 56
Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 44
Wheeler, Mrs., on Women's Suffrage, 7
Wollstonecraft, Mary, 6, 6
Women, in local government, 49
---- as members of School Boards, 21
---- as municipal voters, 9, 20
---- as Poor Law Guardians, 50
---- political activity of, 13, 30, 31, 32, 56, 57
Women's Freedom League, 63
Women's Liberal Federation, 30, 31, 78
---- and Conciliation Bill, 74
Women's Rights Convention at Seneca Falls, U.S.A., 14
Women's Social and Political Union, 60
---- election policy of, 67
Women's Suffrage, arguments against, 34
---- beginnings of, 5
Women's Suffrage, Conservative objections to, 73
---- not a party question, 23, 73, 82
---- ---- support of, 24
---- historical aspect of, 8
---- in Greater Britain, 34
---- in Isle of Man, 25
---- in other countries, 89
---- in United States, 35, 47, 89
---- Liberal objections to, 73
---- ---- support of, 23
---- pioneers of, 5, 10, 13, 14, 16, 20, 21, 22
---- political aspect of, 15
---- position in 1880-1884, 25-34
---- position under Reform Bill, 1912, 78-82
---- recent developments, 69
---- resolutions and petitions in favour of, 19, 26, 84, 88
---- Societies, 21, 22, 85, 87
---- summary of movement, 84
Women's Suffrage Amendment (J. S. Mill's), 1867, 23
Women's Suffrage Amendment Bill (Mr. Woodall's), 1884, 23, 28, 29
Women's Suffrage Bill, 1870 (Mr. Jacob Bright's), 23
---- 1892 (Sir A. Rollit's), 33
---- 1897 (Mr. F. Begg's), 34, 60
---- 1908 (Mr. Stanger's), 70
---- 1910 (Mr. Shackleton's), 55, 75, 85
---- 1911 (Sir G. Kemp's), 77, 85. _See also_ Summary, p. 84
Woodall, Mr., Suffrage Amendment Bill (1884) introduced by, 28, 29
Wyoming, Women's Suffrage in, 35, 89
Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co.
Edinburgh & London
THE PEOPLE'S BOOKS
THE FIRST SIXTY VOLUMES
The volumes now (February 1912) issued are marked with an asterisk. A
further twelve volumes will be issued in May
SCIENCE
1. Introduction to Science By C. D. Whetham, M.A., F.R.S.
2. Embryology--The Beginnings of Life By Prof. Gerald Leighton, M.D.
3. Biology--The Science of Life By Prof. W. D. Henderson, M.A., B.Sc.,
Ph.D.
4. Animal Life By Prof. E. W. MacBride D.Sc., F.R.S.
*5. Botany; The Modern Study of Plants By M. C. Stopes, D.Sc., Ph.D.,
F.L.S.
6. Bacteriology By W. E. Carnegie Dickson, M.D., B.Sc.
7. Geology By the Rev. T. G. Bonney, F.R.S.
8. Evolution By E. S. Goodrich, M.A., F.R.S.
9. Darwin By Prof. W. Garstang, M.A., D.Sc., F.Z.S.
*10. Heredity By J. A. S. Watson, B.Sc.
11. Chemistry of Non-living Things By Prof. E. C. C. Baly, F.R.S.
*12. Organic Chemistry By Prof. J. B. Cohen, B.Sc., F.R.S.
*13. The Principles of Electricity By Norman R. Campbell, M.A.
14. Radiation By P. Phillips, D.Sc.
*15. The Science of the Stars By E. W. Maunder, F.R.A.S., of the Royal
Observatory, Greenwich.
16. Light, according to Modern Science By P. Phillips, D.Sc.
17. Weather-Science By R. G. F. K. Lempfert, M.A., of the
Meteorological Office.
18. Hypnotism By Alice Hutchison, M.D.
19. The Baby: A Mother's Book by a Mother By a University Woman.
20. Youth and Sex--Dangers and Safeguards for Boys and Girls By Mary
Scharlieb, M.D., M.S., and G. E. C. Pritchard, M.A., M.D.
21. Marriage and Motherhood--A Wife's Handbook By H. S. Davidson, M.B.,
F.R.C.S.E.
22. Lord Kelvin By A. E. Russell, M.A., D.Sc., M.I.E.E.
23. Huxley By Professor G. Leighton, M.D.
24. Sir W. Huggins and Spectroscopic Astronomy By E.W. Maunder,
F.R.A.S., of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich.
PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION
25. The Meaning of Philosophy By Prof. A. E. Taylor, M. A., F.B A.
*26. Henri Bergson: The Philosophy of Change By H. Wildon Carr.
27. Psychology By H. J. Watt, M.A., Ph.D.
28. Ethics By the Rev. Canon Hastings Rashdall, D.Litt., F.B.A.
29. Kant's Philosophy By A. D. Lindsay, M.A.
30. The Teaching of Plato By A. D. Lindsay, M.A.
31. Buddhism By Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, M.A., F.B.A.
*32. Roman Catholicism By H. B. Coxon. Preface, Mgr. R. H. Benson.
33. The Oxford Movement By Wilfrid P. Ward.
34. The Bible in the Light of the Higher Criticism By the Rev.
Principal W. F. Adeney, M.A., D.D., and the Rev. Prof. W. H.
Bennett, Litt.D., D.D.
35. Cardinal Newman By Wilfrid Meynell.
HISTORY
36. The Growth of Freedom By H. W. Nevinson.
37. Bismarck and the Foundation of the German Empire By Prof. F. M.
Powicke, M.A.
38. Oliver Cromwell By Hilda Johnstone, M.A.
*39. Mary Queen of Scots By E. O'Neill, M.A.
40. Cecil Rhodes By Ian Colvin.
41. Julius Cæsar: Soldier, Statesman, Emperor By Hilary Hardinge.
History of England--
42. England in the Making By Prof. F. J. C. Hearnshaw, M.A., LL.D.
43. Medieval England By E. O'Neill, M.A.
44. The Monarchy and the People By W. T. Waugh, M.A.
45. The Industrial Revolution By A. Jones, M.A.
46. Empire and Democracy By G. S. Veitch, M.A.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC
*47. Women's Suffrage--A Short History of a Great Movement By M. G.
Fawcett, LL.D.
48. The Working of the British System of Government to-day By Prof.
Ramsay Muir, M.A.
49. An Introduction to Economic Science By Prof. H. O. Meredith, M.A.
50. Socialism By F. B. Kirkman, B.A.
LETTERS
*51. Shakespeare By Prof. C. H. Herford, Litt.D.
52. Wordsworth By Miss Rosaline Masson.
*53. Pure Gold--A Choice of Lyrics and Sonnets By H. C. O'Neill.
54. Francis Bacon By Prof. A. R. Skemp, M.A.
55. The Brontës By Miss Flora Masson.
56. Carlyle By the Rev. L. MacLean Watt.
*57. Dante By A. G. Ferrers Howell.
58. Ruskin By A. Blyth Webster, M.A.
59. Common Faults in Writing English By Prof. A. R. Skemp, M.A.
60. A Dictionary of Synonyms By Austin K. Gray, B.A.
LONDON: T. C. & E. C. JACK, 67 LONG ACRE, W.C., & EDINBURGH
NEW YORK: THE DODGE PUBLISHING CO.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
Minor punctuation and printer errors repaired.
Footnote anchors for footnotes 30 and 37 were missing in the original
and have been inserted.
End of Project Gutenberg's Women's Suffrage, by Millicent Garrett Fawcett