(395)
My dear Husband,--You wish to know what we have spent on our journey. We
sent you Albert's bill, and the Augsburg one was thirty-eight florins.
Wolfgang has told you that we were twenty-four florins short, but he has
not included the expenses of the concert, which were sixteen florins,
nor the hotel bill. So that when we came to Mannheim we had not more
than sixty gulden, and if we had left in a fortnight, there would not
have been much over. For travelling costs more, since things have grown
so dear; it is not what it was--you would be surprised.
The irritated and somewhat despondent tone in which Wolfgang replied to
his father's reproaches (November 20, 1777), shows that he felt their
truth, and that the easy-going comfort of his life at Mannheim was
disturbed by the first indications of his duty:--
If you consider the cause of my inaction to be laziness and want of
care, then I can do nothing but thank you for your good opinion, and
lament from my heart that my father does not know me better. I am
not careless, I am only resigned to everything, and so can wait with
patience and bear all, provided my honour and my good name of Mozart do
not suffer. Well, if it must be, it must. But I pray you beforehand not
to rejoice or to be sorry before it is time: for whatever happens it is
all right if one is only healthy; happiness consists in the imagination
(November 29, 1777).
But his father was not satisfied with all this moral philosophy, and
calmly criticises the saying that happiness consists in imagination as
being worthy only of a wild herb. He calls upon his son to realise the
situation of being asked to pay, and having no money. "My dear Wolfgang,
that is a saying fit for those who are satisfied with nothing."
The negotiations with the Elector continued, and Wolfgang sought to
enlighten his father concerning Cannabich's intentions and behaviour
(November 29, 1777):--
In the afternoon (after the first interview with Savioli) I was at
Cannabich's, and, as it was by his advice that I had gone to the Count,
he asked me whether I had been. I told him all. He said, "I should be
very glad if you remained with us all winter; but it would be still
better if you could take service here altogether. I said, "I could wish
for nothing better than to be always with you, but I do not see how
that is possible. You have two kapellmeisters already, and I could not
consent to come after Vogler." "Nor need you," said he; "no musician
here is under the kapellmeister, nor even under the manager. The
{MANNHEIM.}
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Elector could appoint you his chamber composer. Just wait a little; I
will speak to the Count about it." The following Thursday was the state
concert; when the Count saw me he apologised for not having spoken,
but said he was waiting for Monday, when the Court would be over. I let
three days pass, and then, as I heard nothing, I went to inquire. He
said, "My dear Mons. Mozart [this was Friday, that is, yesterday],
to-day the Elector went hunting, and I could not possibly ask him; but
to-morrow at this time you shall certainly have an answer."
I begged him not to forget. Truth to tell, I was a little annoyed when
I came away, and I determined to take my easiest six variations on
the Fischer minuet (179 K.)--I had already copied them out for the
purpose--to the young Count, that I might have an opportunity of
speaking to the Elector myself. When I brought them the governess could
not contain her delight. I was politely received; when I produced the
variations and said they were for the young Count, she said, "O, you
are very good; but have you nothing for the Countess?" "Not at present,"
said I; "but, if I remain here long enough, I shall"--"_A propos_," she
said, "I am glad that you are to remain the winter here." "Indeed!
I did not know"--"That is curious. I am surprised. The Elector told me
himself." "Well, if he has said it, I suppose it is so; for of course my
staying here depends on the Elector." I then told her the whole story.
We agreed that I should come to-morrow at four o'clock, and bring
something for the Countess. She would speak to the Elector before I
came, and I should meet him there. I have been to-day, but he had not
been there. I will go again to-morrow. I have a rondo for the Countess.
Now, have I not reason enough to remain here and await the issue? Ought
I to leave now that so important a step is taken? I have an opportunity
of speaking to the Elector myself. I think I shall probably remain the
winter here, for the Elector likes me, thinks much of me, and knows what
I can do. I hope to be able to give you good news in my next letter. I
beg you again not to sorrow or rejoice about it too soon, and to tell
the affair to no one but Herr Bullinger and my sister.
But the affair was not so easily settled; in his next letter (December
3, 1777) Wolfgang could only tell his father of the many incidents which
seemed to promise a good result:--
Last Monday, after three successive attempts morning and afternoon, I
was fortunate enough to meet with the Elector. We all thought that our
trouble was again in vain, for it was getting late; but at last we saw
him coming. The governess at once placed the Countess at the clavier,
and I sat near her, giving her a lesson: the Elector saw us so when he
entered. We stood up, but he told us to continue. When she had finished
playing, the governess remarked that I had written a charming rondo for
her. I played it, and he was highly pleased. Then he asked,
{HOPES OF SERVICE AT MANNHEIM.}
(397)
"But will she be able to learn it?" "O yes," said I, "I only wish that
I could have the happiness of teaching it to her myself." He took snuff
and said, "I should like it, but would it not do her harm to have two
masters?" "Oh, no, your highness, it only signifies whether she has a
good or a bad one. I hope your highness would have no doubt--will have
confidence in me." "Oh, certainly," said he. Then the governess said,
"M. Mozart has also written variations on Fischer's minuet for the young
Count. I played them, and he was again very pleased. Then he began to
play with the children, and I thanked him for the presentation watch. He
said, "Well, I will think about it. How long shall you remain here?"
"As long as your highness commands. I have no engagement elsewhere."
And that was all. This morning I was there again, and was told that the
Elector had said several times last night that Mozart would remain
all winter. Now that it has gone so far I must wait. To-day I dined at
Wendling's for the fourth time. Before dinner, Count Savioli came in
with the kapellmeister Schweitzer, who arrived yesterday. Savioli said
co me, "I have spoken several times to the Elector, but he has not yet
made up his mind." I told him I should like to say a word to him, and we
went to the window. I told him the doubts of the Elector, complained
of being kept waiting so long, and begged him to induce the Elector to
engage me; only I feared, I said, that he would offer me so little that
I should not be able to remain. Let him give me work: I wanted work. He
promised to do as I asked--it may be this evening, since he does not go
to court to-day; but to-morrow he has promised me a decided answer. Now,
let what may happen, I shall be content. If he does not keep me, I
shall ask for a parting gift, for I do not intend to make the Elector a
present of the rondo and the variations. I assure you I take the affair
quite composedly, knowing that all will be for the best, as, come what
may, I have resigned myself to the will of God.
But for several days yet no answer could be obtained from the Elector
except a shrug of the shoulders, and "I have not made up my mind." At
last Mozart was able to acquaint his father with the result of all
these negotiations; it was such as L. Mozart had expected from the first
(December 10, 1777):--
There is nothing to be done with the Elector at present. The day before
yesterday I went to the concert at court to get my answer. Count Savioli
avoided me as long as he could, but I went up to him, and when he saw me
he shrugged his shoulders. "What!" said I, "no answer yet?" "A thousand
pardons," said he; "but, unfortunately, nothing can be done." "Eh bien!"
I answered, "the Elector might have told me that sooner." "Yes," said
he, "he would not have made up his
{MANNHEIM.}
(398)
mind now if I had not urged him to it, and represented to him how long
you had been waiting already, and spending your money at the hotel."
"That annoys me most of all," I answered; "it is not at all well
done. But I am exceedingly obliged to you, Count (he is not called
Excellency), for your endeavours on my behalf, and I shall be obliged if
you will thank the Elector in my name for his gracious, though somewhat
tardy, intelligence, and assure him that, if it had pleased him to
engage me, he would not have repented doing so." "O," said he, "I am
more sure of that than you believe."
The unexpected turn of affairs made quite as unpleasant an impression
upon the Mannheim circle of friends as upon Mozart. He went at once to
Cannabich's, and he being out hunting, related the whole story to his
wife:--
When Mdlle. Rose--who was three rooms off and busied with the linen--had
finished, she came in and said to me, "Is it your pleasure that we
begin?" for it was time for a lesson. "I am at your service," said I.
"We will have a good steady lesson to-day," said she. "We will indeed,"
I answered, "for it will not last much longer." "How so? Why?" She went
to her mamma, who told her. "What!" said she, "is it really true? I do
not believe it." "Yes, yes; quite true," said I. She played my sonata
through quite seriously; believe me, I could not refrain from weeping;
and before it was ended there were tears in the eyes of the mother and
daughter, and of Herr Schatzmeister, who was present, for the sonata was
a favourite with the whole house. "You see," said Schatzmeister, "when
Herr Kapellmeister [they always call me so] goes away, he makes us all
cry." I must say that I have made good friends here, and one learns to
know them under such circumstances.
Wendling was specially concerned at the intelligence; when Mozart
communicated it he grew "quite red," and said very hastily, "We must
find some way of keeping you here, at all events for the two months
before we go to Paris together." When Wolfgang went to dine with
him next day he made him what seemed a very satisfactory proposal. A
Dutchman (Dejean or Dechamps) nicknamed the Nabob, who lived on his
means, and had been a friend and admirer of Wolfgang, offered to give
him 200 florins for three short and easy concertos and two quartets
for the flute; then Cannabich would guarantee at least two well-paying
pupils, and Mozart was to have duets for clavier and violin printed by
subscription. Wendling offered him board, and he could
{L. MOZART'S ANXIETIES.}
(399)
have free quarters at the house of the chamberlain Serrarius. Mozart
was rejoiced at the prospect of being able to remain in Mannheim, and
thought he should have enough to do for all winter in composing three
concertos, two quartets, four or six clavier duets, besides a grand
mass, which he intended to present to the Elector. The following day he
set himself to find small, cheap lodgings for his mother, which was not
an easy matter.
It was a satisfaction to Wolfgang's father, who was not surprised that
Wendling should seek to retain so excellent a fourth party for the
expedition to Paris, to have the state of affairs laid clearly before
him. He stipulated only that the journey should not take place during
the cold of winter, and thought the plan feasible, provided the Dutchman
could be relied on; if not, they must at once proceed to Mayence. But on
no account were the mother and son to separate. "As long as your mother
remains, you must remain with her," he writes (December 18, 1777); "you
must not think of leaving your mother to the care of others as long as
you and she can be together." The small difference in rent was not worth
considering, and it was impossible for her to go home at present. "Be
most careful to remain with your mother and care for her, even as she
has cared for you." It was not only physical care that he had in his
mind, but watchfulness over his son's moral and religious behaviour. He
expresses some anxiety on these points (December 15).
Let me ask you whether Wolfgang has not forgotten to go to confession
lately? God before everything! From Him alone can we expect earthly
happiness and eternal safety. Young people are apt to be impatient when
told this; I know it, for I have been young myself; but, God be praised,
I never failed to come to myself in time after any youthful folly, to
flee from all danger to my soul, and to keep God and my honour, and the
dangerous consequences of sin, always before my eyes.
His wife reassured him by saying that Wolfgang had confessed at the
feast of the Immaculate Conception, and that they had heard mass
regularly on Sundays, though not always on week-days. Wolfgang justified
himself, not without a touch of irritability (December 20, 1777):--
MANNHEIM.
