A singular use is sometimes made of obbligato violins in the serenade

(185,,203, 204, 214, 215, 237, 239, 250, K.). After the first allegro,

the solo violins lead in three movements, viz.: andante, minuet, and

allegro (rondo, 250 K.) which are in a measure complete in themselves,

and form, apart from their surroundings, a complete symphony. The

expression "finalmusik," which frequently occurs in Mozart's letters,

seems to prove that these lengthy compositions, with their concerted

solo instruments, formed the conclusion of the concert. The

"concertantsymphonie" of the two last serenades belonging to 1774

and 1775 (204, 250, K.), are conspicuous from their peculiar

instrumentation. In the other movements the usual oboes, horns, and

trumpets are used as accompaniment to the obbligato violins, flutes,

horns, and bassoons, and in the last movement especially the combination

and treatment are quite modern. These two serenades show altogether a

marked improvement on the earlier ones, which do not essentially differ

from symphonies. The orchestra is firmly handled, and the orchestral

subjects freely elaborated. Each of the many movements of the last

serenade is worked out as carefully and lovingly as if it were the

only one, and the ideas and motifs are so full of meaning and of jovial

good-humour that it is impossible not to feel that Mozart has here put

forth his best powers.

A short serenata (239 K.), consisting of a march, minuet, and rondo,

interrupted by a short adagio, was written in January, 1776, for

stringed instruments and drums only. A sort of chorus of two solo

violins, accompanied by violas and violoncelli, is opposed to another,

composed of two violins, viola, and violoncello, with the drums, all

treated as tutti parts. Such admirable use is made of the contrast and

combination of the two choruses, of the tutti parts and of varied sound

effects, such as _pizzicato, &.c_., and even the drum is so skilfully

employed, that this little work has taken a highly original colouring;

with true tact the separate movements are made short, in order that the

{SERENADES--CASSATIO, 1771.}

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singular charm of the piece may not suffer from the fatigue of the

ear.[36]

The same praise may be bestowed on a nocturne (286 K.) for four

orchestras, each consisting of a stringed quartet and two horns, so

arranged as to represent a threefold echo. When the first orchestra has

played a connected phrase the second orchestra falls in at the last bar

with the same, or with the four last bars of the same, the third follows

the second at the last bar with the three last bars, and the fourth

comes in in the same way with the two last bars; then the

first orchestra continues the theme. In this way all the three

movements--andante, allegro, and minuet--are managed, with but slight

modifications; only the trio of the minuet is played by one orchestra

alone, or by all together. It need scarcely be said that the omission of

the echoes does not affect the connection of the parts. The main point

in such a trifle as this is to carry it out with as little visible

constraint as possible.

There is an especially good effect in the minuet where short passages

follow each other in rapid succession, falling in at different parts

of the bars, and the way in which in the first part the horns alone

conclude a phrase with--[See Page Image] cutting each other short in

the most impatient manner, is truly comical.

Similar instrumental compositions to this are called by the name of

divertimento or cassatio (which last term has never been satisfactorily

explained), in which the various parts are simply arranged.[37] The

first of these (113 K.), composed in Milan in 1771, "Concerto ossia

Divertimento," has the four movements of the symphony, the last in rondo

form, and

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resembles the symphonies of that time also in the brevity and

preciseness of its arrangement. The strings are not obbligato, the wind

instruments--two clarinets and two horns--although not concertante,

are more than usually independent. For a later performance, probably in

1773, two oboes, two English horns, and two bassoons were so added that

the clarinets might be omitted.[38] The stringed instruments were left

untouched; the strengthening of the wind instruments was utilised for

the alternations, with slight and clever modifications.

In the next divertimento, belonging to June, 1772 (131 K.), consisting

of seven movements, the combination of the different instruments (four

horns,[39] flutes, oboes, and bassoons) is varied with evident care. The

first adagio is for strings alone, the second for wind instruments; the

first minuet is for strings, the wind instruments alternate with each

other in the three trios, and all the instruments unite in the coda. In

the second minuet the four horns are especially prominent; in the

third movement, an allegretto, the flute is obbligato and the horns

are silent; in the first and last movements all the instruments work

together.