(400)
I have written that your last letter gave me great pleasure, and that is
true; but one part of it vexed me a little--the question whether I had
not somewhat neglected confession. I have nothing to reply to this,
except to make you one request, which is--not to think so ill of
me again. I am fond of fun, but be assured that I can be serious on
occasion. Since I left Salzburg (and even before) I have met with people
whose speech and actions I should have been ashamed to imitate, although
they were ten, twenty, or thirty years older than myself; so I beg you
earnestly to have a better opinion of me.
Under these circumstances, the offer of Serrarius to afford lodging,
firing, and light to both mother and son, came very opportunely;
Wolfgang was to give lessons to his daughter in return. The mother was
especially pleased at the change, having been somewhat lonely at the
hotel during Wolfgang's long absences. They had good beds, careful
attendance, and she supped and spent the evenings with her hostess,
chatting with her often until eleven o'clock. Wolfgang does not seem
to have been particularly struck with the talent of the daughter of the
house, Theresa Pierron, who had played the clavier since she was eight
years old; he seldom mentions the "house nymph." Nevertheless, she
practised one of his concertos, and performed it at a large musical
party at home; and afterwards she played the third and easiest of his
concertos for three claviers at a concert. Before his departure from
Mannheim he composed (March 11, 1778) a clavier sonata with violin
accompaniment for her (296 K.). He gave lessons in composition to young
Danner, in return for which his mother dined there every day; he himself
boarded at Wendling's. "Wolfgang," writes his mother, "has so much to
do with composing and giving lessons that he has no time to pay visits
to anybody. So you see that we can comfortably stay here during the
winter; and it is all Herr Wendling's doing; he loves Wolfgang as his
own son." Wolfgang himself gives his father the following account of his
daily life (December 20, 1777):--
We cannot rise before eight o'clock, for our room, being on the
ground-floor, is not light until half-past eight. Then I dress quickly;
at ten o'clock I set to work composing until twelve or half-past; then
I go to Wendling's and write a little more until half-past one, when we
dine. At three, I go to give lessons in gallantry and thorough-bass to a
Dutch
{SCHWEITZER'S "ROSAMUNDE."}
(401)
officer (De la Potrie), for which, if I do not mistake, I shall have
four ducats for twelve lessons. At four I return home to give a lesson
to the daughter of the house: but we never begin before half-past four,
because we are waiting for lights. At six I go to Cannabich's and teach
Mdlle. Rose; I stay there to supper, and then we talk or play a little,
or some-times I take a book out of my pocket and read, as I used to do
at Salzburg.
His mother had reason to say that Wolfgang was so busy he did not know
which way to turn; and she might well add that her husband could not
conceive how highly Wolfgang was esteemed for his music and other
things, so that every one said that he had not his equal, and his
compositions were literally idolised. At the same time the father is
informed that Wolfgang's beard has to be removed; and on his question
as to whether it has been cut, burnt, or shaved off, the answer is duly
given: "The beard has not been shaved yet, only cut with scissors; but
it cannot be done so any more, and next time the barber must be called
in."
The great musical event which was engrossing public attention at
this time was the approaching production of Wieland and Schweitzer's
"Rosamunde."
As the result of flattering overtures made to him during the summer of
1776,[85] Wieland set to work on his text in the spring of 1777.[86]
The subject--a curious one to choose for Mannheim, where the Elector
had many Rosamunds, and the Electress took little pains to conceal her
chagrin thereat (facts of which Wieland had no suspicion)[87]--inspired
him with the greatest enthusiasm. This caused him to be all the more
unpleasantly surprised when Jacobi and Goethe declared the opera a
failure, and the minister Hompesch pressed for a revision of the last
act. He wished to withdraw it altogether, although Schweitzer had
already composed three acts of great beauty; but Hompesch would on
no account consent to this, and he was obliged to undertake the
revision.[88]
{MANNHEIM.}
(402)
Wieland was far from being satisfied with his own share of the opera,
but he declared that Schweitzer had produced a work which would attract
people for miles round to hear it.[89]
Wieland was invited to assist in person at the production of his
opera. Dissatisfaction with the work, and domestic and economical
considerations, caused him some hesitation; but the wish once more to
enjoy music to the full finally prevailed, and he looked forward with
pleasure to a meeting with old friends; Jacobi, Sophie la Roche and
her daughter, and Max Brentano promised to come to Mannheim for the
occasion. The production of the opera had been first fixed for the
fête-day of the Elector (November 4, 1777), but owing to the delay
caused by the revision it did not appear until January, 1778. When all
the preparations, the splendid scenery and costumes were completed,
Schweitzer came to Mannheim to conduct the final rehearsals himself.
Mozart, who made his acquaintance at once, found him a good, honest man,
but dry and positive like Michael Haydn, "only that his language is more
refined (December 3, 1777). "There are beautiful things in the new opera,
and I doubt not that it will succeed. 'Alceste' was a success, and is
not half so fine as 'Rosamunde.' Certainly its being the first German
opera had much to do with the success; and now that the novelty has worn
off it has ceased to make the same impression." The opera was rehearsed
daily, and it affords proof of the esteem in which Wolfgang was held by
the band that, when Schweitzer was unwell, he had "to take his place,
and conduct the opera with several of the violins at Wendling's"
(December 18, 1777). Repeated hearing of the opera did not increase
Mozart's admiration for it. "Wolfgang does not care for the new opera,"
writes his mother (December 18, 1777), "he says there is no nature in
it, and much exaggeration, and that it is not well written for the
singers; we must wait to see what effect it will produce." He writes
himself (December 10, 1777): "'Rosamunde' was rehearsed at the theatre
to-day; it is--good, but nothing more; and if it were bad, could it not
be performed just the same?"
{WIELAND AT MANNHEIM,}
(403)
Later on (September 11, 1778), he pities Aloysia Weber on account of
her poor part in "Rosamunde." "She has one song, which might be made
something of, but the voice part is _à la_ Schweitzer, like the barking
of dogs; she has a kind of rondo in the second act, which allows her to
sustain her voice, and display it a little. Woe to the vocalist, male or
female, who falls into Schweitzer's hands! He will never acquire the art
of writing for the voice."[90]
The arrival of Wieland, who was esteemed before all German poets at
Mannheim,[91] was eagerly looked for by the public, and Wolfgang looked
forward to making his acquaintance. Wieland arrived on December 21, and
was equally delighted with his reception by the Elector and with the
homage of the populace. "Every one is anxious to have me, and each
day is distinguished by something which makes the remembrance of it
pleasant," he writes on December 26 to Sophie la Roche;[92] and to Merck
on the following day:[93] "I can say nothing more than that I am well
both in soul and body, for the reason that I have to play no part but
the one natural to me, and that my affairs, so far as it appears,
are prospering. God grant that I may not grow _too happy_ among these
people. But that is provided against."
Mozart was not carried away by the universal enthusiasm for the
celebrated poet, and sends his father the following impartial
description (December 27, 1777):--
I have made the acquaintance of Herr Wieland, but he does not know me as
well as I know him, for he has not heard me play yet. He is not at
all what I had expected to find him. His speech seems to me somewhat
affected; he has a childish voice--a fixed stare--a certain scholarlike
bluntness, and yet sometimes a stupid condescension. I am not surprised
at anything in his behaviour here, whatever it may be in Weimar
MANNHEIM.
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or elsewhere, for the people look at him as if he had come down from
heaven. Every one yields to him, and there is silence directly he opens
his mouth. It is only a pity that he keeps people in suspense so long,
for he has a defect in his utterance, and has to speak very slowly, and
stop every six words. He is extremely ugly, covered with pockmarks, and
with a very long nose. His height is somewhat greater than your own.
After Wieland had learnt to know Mozart also, he writes (January 10,
1778): "Herr Wieland, after hearing me twice, is quite enchanted. The
last time he paid me all manner of compliments, ending up with, 'It
has been a real happiness to me to meet you here!' and a squeeze of the
hand."
Wieland was delighted with Wendling, and all the preparations for the
opera were found satisfactory.
The first performance was fixed for January 11, and he hoped to obtain
much honour for his "Rosamunde" in Mannheim, if only the illness of the
Elector of Bavaria did not frustrate all his hopes. But this fear was
unhappily realised. The Elector Maximilian died on December 30; the
intelligence reached Mannheim as Karl Theodor was attending a religious
service for the New Year, and the following evening he set out for
Munich.[94] All the festivities came to an end. "The death of Maximilian
Joseph," writes Wieland to Baron von Gebler (January 5, 1778), "has
disappointed both myself and the public. My opera "Rosamunde," set to
admirable music by Herr Schweitzer, was to have been given for the first
time on the 11th, and repeated eight times during the carnival. I had
every prospect of as great a success as perhaps an opera ever had, when
the death of the Elector of Bavaria brought about an alteration on the
stage of public events, the lugubrious decorations of which have quite
suppressed mine."[95] The opera was rehearsed once more in his honour,
and then he travelled back to Weimar, content with the result of his
visit, though his main object was defeated.[96]
The change of government had more lasting effects for
{PROSPECTS OF WORK IN VIENNA.}
(405)
Mannheim, and especially for the musicians there, than a mere temporary
suspension of gaiety. The patriotic inhabitants of the Palatinate could
not indeed believe that their Elector would transfer his capital to
Munich;[97] but the prospects of the future were uncertain and alarming,
owing to the threatening turn taken by political events.
If Mozart had felt himself moved to write German operas in Munich, the
impulse must have been vastly strengthened by his stay in Mannheim. He
had offered his services to the Elector with this object. When the offer
was declined, a new prospect was opened to him in Vienna, with which he
acquaints his father (January 11, 1778):[98]--
I know for certain that the Emperor is thinking of establishing
opera in Vienna, and that he is seeking everywhere for a young
kapellmeister, a German and a genius, who is capable of producing
something new.[99] Benda is seeking in Gotha, but Schweitzer has more
influence. This would be just the thing for me; well paid, of course. If
the Emperor gives me 1,000 florins I will write him an opera, and if he
does not pay me it is all the same. Pray write to all imaginable friends
in Vienna that I am in a position to serve the Emperor. If needs be, he
may try me with an opera, and what he does after, I really do not care.
Adieu. I hope you will put the affair in motion at once, or some one may
be beforehand with me.
L. Mozart was not the man to let this opportunity slip. He applied at
once to Heufeld, who had formerly been well disposed towards them, and
whose knowledge and influence could be relied on, begging him to exert
himself on Wolfgang's behalf. Letters from Messmer (pp. 86,145) had
just arrived from Vienna, asking why Wolfgang did not come to Vienna,
where there was "always room for true talent." He should have board and
lodging with him as long as he liked, and his friends would see to his
interests. But the prospects, so far as the opera was concerned, were
not very promising. L. Mozart was of opinion (January 29, 1778)
{MANNHEIM.}
(406)
that the Emperor was like the Archbishop--"he wanted a good thing at
a very cheap rate." A letter from Heufeld was definitive (January 23,
1778):--
It is true that His Majesty the Emperor, to whom his mother has quite
resigned the care of the theatre, wishes to establish German opera. All
orders come through the High Chamberlain, Count von Rosenberg, to the
company, among whom there is a sort of council for the regulation of the
pieces and parts. At the opera, which is now combined with the national
company," the additional singers are Mdlle. Cavalieri, and Schindler's
daughter, married to Langin, with a bass, whose name I forget (Fuchs).
To-day was the first rehearsal of the first opera ("Die Bergknappen"),
of which Herr Weidmann has furnished the words, and Herr Umlauf, who
plays the viola in the orchestra, the music. The performance will take
place shortly. All this is only an experiment to see if anything can be
done with the Germans in this line. It is certain that no composer will
be engaged at present, particularly as Gluck and Salieri are in the
Emperor's service. To recommend any one at present would be the surest
way to failure; and no advocate can be employed to reach the Emperor's
ear, since he arranges everything himself according to his own ideas and
inclinations. Every one knows this, and no one ventures on a proposal or
recommendation. His Majesty has sought out Gluck and Salieri, and most
of those who are now in his service, in the same way. I could give you
several examples of people who have applied indirectly to His Majesty
and have failed in their suit. The way in which you propose approaching
him seems to me far from good, and the reason I decline presenting a
petition is my certain conviction that it would be useless, and, indeed,
prejudicial to your interests. There is another more creditable and more
certain way open to first-rate talent, and that is the production of
some work, for which there is every opportunity. Let your son take the
trouble of setting any good German opera to music and submitting it to
the supreme pleasure of the Emperor, and then let him wait the event,
and follow in person if his work is well received. In this case, indeed,
his presence will be necessary. Your son may be without any apprehension
with regard to Benda and Schweitzer; I can answer for there being no
trouble from that quarter. Their fame is not so great here as elsewhere.
Perhaps even Wieland's great opinion of these gentlemen[100] has
somewhat abated since his stay at Mannheim. I have a letter of the 5th
inst. from him, in which he acknowledges to having received altogether
new ideas upon music in Mannheim.
{OVERTURES FROM THE ARCHBISHOP.}
(407)
When this letter reached Mozart he was in a very excited state (the
reason for which will be presently noted), and the effect it produced
was greater than mere disappointment. His self-love, which had been
raised to so high a pitch by the appreciation of his Mannheim admirers,
was wounded by the proposal that he should write a comic opera on
approval, like a beginner. Even the condescending good nature of Heufeld
to his "dear Wolfgang" increased his annoyance.
His father was full of plans and cares for his son's advancement. An
opportunity which offered for a settlement in Salzburg was little likely
to please Wolfgang. The city had been thrown into consternation on
December 21, 1777, by the paralytic seizure of Adlgasser while he was
playing the organ. His death followed the same evening. It soon became
clear that Wolfgang's return and application for the vacant post would
not be unacceptable to the authorities; and his father informs him of
several hints he had received to that effect (January 12, 1778):--
His Excellency the Lord High Steward apprised me that his Serene
Highness had commanded him to inquire from Haydn and myself if we knew
of a really good organist; he must also be an excellent clavier player,
of good appearance and manners, and able to give lessons to the ladies
of the court. "What!" said I, "did his Serene Highness mention me?"
"Yes; you in particular," said he, and laughed. I said, "I know nobody
with all these qualities." If there is such an one in Mannheim, he may
make his fortune.
But even if his father had been willing to take these hints, Wolfgang
would have had no ear for them.
With the idea that a longer stay in Mannheim might yet result in a
permanent engagement, L. Mozart wrote to the Padre Martini in December,
1777, sending him Wolfgang's promised portrait, and begging him to use
all his influence with the Elector.[101] With his usual good nature, the
Padre promised to write to Raaff authorising him to say to the Elector
"in his name everything imaginable in Wolfgang's
MANNHEIM.
(408)
favour, and to praise him according to his deserts; even if the
political situation should operate unfavourably at the moment, the
appeal would certainly bear fruit at a future time." No such letter,
however, reached Raaff from Padre Martini; but Wolfgang made it the
occasion of forming a closer acquaintance with Raaff, and advancing his
own claims. He writes (February 28, 1778):--
Yesterday I took Raaff a song which I had just written for him. The
words are "Se al labro mio non credi, bella nemica mia," &c. I do not
think they are Metastasio's. The song pleases him greatly. One has to go
carefully to work with a man like this. I selected the words with care,
because I knew that he had sung them before, and that they would come
easier and more pleasantly to him. I asked him to tell me candidly if
he did not care for them or like them, and I would alter the song to
his pleasure, or write it over again. "Heaven forbid!" said he, "let
the song remain as it is, for it is very fine; only I must beg you to
shorten it a little, for I have lost the power now of sustaining my
voice so long." "Willingly," said I; "as much as you please. I took care
to make it long, for it is much easier to curtail than to lengthen a
song." After he had sung the second part, he took off his spectacles,
looked hard at me, and said, "Beautiful, beautiful! That is a charming
second part," and he sang it three times. When I went away, he thanked
me cordially, and I assured him in return that I would arrange the song
to his satisfaction. I like a song to be fitted to the singer, like a
well-made garment.[102]
The aria (295 K.), without the introductory recitative, has the
following words:--
Se al labro mio non credi,
Bella nemica mia,
Aprimi il petto e vedi,
Quai sia 1' amante cor;
Il cor dolente e afflito
Ma d' ogni colpa privo,
Se pur non è delitto
Un innocente ardor.
The treatment is more strictly orthodox than had latterly been usual
with Mozart, apparently out of consideration to the singer. The first
part is an elaborate adagio, full of
{PREPARATIONS FOR PARIS.}
(409)
simple melody and fervent expression; the tone of deep sorrow given to
the words "aprimi il petto" is very impressive, melodious and pleasing,
with few passages, and those not florid. The second part (allegretto,
3-8, in G minor), is especially rhythmical and original in its
harmonies, animated, and full of expression. Although the arrangement of
this part is quite in the old style, it has decided individuality, and
contrasts so effectively with the adagio that one can easily understand
the delight with which it inspired the old singer. The song does not
exceed the compass of--[See Page Image]
and keeps to the position of the tenor voice proper, full opportunity
for effective display being afforded to the singer. The free and finely
coloured accompaniment never obscures the voice,[103] and the whole song
is not inferior to later and better known works.
The time had now arrived for the expedition to Paris, and Mozart's
anxious father was unsparing in thought and wise counsel. He advised
them to prepare in good time for the mother's journey from Mannheim to
Augsburg at the beginning of March, and he impressed upon Wolfgang that
his stay in Paris was not to be limited by weeks or months, but was to
last until he had gained both fame and money; he must therefore wind
up all his affairs in Mannheim before he left. His father also gave
him circumstantial rules for his guidance in society; he was to avoid
intimacies, especially with other composers, such as Gluck, Piccinni,
and Grétry, whose rivalry might be feared, "de la politesse, et pas
d'autre chose!" He was above all to observe the greatest prudence in his
dealings with the female sex, who were always on the watch for young men
of great talent whom they might dupe and entangle, or even marry; "that
would be my death," says his father, and he sends him a long list
{MANNHEIM.}
(410)
of their patrons during their former stay, whom he was to seek out
immediately on his arrival. He is especially assured of the tried
friendship of Grimm, and of his own studies and duties: "Think daily
what you owe to God, who has given you such extraordinary talents."
To L. Mozart's astonishment he received a letter from Wolfgang (February
4, 1778), informing him of his intention of giving up the journey to
Paris, and of the reasons which had led to this determination:--
Mamma and I have talked it over, and agreed that the life which Wendling
leads does not suit us. Wendling is a thoroughly honest, good man, but
he and all his household are totally without religion; his daughter's
relations to the Elector sufficiently prove this.[104] Ramm is good
at heart, but a libertine. I know myself, and know that I have so much
religion that I should never commit an action that I could not proclaim
to the whole world; but the mere thought of travelling with people whose
way of thinking is so opposed to mine (and to that of all honourable
men) frightens me. They may do as they please, but I have no wish to
accompany them; I should not have a happy hour, I should never know what
I was saying; for, in one word, I have no confidence in them. Friendship
without a religious basis is not lasting. I have already given them a
little _prægusto_. I have told them that letters have reached me, of
which I can say nothing further than that they interfere with my journey
to Paris with them; I may be able to follow, but perhaps I shall have to
go elsewhere, and they must not depend upon me.
The mother corroborates all this, and declares she had never approved of
the society of Wendling and Ramm, but that she had said nothing, for
she was never listened to. In her next letter she asserts that it
would certainly be dangerous companionship for Wolfgang, and tells her
husband: "It is true that Herr Wendling is the best-natured man in the
world, but neither he nor his family have any idea of religion, nor
care for it; neither the mother nor daughter enter a church all the year
round, nor do they ever confess nor hear mass, but they are always going
to the play; they say the church is not healthy."
L. Mozart was not a little surprised that his wife and son
{WOLFGANG'S WISH TO REMAIN IN MANNHEIM.}
(411)
should so suddenly discover this lack of faith at the end of a long
acquaintance. "You are quite right not to travel in undesirable
company," he answers (February 16, 1778); "but you must have been aware
of the bad qualities of these men for a long time, and you have had so
little confidence in your anxious father, that you have never written to
ask his advice on the subject, and (shocking!) neither has your mother
done so." There was not much to be said in answer to this, except that
they had allowed themselves to be deceived by the universal praise of
Wendling, and by his really good qualities, and had overlooked his want
of religion.
Wolfgang gave his father other reasons against the expedition (February
7, 1778):--
I have already given you my chief reason for not going with these people
to Paris. The second is that I cannot quite see what I should have to do
in Paris. My only means of advancement would be lesson-giving, and that
work is distasteful to me. I have had a striking example of that here.
I might have had two pupils. I went to each of them three times, then
I found one of them out; consequently I did not go again. I will gladly
give lessons as a favour, particularly to any one who shows genius and
a real wish to learn. But to be obliged to go to a house at a certain
hour, or to be obliged to wait at home for a pupil, is what I cannot do,
even if it were to bring me some profit. I leave that to those who
can do nothing but play the clavier. I am a composer, and a born
kapellmeister; I ought not to bury my talent for composition which a
merciful God has so richly bestowed upon me (I may say it without pride,
for I feel it now more than ever); and pupils are most distracting
to the mind. I would rather (so to speak) neglect the clavier than
composition; for the clavier is only a subordinate affair; only, God be
praised! a very powerful subordinate.
He had said the same to Wendling, and told him that if he would only
put something certain in his way, he would gladly follow to Paris,
"especially if it was an opera; opera-writing is my chief idea and
object, French rather than German, but Italian rather than either
French or German. Wendling and his friends are all of opinion that my
compositions would be wonderfully successful in Paris; for, as you know,
I can adapt myself to every sort and style of composition."
All things considered, we cannot but feel that Wolfgang's
{MANNHEIM.}
(412)
father was justified in writing as follows (February 23, 1778)
So you intend only to give lessons as a favour, do you? and you mean to
leave your old father in his present straits? For a young fellow like
you lesson-giving is far too much trouble, even when it is well paid.