A divertimento, singular in many respects, in six movements, for oboes

and two horns, together with stringed instruments, seems to have been

written quickly for some special occasion in July, 1776 (54 K.), and

then to have been laid aside. The score is hurriedly jotted down on

already used music paper of different shapes, with abbreviations,

directions for the copyist, and various corrections. The second minuet

has no trio, but is three times varied. The oboe is prominent and

striking, not in passages, but in sustained notes and tuneful melodies.

The stringed instruments, without being actually concertante, enliven

the whole

{DIVERTIMENTI, 1776-77.}

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by their free arrangement of parts. The national German character of the

melodies is very noticeable; they remind us in style of popular German

songs.

The alliance of the horns with the strings was a favourite one at the

time, although the instruments do not readily blend. The freer the

thematic elaboration of the string parts the more difficult it became

for the horns to keep pace with them, although now and then fine effects

might be produced by their means.

The difficulty was so to engraft, as it were, the horns on the stringed

instruments as to leave them free play for their own natural effects,

and to produce a certain richness and depth of colouring not attainable

without their aid.

In a divertimento, written about 1773 or 1774 (205 K.), two horns are in

union with violin, tenor, and violoncello, strengthened by a bassoon.

It is short and precise, but cleverly written. The adagio is a duet for

violin and tenor, to a very simple bass, the horns being silent. It must

be remembered that such pieces as these were always accompanied on the

clavier.

Two divertimenti or cassationi, as they are oftener called in the

letters, for string quartet, with two horns (247, 287, K.),[40] were

written in June, 1776 and June, 1777, for the fête-day of the Countess

Ant. Lodron; they are finished works of the genuine Mozart type. Both

have six elaborately worked-out movements, and abound in grace and

fertility of invention, and in skilful harmonic treatment. The style

is that of a true quartet, that is, the instruments have each their

independent part, but the first violin, as a solo part, is markedly

predominant; in the first divertimento, in F major (247 K.), it sustains

the melody in every movement, but is bravura and concertante only in the

adagio.

In the second divertimento, in B flat major (287 K.), which is grand in

design and composition, the first violin is treated as a solo instrument

throughout, with a strong

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tendency to bravura, the remaining instruments co-operating in such

a way as to display the creative spirit of an artist in every detail,

however delicate or subordinate. In the very first thematically

elaborated passage the solo passages for the violin occur, which it

is the chief concern of the second part to elaborate. The second

place--which in the former divertimento (247 K.) was given to a simple,

exceedingly graceful andante grazioso, a kind of song without words--is

occupied in the latter (287 K.) by an air with variations, in which all

the instruments take part, but the violin more prominently, and with

more of executive bravura than any of the others. This is most apparent

in the two minuets, but it is very decided also in the broadly conceived

adagio, where the second violin and tenor are muted, the violoncello

plays pizzicato, while the first violin leads a melody richly adorned

with figures and passages, and requiring the execution of a finished

performer. The use of muted strings, especially in slow movements, was

very frequent at that time in accompaniments, as well as in symphonies

and quartets, and was intended to produce variety of tone-colouring;

the violoncello not being muted, but _pizzicato_, afforded a contrast

of tone. The concluding movement is introduced by an andante with a

recitative for the first violin, not too long, and so worked out that

the whole compass of the instrument is characteristically displayed. A

long molto allegro follows this introduction, in 3-8 time, which keeps

the violinist in constant movement, and gives him an opportunity of

displaying the variety of his technical skill; but the movement is

carefully planned and composed, due consideration being given to each

part in its place. The recitative recurs at the end, followed by a short

and brilliant conclusion. The tone of this movement is not as cheerful

as usual; it is full of impulsive haste and changeful humour, and its

stronger accent betrays a certain intensity, even in the introductory

recitative.