It is more fitted to your old father to run from house to house for a
wretched pittance in order to support himself and his daughter, and to
send the little that remains to you, instead of paying his debts; and
all that you may amuse yourself by giving lessons to some silly girl for
nothing! My son, reflect, and give ear to your own good sense. Reflect
whether you do not deal more hardly with me than our prince himself. God
has given you an excellent judgment, and two things only hinder you from
employing it on your own affairs: first, a trifle too much of conceit
and self-love, and, secondly, an inclination to be over-confiding and to
open your heart to every one you meet.
He made him easy as to lesson-giving in Paris (February 16, 1778)
In the first place, no one will discharge his master at once in order to
take you; and, in the second place, no one would venture to engage you,
nor should you take any one, except a lady, now and then, who plays well
already and has a fancy for learning from you, for which she is willing
to pay well. Such lady pupils as these will take endless trouble to
collect subscriptions for your compositions. The ladies in Paris are
omnipotent; they are great amateurs of the clavier, and many of
them play extremely well. They would be your best allies for getting
commissions; and you will be able, by their help, to make both fame
and money with clavier pieces, violin quartets, symphonies, and such
collections of French songs with the clavier as you lately sent me;
then, at last, you will arrive at an opera. Why do you hesitate? But you
always want things done in a moment, before you have been either seen
or heard. Look down the long list of our former acquaintances in Paris;
they are all, at least the greater number, the best people in the town.
They are all most anxious to see you again, and if only six of such
persons (nay, a single one would suffice) were to take you by the hand,
you might do as you pleased.
All this notwithstanding, however, we cannot but feel that Wolfgang's
consciousness of his true vocation and his lively protest against any
sort of pressure from without did honour to him, far more honour than
the insinuation of unbelief against his true friend Wendling, to whom
he was already deeply indebted. Not that Mozart was insincere--he was a
faithful son of his Church--but other feelings were at work
{REPROACHES AND EXPLANATIONS.}
(413)
here, which obscured his judgment. Wendling was inconsolable at
Wolfgang's refusal to join the party; and the latter endeavoured to
persuade himself that motives of personal interest had a share in the
regret of his friend. Be it as it may, Wendling and Ramm set off for
Paris on February 15, leaving Wolfgang at Mannheim, not quite free
from compunction. "If I thought," he writes to his father (February 14,
1778), "that you were really annoyed about my not going to Paris with
them, I should repent having remained here; but, after all, the road to
Paris is not closed to me."
L. Mozart was not altogether displeased at the turn of affairs; what
really angered him was to hear from Wolfgang (February 4, 1778): "I am
getting on at my ease with the music for Mons. de Jean, for which I am
to have 200 florins; I can stay here as long as I like, for neither my
board nor lodging cost me anything." His father had warned him before
(December 11, 1777): "If you examine your conscience you will find
that you have a strong tendency to procrastination"; and now he writes
(February 12, 1778): "I am astonished to hear that you are finishing
Mons. de Jean's music at your ease. Can it be that you have not already
completed it! And you were thinking of leaving Mannheim on the 15th, and
have been making expeditions to Kirchheim? Well, never mind, only beware
that Herr Wendling and Mons. de Jean do not play you false, for the
proposal was only made with the intention of enabling you to go with
them. Let me have an answer by the next post, that I may know how the
matter stands." The information which Wolfgang furnished (February 14,
1778) was not consolatory:--
Herr de Jean, who also goes to Paris to-morrow, has paid me only
ninety-six florins (miscalculating the half by four florins) because
I had written only two concerti and three quartetti. But he will be
obliged to pay me the whole, for I have arranged with Wendling to send
the music after them. It is not extraordinary that I should not have
been able to finish it. I never have a quiet hour; night is my only time
for writing, for I cannot even get up early. Besides, one is not always
in the humour for writing. I could certainly scribble away the whole
day; but when a thing is to go forth to the world bearing my name, I am
determined that
{MANNHEIM.}
(414)
I will not be ashamed of it. You know how stupid I am when I have always
to compose for one instrument (and that one which I dislike). I have
written other things from time to time for a change, such as clavier
duets and portions of masses. But now I have set to work in earnest on
the clavier duets, so that I may have them printed.
In a letter from Paris (July 20, 1778) he mentions only "two quartets
for the flute," and on October 3, 1778, he speaks of "the flute
concerto." Two quartets for flute, violin, viola, and violoncello are
known. One of them (281 K.) is inscribed, "Mannheim il 25 Dec., 1777,"
and must therefore be the same which is mentioned in the letter of
December 18 as being almost finished. It is in D major, in the usual
three movements, the middle one, an adagio 3-8, being accompanied
throughout _pizzicato_, the flute leading the melody. The whole piece
is easy, both in style and composition, the flute kept mainly in the
foreground, and the accompanying parts firmly and skilfully handled,
without any actual elaboration. The second quartet (298 K.), according
to a notice appended by a strange hand to the original manuscript (in
the imperial library at Vienna), was composed in Paris in 1778. It is
in A major, and begins with variations on a simple theme, in which each
instrument in succession comes in obbligato. Then follows a minuet, and
as a finale a "rondieaoux," the heading of which testifies to Mozart's
merry humour; it runs: "Allegretto grazioso, ma non troppo presto, perö
non troppo adagio, cosi, cosi, con molto garbo ed espressione." It is
likewise easy in every respect, shorter, and somewhat fresher than the
first movement. A flute concerto in D major (314 K.) bears much the same
character, and was composed for the "true philanthropist, the Indian
Dutchman." It is lively and cheerful, without laying claim to deeper
significance; the accompaniment, although kept well in hand, betrays in
little touches the practised hand of a master. An andante in C major for
the flute, with orchestral accompaniment has also been preserved (315
K.). The original is not dated, but the handwriting, the Mannheim paper,
and the well-founded assumption that Mozart never wrote for the flute,
except by commission, point to this time. Fürstenau, however, remarks
that Mozart treats the flute
{THE FATHER'S DISAPPOINTMENT.}
(415)
with a perfect knowledge of the instrument, its _technique_ and easily
attained effects.
Nothing is known of the mass on which he was engaged at Mannheim,
unless a detached Kyrie in E flat (322 K.), serious and dignified in
expression, original and free in treatment, may be referred to this
period.
He writes on the 28th February, 1778, that he has still two clavier
sonatas to write: "But I am not in a hurry with them, for they cannot
be printed here. Nothing can be done by subscription--it is beggary, and
the engraver will not take the risk on himself unless I promise him
half the profits. I would rather have them printed in Paris, where the
publishers are glad of something new, and pay capitally, and where much
also can be done by subscription." One of the sonatas (304 K.) was,
according to the inscription, finished in Paris; all the six were
published there in 1778 by Sieber, and were dedicated to the Electress
(301-306 K.).
Wolfgang's dilatoriness was a hard blow to his father, who had counted
on the price of these compositions to cover the cost of the Mannheim
visit and of the journey to Paris. He saw plainly that he must not only
defray these himself, but must also provide for the future, and he found
himself in great perplexity. He writes in troubled strain (February 16,
1778):--
We have tried every means to make you happy, and ourselves through you,
and at least to set your future career on a firm foundation: but fate
has willed that we should not succeed. Our last venture has sunk me very
low indeed, and, as you know, I am now seven hundred florins in debt,
knowing not how I am to support myself, your mother and sister, on my
monthly pay; not a kreuzer can I hope for from our prince. You cannot
but see clearly, therefore, that the future fate of your old parents,
and of your good devoted sister, is in your hands.
The sister, an ever-present witness of the cares and perplexities of her
father, at a loss to know how the new year's bills were to be met, or
how he was to procure the new clothes he needed, grasped the state of
affairs very thoroughly. She practised the clavier with redoubled zeal,
and had made great efforts thoroughly to master thorough-bass and the
art of preluding; she foresaw that after her father's death her
{MANNHEIM.}
(416)
music would be her mother's and her own sole dependence. She was deeply
grieved at the bad news from Wolfgang, and "had her full share of
weeping." Wolfgang wrote crossly that she "should not cry for nothing"
(February 19, 1778); but he must have felt ashamed of himself when his
father's answer to this came (February 26, 1778)
She did not cry over nothing when she cried over your letter; but,
nevertheless, she said when she heard that you had not got the 200
florins, "Thank God that it is no worse!" although she has considerable
interest in the matter, and knows that, in order to go on helping you,
her own just claims must be laid aside.
And why was it, the father must have asked himself, that Wolfgang was
so suddenly blind to his own interests, and forgetful of his duty to his
family? It required no great skill in reading between the lines to find
the answer in his son's own letters. The stay in Mannheim influenced his
artistic life through the intellectual atmosphere of a capital in which
flourished German science and German art; but beyond and above this, it
was there that he was seized by the passion which sways the innermost
being of man, and blunts for the time every other feeling. We have seen
how susceptible he always was to female charms, and how he delighted
in intercourse with agreeable women, whose attractions often threw a
favourable light on his opinion of their musical acquirements.
Now, for the first time, there awoke in his heart a passionate
attachment to a young singer of extraordinary talent; the beauty of her
voice as it developed under his loving tuition, coupled with the unhappy
circumstances of her life, increased the young man's generous ardour,
and aroused his lively sympathy. Aloysia Weber, the second daughter of a
man in a subordinate position at the theatre,[105] was fifteen
{MDLLE. WEBER.}
(417)
years of age, and of great beauty. His letters, outwardly expressive
only of his admiration for her singing, are not the less indicative
of the state of his heart; artistic delight and loving passion are
charmingly and unconsciously blended in every sentence. The view which
it is permitted us to take of the innocent heart of a youth who
could feel as warmly and tenderly as he could judge impartially and
artistically, is the more striking, since it helps us to apprehend how
much was torn away with this bud, destined never to unfold into blossom.
Wolfgang first mentions her in an account of a little professional tour
(January 17, 1778)
Next Wednesday I am going for a few days to Kirchheim-Poland, to the
Princess of Orange (p. 43); I have heard so much that is good of her,
that at last I have decided. A Dutch officer, and my very good friend,
was dreadfully scolded by her for not bringing me with him, when he
went to pay his respects at the new year. I shall get at least eight
louis-d'or; for she is a great musical amateur, and I have had four
songs copied for her; I shall give her a symphony, too, for she has a
nice little orchestra, and gives concerts every day.[106] The copying of
the songs will not cost me much, for it has been done by a certain Herr
Weber, who is going over with me. He has a daughter of fifteen, who
sings extremely well, with a beautiful, pure voice. She only wants
action to be fit for a prima donna on any stage. Her father is a good,
true-hearted German, who has brought up his children well, which is
the reason that the girl is persecuted here. He has six children, five
daughters and one son. For fourteen years he supported himself and
his family on 200 florins a year, and because he has always faithfully
fulfilled his duties, and has provided the Elector with a first-rate
singer, he has now actually 400 florins. She sings my song for De Amicis
with the fearful passages excellently well (135 [11] K.); she is going
to sing it at Kirchheim-Poland.
After his return he narrates the particulars of this "holi-day-trip"
(February 2, 1778)
We sent a note at once to the castle, and next day the concertmeister,
Rothfischer, waited on us. In the evening we went to the court, it being
Saturday; Mdlle. Weber sang three songs. I pass over her singing with
one word, _excellent_. I spoke to you of her merits in my last letter,
and I shall not be able to close this without saying more, as I am now
learning to know her better, and to appreciate her full powers.
{MANNHEIM.}
(418)
Afterwards we supped at the officers' table. Sunday and Monday we dined
at court; there was no music on Sunday evening; there never is, so that
they have only about 300 musical evenings in the year. We might have
joined the gaming-table, but much preferred remaining at home. We would
willingly have dispensed with the dinner at court, since we are never
so happy as when alone together; but we looked at it from an economical
point of view, having spent enough already. On Monday there was music,
and again on Tuesday and Wednesday; Mdlle. Weber sang in all thirteen
times, and twice played the clavier, which she does very well. What
surprises me most is her correctness. Only imagine, she played my
difficult sonatas slowly, but without missing a note, _prima vista_,
upon my honour. I would rather she played my sonatas than Vogler. I
have played in all twelve times, and once by desire on the organ in the
Lutheran church, and I have waited on the Princess with four symphonies;
for all this I have received seven louis-d'ors in silver money, and my
poor dear Weber five--basta! We have lost nothing by it. I have clear
forty-two florins profit, and the inexpressible pleasure of having
made the acquaintance of true-hearted Catholic and Christian people. _A
propos_, you must not be surprised that my seventy-seven florins have
been reduced to forty-two florins. It was a true pleasure to come
together with good sympathetic people. I could not do otherwise than pay
half the expenses; but that will not happen on any other journey; I have
said already I shall only pay for myself. Afterwards we stayed five
days at Worms, where Herr Weber has a brother-in-law, the Dean of the
monastery, who stands in fear of Herr Weber's sharp-pointed pen. We were
very merry, and dined and supped every day with the Dean. I can truly
say that this little journey has been good practice on the clavier for
me. The Dean is a very wealthy, sensible man. Now it is time that I
conclude; if I were to write all that I think I should run short of
paper.
After his return to Mannheim he devoted almost his whole time to the
Webers, and to the musical education of their gifted daughter. He
studied with her all the songs which he had brought, and begged his
father to send him from Salzburg "an aria cantabile, cadenzas, and
anything else suitable." Then he procured her an opportunity of being
heard. He writes (February 14, 1778):--
Yesterday Cannabich gave a concert, and everything performed--except
the first symphony by Cannabich himself--was mine. Mdlle. Rose played my
concerto in B flat (238 K.); then, by way of a change, Herr Ramm played
for the fifth time my oboe concerto for Ferlendi, which has made a
great sensation here; Ramm makes it his _cheval de bataille_. Afterwards
Mdlle. Weber sang De Amicis' _aria di bravura_ quite
{"NON SÒ D' ONDE VIENE."}
(419)
charmingly. Then I played my old concerto in D (175 K.), because it
is such a favourite here; then I improvised for half an hour, and
afterwards Mdlle. Weber sang with great applause "Parto m' affretto"
("Lucio Silla," 135 [16] K.). My overture to the "Re Pastore" was the
finale.
He had the satisfaction of hearing from Raaff, "who certainly never
flatters," when asked his true opinion: "She sang like a professor, not
like a learner." As an expression of his feelings for Aloysia, Wolfgang
composed the song (294 K.) which comes more direct from his heart than
any other of his compositions (February 28, 1778):--
I have taken the aria, "Non sò d'onde viene," &c., as an exercise in
composition, just because it has been so beautifully done by Bach, and
because I know and admire his rendering so much that it is always in
my ears; I wanted to try whether, in spite of this, I could not write a
song which should not be like Bach's. It is not at all, not in the least
like. I intended the song for Raaff at first, but the beginning was
too high, and it pleased me too much to be altered; besides, the
instrumentation seemed to make it more fitted for a soprano. I therefore
decided to write the song for Mdlle. Weber. I laid it aside, and set
to work on "Se al labro" for Raaff. But it was of no use, I could write
nothing else while the first song was in my head. So I finished it, and
set myself to make it exactly suited to Mdlle. Weber. It is an andante
sostenuto, following a short recitative. In the middle comes the second
part, "Nel seno a destarmi;" then again the sostenuto. When it was
finished, I said to Mdlle. Weber, "Learn the song for yourself; sing it
according to your own taste; then let me hear it, and I will tell you
candidly what pleases me and what does not please me." In two days she
sang it to me, and accompanied herself. I was obliged to acknowledge
that she sang it as well as I could wish, and just as I would have had
it done. It is the best song which she has, and will gain her applause
wherever she sings it.
This assertion was justified at a concert given by Cannabich, at which
Rose Cannabich, Mdlle. Weber, and Mdlle. Pierron Serrarius, after three
rehearsals, played the concerto for three claviers very well:--
Mdlle. Weber sang two of my songs, "Aer tranquillo," from the "Re
Pastore," (208 [3] K.), and the new one, "Non sö d'onde viene." The dear
creature did herself and me infinite honour. Every one said that she
surpassed herself in this song; she sang it just as it should be sung.
Cannabich called out aloud when it was finished, "Bravo, bravissimo,
maestro! veramente, scritta da maestro! This was the first time
{MANNHEIM.}
(420)
I had heard it with the instruments. I wish you could have heard it as
it was sung then, with such accuracy of taste, such _piano_ and _forte_.
Who knows? you may hear it yet. I hope so. The orchestra have not left
off yet praising and talking of the song.
And he himself cannot leave off talking of it:--
I do certainly wish you could hear my new song sung by her; I say by
her, for it is just made for her. You, who know what is meant by singing
with _portamento_, would find rare satisfaction in her singing of it.
He proceeds to beg his father not to allow the song (which he sends him)
to be sung by any one else, since it was written only for Mdlle. Weber,
and fits her like a garment.
In truth this song is very beautiful, the simple and natural expression
of what he felt and wished to imply to the singer, original in form and
treatment. Strikingly original are the short violin passages between
the phrases of the recitative. The chief movement is adagio, _cantabile_
throughout, in its calm steady progress beautifully expressive of
alternate doubt and resolution. A very effective contrast is formed
by the animated allegro agitato, which leads back to the adagio in an
unexpected but charming manner; the adagio is not simply repeated, but
the important points are accentuated, partly by the harmonic treatment,
partly by stronger emphasis, and the grouping and connection are varied.
The loving care of the composer is displayed again in his management
of the orchestra. The stringed instruments are accurate in detail,
and written with a view to effect; for instance, when the voice in its
highest, sharpest tones, is accompanied by the violins in a far lower
position, the effect is excellent. The second violin part is well
thought out, and the accompaniment rich without being overpowering. As
wind instruments, the flutes, clarinets, horns and bassoons, are' so
combined as to give intensity and brilliancy to the colouring of the
whole; they are employed with a full mastery of effect, either alone or
in varied combination.
The following is the original situation in Metastasio's "Olimpiade."
Clisthenes, King of Sicyon, has doomed to death an unknown youth (as
afterwards appears, his son),
{SONG FOR AL. WEBER, 1778.}
(421)
because he has attempted to assassinate him. But in the act of
delivering him to death, he feels himself wonderfully moved by the
aspect of the youth, and turns to his confidant with the words:--
Alcandro, lo confesso, stupisco di me stesso. Il volto, il ciglio, la
voce di costui nel cor mi desta un palpito improwiso, che lo risente in
ogni fibra il sangue. Fra tutti i miei pensieri la cagion ne ricerco e
non la trovo. Che sarà, giusti Dei, questo ch' io provo?
Non si d' onde viene
Quel tenero affetto
Quel moto, che ignoto
Mi nasce nel petto
Quel gel, che le vene
Scorrendo mi và.
Nel seno a destarmi
Si fieri contrast!
Non parmi che basti
La sola pietà.
Mozart describes graphically how the voice and singing of Mdlle. Weber
floated before him, and inspired his composition, but he does not tell
us how Metastasio's words, released from their dramatic connection,
became the soliloquy of a young heart, feeling with amazement the first
stirrings ot love, and scarcely venturing to realise the depth and
intensity of its passion; for pity is assuredly not enough to excite
such expressions of emotion. This was the condition of his own heart,
and what he felt himself, that he also placed in the heart of his
beloved, and, being an artist, on her lips--certainly without analysing
his feelings or hers. The song expresses purely and beautifully the
emotions of a maiden who stands in doubt and perplexity at the innocent
impulses of her heart, incomprehensible even to herself. But her budding
inclination has not yet become a dominant passion, and she feels that
she stands at the turning-point of her whole existence. There reposes,
therefore, on the whole song the calmness and purity of innocence,
together with intense warmth and deep agitation, and Mozart has lent to
these emotions the inexpressible charm of melody.
The charm is not broken by the occurrence of sharper discords than are
usual with Mozart; but they are both
{MANNHEIM.}
(422)
appropriately placed, and in full harmony with the tone of the whole.
The song gives a favourable indication of the powers of the singer.
The style is simple and sustained throughout, varied by original and
expressive embellishments, and at the close by a couple of quick runs
going up to--[See Page Image]
It excites no small astonishment to find such capabilities of voice,
execution, and delivery in a girl of fifteen. Mozart composed the same
song again for the bass singer Fischer, in March, 1787 (512 K.). The
construction of the song is, as the words require, the same, but the
treatment is as different as possible. This time the true sense of the
dramatic situation is grasped; a man, a ruler, who has a long life's
experience behind him, feels his strong mind moved to a tenderness which
he cannot understand, and which therefore troubles him; he seeks to
resist it, but falls ever again under its irresistible sway. The sense
of surprise and passionate resistance is powerfully rendered, and many
passages--"Quel gel che scorrendo le vene mi và," for instance--are of
wonderful power and beauty. In fact, the song presupposes the union of
strength and softness, flexibility of voice and cultivated delivery,
which existed to perfection in Fischer; it might be said as truly of him
as of Mdlle. Weber, that the song fitted him like a garment.
Mozart's change of determination with regard to the Parisian journey is
easily explained by the light of his love for Mdlle. Weber, although
he was far from acknowledging this, even to himself. No doubt he was
sincere in writing to his father (February 4, 1778): "It is out of
the question for me to travel with a man who leads a life of which the
youngest among us would be ashamed, and the thought of assisting a poor
family, without doing harm to myself, pleases me to the very depths of
my soul." He longed ardently to liberate the Weber family from their
trying position; but love for his Aloysia was the most powerful,
although the secret motive. The direction of his thoughts
{MOZART AND THE WEBERS.}
(423)
may be gathered from his remarks on the wealthy marriage made by his
friend Herr von Schiedenhofen (February 7, 1778):--
It is a mercenary marriage, and nothing further. I would not marry in
that way; I should like to make my wife happy, and not expect to make my
fortune through her. So I will let it alone for the present, and enjoy
my freedom, until I can afford to support a wife and family. It was
necessary for Herr von Schiedenhofen to choose a rich wife for the sake
of his title. The nobility can never marry from inclination or love, but
only from interest and various considerations; it would not become such
high personages to love their wives when once they have brought into the
world a fat little son and heir. But we poor common folk, not only _may_
we take a wife whom we love, and who loves us, but we ought, can, and
will take such an one; for we are not nobly born, aristocratic, or rich,
but lowly, mean, and poor, and so not needing a rich wife; our wealth
dies with us, for it is in our brains--and no one can take it from us,
unless he cut off our head--and then we should not want anything more.
The father must have shaken his head at this diatribe. Wolfgang's wish
at least to live in the neighbourhood of Aloysia, until he could call
her his own, was joined to his irresistible impulse to compose operas.
In order to attain both these ends he had conceived a project which
would, he supposed, be of equal advantage to her family and his own.
The Webers were quite ready to fall in with what was clearly to their
advantage, and it only remained to obtain the consent of Wolfgang's
father to his remaining in Mannheim and completing the compositions he
had undertaken:--
At the same time Herr Weber will be exerting himself to get concert
engagements for himself and me; we shall travel together, too.
Travelling with him will be just the same as travelling with you. In
fact, the reason I like him so much is that, excepting in appearance, he
resembles you entirely; his temper and turn of mind are identical with
yours. If my mother were not, as you know, averse to much writing, she
would say the same thing. I must acknowledge that I enjoyed travelling
with the Webers; we were happy together, and merry; and I had the
satisfaction of conversing with a man like yourself. I had no need to
trouble myself about anything; if anything was torn I found it mended;
in fact, I was treated like a prince. This oppressed family has become
so dear to me that it is my greatest wish to make them happy--which
is perhaps in my power. My advice is that they should go to Italy. You
would be doing me a great favour if you would write as soon as possible
to our
{MANNHEIM.}
(424)
good friend Lugiati (p. 108), and inquire from him what is the highest
sum paid to a prima donna in Verona--the higher the better, for it is
easy to lower one's terms--and perhaps she could get a better engagement
afterwards in Venice. I will stake my life on her singing, and I know
that she does me honour. She has profited much by my instruction, even
in this short time, and I have not much doubt as to her acting powers.
If all this takes place, we--that is, M. Weber, his two daughters and
I--shall have the honour of paying a passing visit in a fortnight or so,
to my dear father and my dear sister, and my sister will find a friend
and companion; she enjoys the same reputation here on account of her
good bringing up as my sister does in Salzburg; her father is respected
as mine is; and the whole family is like the Mozart family. This arouses
envy in the same way, of course; but when it comes to the point the most
envious are obliged to speak the truth; honesty is the best policy. I
cannot tell you how pleased I should be to bring them to Salsburg, only
that you might hear her.
She sings my songs written for De Amicis--the bravura songs, as well as
"Parto m' affretto" and "Dalla sponda tenebrosa"--quite superbly. I
beg that you will do your best to help us to go to Italy; you know my
greatest ambition--to write operas. I would gladly write an opera for
thirty sequins at Verona, that she might gain reputation by it; for if
I had not written it I fear she would be sacrificed. In the meantime I
shall make so much money by the expeditions I shall make with them that
I shall not be in any way injured. I think we shall go to Switzerland,
perhaps also to Holland; write to me soon about it. If it all comes to
pass, the other daughter, who is the elder, will be very useful, for she
cooks well, and we can keep house for ourselves. I only beg you not to
delay answering me. Do not forget my wish to write operas! I am jealous
of every one who writes one; I could weep for vexation when I hear or
see an aria. But Italian, not German; seria, not buffa!
Now I have laid open my whole heart to you, and my mother is quite of my
way of thinking. I kiss your hand a thousand times, and am, till death,
your obedient son.
In a later letter he repeats his pressing request (February 14, 1778):--
I earnestly entreat you to do what you can for Weber; I have his success
very much at heart; a man and his wife, five children, and an income of
450 florins! Remember my request as to Italy, and also about myself; you
know my ambition and my passion. I hope it will all go right; I put
my trust in God, and He will not forsake us. Now farewell, and do not
forget my earnest petition and recommendation.
Wolfgang's mother was not quite so much of his opinion as he imagined;
this is apparent from her postscript, which shows also that she was
entirely without influence over her son:--
{PATERNAL WARNINGS.}
(425)
My dear Husband,--You will perceive from this letter that when Wolfgang
makes a new friendship he is ready to sacrifice his life and all he
holds dear for the object of it. It is true that she sings divinely, but
one should never so entirely set aside one's own interests. I have never
approved of the companionship with Wendling and Ramm, but I dared not
make any objection, and I am never listened to. But as soon as he knew
the Webers, he altered his mind altogether. In fact, he prefers being
with other people to being with me; I object to this thing and that
which does not please me, and that annoys him. So you must decide for
yourself what is to be done. I write this in the greatest secrecy while
he is dining.
And what said the father? This letter was a greater blow than any which
had yet befallen him, and Wolfgang's romantic project almost bereft
him of reason. He did not indeed doubt that "much persuasion had been
brought to bear on Wolfgang, to induce him to prefer a vagabond life to
the fame which could be acquired in a city so celebrated, and so ready
to welcome true talent, as Mannheim"; but he was horrified to find that
the influence of strangers could so deprive him of consideration for
himself and others. "Your kind heart leads you to see no fault in any
man who praises you loudly and exalts you to the skies, and to bestow
all your love and confidence on him; when you were a child, on the
contrary, your modesty was so excessive that you wept when you were
openly praised." Sharp remedies seemed in this case necessary, and these
L. Mozart applies with all the authority of an experienced man, and
the severity of a conscientious father. He lays before his son in an
exhaustive letter how far he has hitherto been from attaining the main
object of his journey, and how much he is in danger of forgetting his
duty to his family and himself, for the gratification of a senseless
passion. It was not difficult to show that the idea was immature and
impracticable of producing a young girl, who had never sung in public,
nor appeared on the stage, before an Italian public, which would be
certain to condemn her even if she sang like Gabrielli herself. L.
Mozart goes on to show how, with war threatening, the present was
not the time for a professional tour, and how a wandering life with a
stranger and his daughters would deprive him of his reputation, ruin his
{MANNHEIM.}
(420)
prospects, and bring disgrace on his family: "It lies now in your own
power alone to raise yourself to as high a position as a musician has
ever attained; you owe all to the extraordinary talent bestowed upon
you by the all-gracious God, and it depends upon your own sense and
behaviour whether you become an ordinary musician, forgotten by the
world, or a celebrated kapellmeister whose fame shall be handed down
to posterity in books--whether you herd all together in a room full of
squalling brats, on a heap of straw, or spend a Christian life, full of
honour, pleasure and profit, and die respected by all the world, leaving
your family well provided for."
L. Mozart felt that immediate action was necessary; all his former
objection to the journey to Paris vanished before the necessity of
extricating his son from his present dangerous entanglement. "Away with
you to Paris, and that soon!" he cried. "Put yourself at the side of
great men--_aut Cosar aut nihil!_ The mere thought of seeing Paris
should have preserved you from all passing distractions. The name and
fame of a man of great talent goes through all the world from Paris."
The company of Wendling and Ramm was not as important to him as his was
to them. But his mother must go with him in order to arrange everything
properly; they were not to limit their stay to a few months, but were
to remain as long as was necessary to gain renown and money; the more so
since Paris was the safest place to live in during war. Hard as it was
upon him, the father undertook to provide money and letters of credit
for the journey.
In making this appeal to the conscience, the ambition, and the better
judgment of his son, L. Mozart was wise enough not to allude directly to
his attachment to Aloysia Weber, although he must have been well aware
of its existence. Wolfgang had not openly expressed it, and his father
was careful not to oppose a sentiment which was invincible because
inaccessible to reason. But as a proof that he was not indifferent to
the misfortunes of those with whom Wolfgang had so much sympathy, he did
not withhold the advice for which he had been asked. The man
{WOLFGANG'S FILIAL SUBMISSION.}
(427)
who could best help them was Raaff; Wolfgang should endeavour to
interest him in Mdlle. Weber, and his influence would be all powerful
with the impresaii. He further advised that she should make her _début_
on the Mannheim stage, were it only for the sake of practice.
The effect of this letter was what he anticipated. Wolfgang was brought
to a knowledge of the fact that he had nearer duties to fulfil, to which
his dreams and aspirations after an uncertain future must give way. He
yielded with a heavy heart but with childlike submission to his father's
will, and answered (February 19, 1778)
I always anticipated that you would be against the journey with the
Webers, for I never seriously entertained the idea myself; that is,
under our present circumstances; but I had given my word that I would
write to you about it. Herr Weber does not know how we stand; I have
told no one; and so because I wanted to be free from care for any one,
and to be happy together, I forgot the present impossibility of the
affair, and also to inform you of my true opinion of it. What you say
concerning Mdlle. Weber is all true; and, as I wrote before, I know as
well as you do that she is too young, and wants the power of acting, and
should therefore recite in the theatre as often as possible; but one has
to proceed cautiously with some people. The good Webers are as tired
of being here as some one else you know was elsewhere; and they are
inclined to think everything possible. I had promised them to write to
my father; but even before my letter had reached Salzburg I had been
advising them to be patient, that she was a little too young, &c. They
take everything well from me, for they have a high opinion of me. The
father has spoken by my advice to Madame Toscani (an actress) about
giving his daughter instruction in acting. All that you say of Mdlle.
Weber is true, except one thing: that she sings like a Gabrielli; I
should be very sorry if she did. Every one who has heard Gabrielli says
she was nothing but a passage and roulade maker; in a word, that she
sang with art, but no understanding (p. 135). But Mdlle. Weber sings
from her heart, and _cantabile_ by preference. I am now making her sing
passages in the great arie, because it is necessary if she goes to Italy
that she should sing bravura songs; she will not forget her _cantabile,_
because it comes natural to her.[107] Now you know all, and I recommend
her to you with my whole heart.
{MANNHEIM.}
(428)
But it was a hard struggle that he had to make with himself; it affected
his health, and he was for several days confined to his room. His
father's warnings had struck chords in his innermost being, which
vibrated painfully; the thought of having forfeited his father's full
confidence rendered him inconsolable. "Believe whatever you please
of me, only not that I am wicked. There are people who believe it is
impossible to love a poor girl without having evil intentions. I am no
Brunetti, and no Misliweczeck--I am a Mozart, a young but an honourable
Mozart." Gradually, however, his loving trust in his father regained
its old supremacy. "'God first, and then papa'; that was my motto as a
child, and I am true to it still." He and his mother began to prepare in
earnest for their departure, and the father was ready with instructions
and good advice, nor did he withhold the paternal blessing from his
well-loved son:--
How deeply I feel the wider separation that is about to take place
between us you can partly imagine, but I cannot expect you to feel the
intensity with which it oppresses me. If you will only reflect seriously
on all that I did for you two children in your early years, you will
not certainly accuse me of timidity, but you will do me the justice
to acknowledge that I am, and always have been, a man with courage to
venture anything. At the same time I used all possible prudence and
foresight; against accidents no one can provide, for God alone sees into
the future. I have not, my dear Wolfgang, the least mistrust in you; on
the contrary, I have perfect confidence and hope in your filial love.
Everything now depends on the sound understanding which you certainly
possess if you will only listen to it, and upon fortunate circumstances;
these last are not to be controlled, but I hope and pray that you will
always take counsel of your understanding. You are now about to enter a
new world, and you must not believe that I am prejudiced in considering
Paris so dangerous a place; _au contraire_, my own experience gives
me no cause to think it at all dangerous. But the circumstances of my
former and your present stay there are as widely asunder as heaven and
earth.
{DEPARTURE FROM MANNHEIM, 1778.}
(429)
After explaining this in more detail, and giving Wolfgang minute
directions as to the position he should take in Paris. L. Mozart
concludes with the words:--
I know that you look upon me not only as your father, but as your truest
and firmest friend; and that you are well aware that our happiness and
misery--nay more, my long life or speedy death are, under God, so to
speak, in your hands. If I know you aright, I have nothing to look
forward to but that pleasure which will be my only consolation in
your absence, and I must resign myself to neither seeing, hearing, nor
embracing you. Live like a good Catholic Christian; love God and fear
Him; pray to Him sincerely and devoutly, and let your conduct be
such that should I never see you again, my death-bed may be free from
anxiety. From my heart I bless you, and remain till death your loving
father and firmest friend.
It was only when Mozart's departure from Mannheim drew very near that
the loss on both sides was fully realised. The farewell concerts which
he arranged as displays for himself, his compositions, and his pupils,
impressed his extraordinary talents on the public mind. Regrets at his
departure were heard on all sides, not only from musicians, but from all
men of cultivation who had the fame of Mannheim at heart, among them the
author of the "Deutsche Hausvater" (March 24, 1778):--
Before leaving Mannheim I made copies for Herr von Gemmingen of the
quartet (80 K.) which I wrote that evening in the inn at Lodi; also of
the quintet (174 K.), and of the Fischer variations (179 K.). He wrote
me an extremely polite note, expressing his pleasure at the remembrance,
and sent me a letter to his very good friend, Herr von Sickingen,
adding, "I am well assured that you will do more to recommend this
letter, than it can possibly do to recommend you." And he sent me three
louis-d'or to cover the cost of copying the music. He assured me of
his friendship, and begged for mine in return. I must say that all
the cavaliers who knew me, the court councillors, chamberlains, court
musicians, and other good people, were vexed and disappointed at my
leaving. There is no mistake about that.
He was in some degree consoled by the prospect of finding opportunities
for composition in Paris (February 28, 1778)
What I chiefly look forward to in Paris is the Concert Spirituel, for
which I shall probably have to write something. The orchestra is so good
and strong, and my most favourite compositions, choruses, can be
MANNHEIM.
(430)
well performed there; I am very glad that the Parisians are so fond
of them. The only fault that was found with Piccinni's new opera
"Roland"[108] was that the choruses were weak and poor, and the music
altogether a little monotonous; otherwise it was very well received. The
Parisians were accustomed to Gluck's choruses. Rely upon me, I shall do
all that is in my power to bring honour to the name of Mozart; I am not
afraid.
The parting from Mdlle. Weber had still to be gone through; he describes
it candidly to his father (March 24, 1778)
Mdlle. Weber very kindly netted me a purse as a remembrance and small
acknowledgment of my services. Her father copied all that I wanted for
me, and gave me some music-paper and Molière's comedies (which he knew
I had not read), with the inscription, "Ricevi, amico, le opere del
Molière in segno di gratitudine e qualche volta ricordati di me." When
he was alone with mamma, he said, "We are losing our best friend, our
benefactor. Yes, there is no doubt that your son has done much for
my daughter, and has interested himself in her so that she cannot be
grateful enough to him." The day before I left they wanted me to sup
with them, but I could not be away from home, so refused. But I was
obliged to spend a couple of hours before supper with them, and they
never left off thanking me, and wishing they were in a position to
testify their gratitude. When at last I went away they all wept. It is
very foolish, but the tears come in my eyes whenever I think of it.
He went down the steps with me, and stood at the house-door till I had
turned the corner, when he called for the last time, "Adieu!"
This time the father painted no leave-taking on the quoits, but thanked
God in his heart that his son had escaped a great danger. Wolfgang did
not openly declare that his love for Mdlle. Weber was heartfelt and
sincere, and that he believed it to be returned, that he went forth with
the full determination of winning a position, and being able to call
her his own; but he was little careful to conceal these hopes from his
father[109] as to hide from him the correspondence which he carried on
with the Webers. The father, with
{LOVE OF FATHER AND SON.}
(431)
full confidence in the honourable character of his son, was content to
leave this connection to the future so soon as he saw the first step
assured in Wolfgang's professional career.
Our glance must needs linger with approbation on the picture of a youth
glowing with ardent passion, yet with self-mastery enough to listen
to the first warning of his good and wise father, and so sure of the
constancy of his feelings as to be willing to yield his warmest wishes
to the fulfilment of his moral duties. In the love and confidence
existing between father and son we rejoice to acknowledge the best and
truest ornament of a German artist-life.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 2: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 200. Goethe, Wahrheit und
Dichtung, B. 11. (Werke, XVIII., p. 48.) Herder's Nachl., III., pp. 371,
374. Schiller, Thalia, I., p. 176.]
[Footnote 3: Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p. 729. Hausser, Geschichte d.
rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 943.]
[Footnote 4: Guhrauer, Lessing, II., 2 p. 286.]
[Footnote 5: Wieland (Briefe an Merck, I., p. 105; II., p* 104).]
[Footnote 6: Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, pp. 718, 730.]
[Footnote 7: A description is given in Müller's Abschied von der Bühne, p. 204.]
[Footnote 8: Müller, who was in Mannheim, December, 1776, notices (Abschied
von der Bühne, p. 207) from the expressions of the Elector and of the
minister, Von Hompesch, how full the Mannheim people were of these
projects.]
[Footnote 9: Devrient, Geschichte der deutschen Schauspielkunst, II., p. 303.]
[Footnote 10: F. H. Jacobi (Briefe, I., p. 273). Wieland writes to Merck (II., p.
116): "I must go to Mannheim, for I must and will have my fill of music
once in my life, and when or where shall I have a better opportunity?"
Klopstock, too, went to Mannheim chiefly on account of its music (Briefe
an Merck, II., p. 51), and "they were anxious to satisfy his fastidious
taste" (Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p. 183).]
[Footnote 11: Lord Fordyce declared, as Schubart relates (Aesthetik, p. 131),
that Prussian tactics and Mannheim music placed Germany at the head of
nations.]
[Footnote 12: Schubart notes this as an advance (Teutsche Chronik, 1774, pp. 310,
360).]
[Footnote 13: Cf. Pasqué, Goethe's Theaterleitung in Weimar, II., p. 353.]
[Footnote 14: "Alceste:" a vaudeville in five acts. Leipz. Weidm., 1773.]
[Footnote 15: Teutsch. Mercur, 1773, I., pp. 34, 223; cf. II., p. 221.]
[Footnote 16: Dressier, Theaterschule, p. 169. Etwas von und uber Musik fur das
Jahr 1777 (Frankfort, 1778), p. 39.]
[Footnote 17: Morgenblatt, 1820, Nr. 160.]
[Footnote 18: Wieland asks for subscriptions to the clavier arrangement of
"Alceste" which appeared, beautifully got up, in 1774 (Teutsch. Mercur,
1774, IV., p. 2gg). A second arrangement appeared in Berlin in 1786.]
[Footnote 19: Gedanken und Konjekturen zur Gesch. d. Musik (Stendal, 1780), p. 8.
Musik. Alman., 1782 (Alethinopel), p. 51. Schubart's Aesthetik, p. no.]
[Footnote 20: Zelter, Briefw. m. Goethe, V., p. 55.]
[Footnote 21: Teutsch. Mercur, 1773, II., p. 306. Knebel, Litt. Nachl., II., p.
151. Böttiger, Litt. Zust., I., p. 190.]
[Footnote 22: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 268. Schubart,' Teutsche Chronik,
1775, pp. 535, 575, 716, 720.]
[Footnote 23: Müller, Abschied von der Bühne, p. 212.]
[Footnote 24: Günther von Schwarzburg," ein Singspiel in drei Aufzügen fur die
Kur-pfàlzische Hofsingbühne. Mannheim: Schwan, 1777.]
[Footnote 25: The beautifully engraved score (by Götz, of Mannheim) is dedicated
to Karl Theodor, "the enlightened patron of music, under whose mighty
protection the palatinate stage first sang a German hero."]
[Footnote 26: The scenery was painted by Quaglio; the ballet was arranged by
Lauchery, and composed by Cannabich. Burney says (Reise, II., p. 72)
that 48,000 florins were spent on a carnival opera.]
[Footnote 27: Teutsche Chronik, 1766, p. 630.]
[Footnote 28: The opera was successfully performed several times at Mannheim
during 1785. Schiller's Thalia, I., p. 185 (Boas. Nachtr., II., p. 32,
494).]
[Footnote 29: There is a long discussion on the subject in the Rhein. Beitr.,
1777, I., p. 377. Cf. Betrachtungen der Mannheim. Tonschule, I., p.
116, Etwas von u. üb. Musik, p. 34. Düntzen Frauenbilder a. Goethe's
Jugendheit, p. 258.]
[Footnote 30: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 100.]
[Footnote 31: Müller, Abschied von der Bühne, p. 20S.]
[Footnote 32: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 131.]
[Footnote 33: Musik. Alman. f. 1782, p. 23.]
[Footnote 34: In the list of singers for 1756 a number of Italian singers were
included who had disappeared by 1797.]
[Footnote 35: Heinse, Schr., III., p. 221.]
[Footnote 36: Wieland, Br. an Fr. la Roche (p. 191.) Schubart is more critical
(Aesthetik, p. 144): "She has distinguished herself as one of our best
theatrical singers. She played in French, Italian, and German, and
oftener in comic than in tragic parts. She began to decline early in
life, which would have been more easily detected in serious parts."]
[Footnote 37: Briefe, Von Gleim und Heinse, I., 424.]
[Footnote 38: Jacobi, Briefe, I., p. 279.]
[Footnote 39: Burney, Reise, II., p. 71. Hist, of Mus., IV., pp. 481, 508.
Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 143. Busby, Hist, of Mus., II., p. 361. Gesch.
d. Mus., II., p. 404.]
[Footnote 40: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 108.]
[Footnote 41: A sketch of Raaff's life and character is given by A. M. Z., XII.,
p. 857. I found plenty of traditions in Bonn also.]
[Footnote 42: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p. 359.]
[Footnote 43: Some instances of liberality and favour displayed towards him
in Spain and Portugal are given by Reichardt (Berlin, Musik. Zeit.,
1805,1., p. 278). He left Lisbon just before the earthquake, and built a
chapel at Holzem in gratitude for his escape.]
[Footnote 44: Cäcilia, V., p 44.]
[Footnote 45: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 214; Aesthetik, p. 137.]
[Footnote 46: After his farewell performance of Idomeneo, in 1781, Raaff lived
a retired life at Munich in the society of a few friends, dividing his
time between devotional exercises and reading. He died in 1797.]
[Footnote 47: "We had the virtuoso Hartig here lately," writes Jacobi to Wieland
(June 8, 1777, I., p. 272): "You should hear the fellow sing! We had the
recitative from Alceste, 'O Jugendzeit, o goldne Wonnetage' four times.
I wish you could have had the pleasure of hearing it."]
[Footnote 48: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 214,]
[Footnote 49: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 132.]
[Footnote 50: A summary of the Mannheim Kapelle for 1756 is given in Marpurg's
Kritischen Beiträgen, II., p. 567, and one for 1767 in Hiller's
Wöchentl. Nach-richten, II., p. 177; in the latter the clarinets are
included. Mozart writes to his father (November 4,1777): "The orchestra
is very good and strong; on each side are ten or eleven violins,
four tenors, two oboes, two flutes and two clarinets, two horns, four
violoncelli, four bassoons, four double-basses, and trumpets and drums."
Two platforms were erected in the opera hall for the trumpet chorus.]
[Footnote 51: Originally the clarinet was, as the name shows, closely allied
to the trumpet, the soft tones of which skilfully applied were almost
identical with the clarinet. Its use was afterwards extended from
military and wind bands to the grand orchestra. Hiller remarks upon
clarinets as an innovation in Agricola's "L' Amore di Psiche" (Wöchentl.
Nachr., 1769, Anh., p. 87). In older scores, even in some of Mozart's,
the clarinets are sometimes placed with the brass instruments, and
are gradually transferred to the wood, until finally they are employed
independently in the blending of the tone-colouring. Cf. Adam, "Dem.
Souv. d'un Music.," 181.]
[Footnote 52: Burney, Reise, II. p. 74.]
[Footnote 53: Burney, Reise, II., 74. Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 212. A. M.
Z., I., p. 882.]
[Footnote 54: Reichardt says (Briefe eines aufmerksamen Reisenden, I., p. 11) of
the Berlin orchestra: "I must not speak in this place of the masterly
effects produced in the Mannheim orchestra by the swelling and
diminution of a long note, or of several successive notes, which gives,
if I may so speak, to the whole colouring a darker or a lighter shade.
This would be considered too great an innovation by Hasse and Graun."
He relates that the first time Jomelli made use of the _crescendo_, the
audience gradually rose from their seats, and at the _diminuendo_ they
began to breathe freely, and became conscious of having stopped their
breath; and he declares that the same effect was produced upon himself
at Mannheim.]
[Footnote 55: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 130.]
[Footnote 56: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 130: "No orchestra in the world has ever
surpassed that of Mannheim in execution. Their _forte_ is a thunder,
their _crescendo_ a cataract, their _diminuendo_ the distant rippling of
a crystal stream, their _piano_ the soft breath of early spring."]
[Footnote 57: Burney, Reise, II., p. 73.]
[Footnote 58: Burney, Reise, II., p. 73.]
[Footnote 59: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 137. Musik. Alman., 1782 (Alethin), p. 6.]
[Footnote 60: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 210. Cf. p. 227. A. M. Z., V., p.
276.]
[Footnote 61: Cf. Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 129. A list of the grand operas which
were performed at Mannheim under Karl Theodor is given by Lipowsky,
Baierisches Musik-Lexicon, p. 387.]
[Footnote 62: Schubart describes the many advantages which Mannheim afforded
(Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 196).]
[Footnote 63: The rehearsal was of Handel's "Messiah," but Mozart did not sit it
out, being very much fatigued by the previous rehearsal of a Magnificat
by Vogler, which lasted a whole hour (October 31, 1777). He does not
mention the performance on November 1. In the observations of the
Mannh.Tonsch., I., p. 119, it is noticed that all the audience yawned
during the "Messiah," admirably as it was performed, while Vogler's
Magnificat "excited indescribable delight." It was afterwards announced
that the second part of the "Messiah" would not be performed, because no
audience would stand the dry music.]
[Footnote 64: It was said that 200,000 gulden were spent annually on music and
the opera. K. Rfisbeck, Briefe, IM p. 332.]
[Footnote 65: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 210.]
[Footnote 66: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14, I., pp. 223, 225. K. R[isbeck],
Briefe, I., p. 341.]
[Footnote 67: An expression in an unpublished letter from the painter Kobell to
Dalberg shows her to have been very attractive: "Many of such priceless
moments of bliss were granted to me in the society of lovely Rose
Cannabich. Her memory is the paradise of my heart!" An enthusiastic
account of her is given in the Musik. u. Kunstleralm., 1783, p. 27. She
was afterwards (1786) mentioned as Madame Schulz.]
[Footnote 68: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 144.]
[Footnote 69: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, p. 192; cf. Briefe von Gleim u.
Heinse, I., p. 424.]
[Footnote 70: The two French songs, "Oiseau, si tous les ans" (307 K.), and "Dans
un bois solitaire" (308 K.), are doubtless those here mentioned.]
[Footnote 71: Wolzogen, Recensionen, 1865, Nr. 6, p. 82. Cf. Schubart, Aesthetik,
p. 143.]
[Footnote 72: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14, I., p. 203.]
[Footnote 73: A. M. Z., XXVIII., p. 466.]
[Footnote 74: C. M. von Weber's Lebensbild, I., p. 248.]
[Footnote 75: "In respect of playing at sight" says the Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1788,
p. 61, "Vogler is perhaps unsurpassed and unique." Cf. Musik. Corresp.
1790, p. 119; 1792, p. 379. Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 133. Many preferred
Beecké and Mozart to him (Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1789, p. 262).]
[Footnote 76: Musik, Real-Zeitg., 1788, p. 70.]
[Footnote 77: Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1788, p. 77. Forkel's Musik. Alman. 1789, p.
135.]
[Footnote 78: N. Ztschr. f. Mus., II., p. 85.]
[Footnote 79: Cf. C. M. von Weber's Lebensbild, III., p. 178. Gfr. Weber,
Cäcilia, XV., p. 40.]
[Footnote 80: Musik. Corresp., 1788, p. 70.]
[Footnote 81: A. M. Z., XXVIII., p. 354.]
[Footnote 82: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 182.]
[Footnote 83: L. Mozart had written to his son (November 2,1777): "I wish you
could get something to do in Mannheim. They always play German operas;
perhaps you could get one to write. If this should happen, you
know beforehand that I should recommend the easy popular style of
composition; the grand and dignified style is proper for grand affairs;
everything in its place." It is plain that he only contemplated
vaudeville, and had heard nothing of the new appearance of a grand
German opera.]
[Footnote 84: They were the children of the actress Seiffert (Countess Haydeck).
The son was afterwards Prince von Brezenheim; the daughters were married
to men of high rank. Hausser, Geschichte der rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 934.]
[Footnote 85: Briefe an Merck, II., p. 76.]
[Footnote 86: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 105; II., p. 89. Cf. Malten's Bibl. d.
Weltk. 1840, I, p. 380.]
[Footnote 87: Böttiger, Litt. Zust., I., p. 229.]
[Footnote 88: Jacobi's Auserl. Briefwechsel, I., p. 262. Briefe an Merck, II., p.
93; I., pp. 102, 118.]
[Footnote 89: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, pp. 184, 187.]
[Footnote 90: Holzbauer said of Schweitzer to Heinse: "He is a genius; when he
makes a lucky hit he is divine; but at other times he writes as if
he were tipsy." (Briefe an Gleim und Heinse, I., p. 424). A detailed
criticism is given in the Rhein. Beitr. 1780,1., pp. 330, 497. [Klein]
Ueber Wieland's "Rosamunde," Schweitzer's Musik und die Vorstellung
dieses Singspiels in Mannheim. Frkf., 1781.]
[Footnote 91: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14 I., p. 217.]
[Footnote 92: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, pp. 191, 193.]
[Footnote 93: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 121.]
[Footnote 94: Hausser, Geschichte der rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 957.]
[Footnote 95: Auswahl denkw. Briefe von Wieland, II., p. 58.]
[Footnote 96: Briefe an Merck, II., pp. 122, 124.]
[Footnote 97: K. R[isbeck], Briefe über Deutschland, I., p. 340. Cf. Brandes,
Selbstbio-graphie, II., p. 279.]
[Footnote 98: In December, 1777, the Emperor commissioned Muller to engage
Hartig as a tenor for Vienna, but the negotiations fell through (Müller,
Abschied von der Bühne, p. 254); Mozart may have gained his information
in this way.]
[Footnote 99: In 1776 Count Kohary, who farmed the theatre, became insolvent, and
the Emperor took the administration of it into his own hands. It became
the national instead of the court theatre.]
[Footnote 100: He had recommended Schweitzer to come to Vienna. (Muller, Abschied
von der Bühne, p. 188).]
[Footnote 101: Padre Martini dedicated to him the second part of his Storia della
Musica (1770), and kept up a correspondence with him.]
[Footnote 102: The autograph, with the superscription: "Aria per il Sigre. Raaff
di Amadeo Wolfgango Mozart; Mannheim li 27 di Febr., 1788," shows the
corrections and somewhat important abbreviations which were made at
Raaff s desire.]
[Footnote 103: As a detail, the independent use of the bassoons, henceforth
constantly adopted by Mozart, is worthy of remark.]
[Footnote 104: Wolzogen (Recens., 1865, Nr. 6, p. 81) asserts from family
tradition that this rumour was false.]
[Footnote 105: According to M. von Weber (C. M. von Weber, IM p. 6), Fridolin von
Weber (b. 1733), alter studying law in Freiburg and becoming Doctor of
Theology, succeeded his father as agent to the Schönau estate in 1754.
Karl Theodor, finding him a first-rate singer and violinist, took him to
Mannheim. His younger brother, Franz Anton, was the father of C. M. von
Weber. In the album of Franz Anton's son Edmund, Mozart wrote: "Vienna,
January 8, 1787, five o'clock in the morning, before setting out.--Be
industrious; flee from idleness, and never forget your loving cousin,
Wolfgang Amade Mozart."]
[Footnote 106: This is confirmed by Schubart (Aesthetik, p. 192). Cf. Musjk.
Alman. (Alethinop, 1782).]
[Footnote 107: Schubart says of Vogler (Aesthetik, p. 135): "His lessons in
singing were much sought after. The well-known singer Lange, of
Vienna, was his pupil. She has heighth and depth, and accents her notes
accurately. She sings _piena voce_ and _mezza voce_ equally well. Her
_portamento_, the accuracy of her reading, the delicacy of her delivery,
her _megzotinto_, her wonderful cadenzas, and her dignified bearing, are
in great measure due to her great master." Some of all this should
be ascribed to Mozart. Vogler's lessons were given at a later time in
Munich. Brandes, on the contrary (Selbstbiogr., II., p. 260), says that
Kirnberger and others warned him against Vogler as a cacher for his
daughter Minna.]
[Footnote 108: Piccinni's "Roland," the first opera he wrote in Paris, was
performed early in 1778.]
[Footnote 109: "I have many very good friends in Mannheim (influential and
wealthy ones)," he writes (March 24, 1778), "who all wish me to remain.
Well, wherever I am well paid, there I stay. Who knows?--it may come to
pass; I wish for it, and, as usual, I am full of hope."]