The third divertimento, in D major (334 K.), may be most fitly noticed

here, although it was not composed till 1779 or 1780, since it accords

in every respect with the two last

{"HARMONIEMUSIK."}

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mentioned.[41] In breadth of conception and grandeur of composition, it

stands nearest to that in B flat major; the first violin is perhaps less

elaborately treated, and the tone of the whole is somewhat calmer and

more cheerful. Mastery of form in plan, grouping, and arrangement

is perfect in both compositions, as well as freedom and ease in the

elaboration of the subjects, as if they sprang spontaneously forth as

expressions of thought, each in its proper place and degree. Perhaps

the first movement is grander in design, and has broader motifs than the

later work; but the adagio is deeper and more elaborate, and the

last movement is more original in the B flat major divertimento. The

remaining movements are fairly equal.[42]

It was the B flat major divertimento that Mozart played at Munich in

1777, "as if he was the first violinist in Europe," so that "every one

stared." It is evident that difficulty of execution in his composition

for the violin, which is more noticeable after 1773, kept pace with

Mozart's progress as a violinist.[43]

A style of composition much in vogue at that time was the so-called

"harmoniemusik," for wind instruments alone. Sometimes it was used

as serenades, sometimes people of rank had performances of six- or

eight-part harmoniemusik morning and evening, during meals, in which

they were imitated by the more pretentious tavern-keepers. There

was opportunity enough for cultivating this branch of composition at

Salzburg.

In form these compositions, which were generally called divertimenti or

partite (partie) resembled those just described. They consist of three,

four, or sometimes more movements, which were grouped without any fixed

rule. One

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divertimento (186 K.) closes with a contredanse en rondeau; another (240 K.)

has an andante as first movement; then follows a minuet, and then a

polonaise; a third (253 K.) begins with an andante and variations.

The two first pieces of this kind are both scored for ten parts, two

oboes, two clarinets, two English horns, two French horns, and two

bassoons. Since one of the divertimenti (166 K.) was composed at

Salzburg on March 24, 1773, and the other probably at much the same

time; and since there were no clarinets in the usual Salzburg orchestra,

they must have been composed for some very special occasion. But neither

the plan nor the composition are on a larger scale than usual; the work

is wanting both in extent and expression, and the instrumentation is

neither free nor forcible.

There are two striking partites, one consisting of ten, the other of six

movements, which were written for two flutes, five trumpets (in C and

D), and four drums (in C, G, D, A) (187, 188, K.), about the year 1773

or 1774, apparently to employ the trumpet orchestra on some festival

occasion. Whether the union of flutes with trumpets was founded on

precedent or not I cannot say. The flutes lead the melody, and have

allotted to them musical passages, connected, but short and unimportant

in substance and style. The trumpets seldom take part in the melody,

but are for the most part employed either together or separately as

accompaniment; the object has apparently been to preserve the effect

of a body of sound in the trumpets as far as possible, while aiming at

giving them a definite musical form. In the earlier and more prosperous

times of the trumpeters' guild, accomplished masters of horn-playing

would not have needed the support of flutes.

It is of more interest to note how a great master works within narrow

limits, and with small means at his command, by a consideration of the

six divertimenti for two oboes, two bassoons, and two horns (213, 240,

252, 253, 270, 289, K.), which were composed between 1775 and 1777.

The destination of these trifling pieces, as table-music or such-like,

allows neither greatness of conception nor any

{THE QUARTET--JOS. HAYDN.}

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expression of deep feeling; all must be pleasing, cheerful, and quickly

over. But Mozart was not content with satisfying these conditions;

his harmonie-musik is full of delicacy and grace, tender and pure in

conception, and touched with the firm hand of a master. The details

are carefully and neatly handled, without any exaggeration; little side

touches are scattered freely about--here an imitation, there an original

passage or turn in the middle parts, making the whole interesting

and full of life; happy instrumental effects abound, and by varied

combinations and changes of tone-colouring the outline of the

symmetrical structure is thrown into clear relief, in spite of the

limited means at command; just as a painter in monochrome shades his one

colour with such skill as to give a plastic roundness to his forms.[44]

This species of instrumental composition as it developed became limited,

curiously enough, to stringed instruments, for the most part in quartets

for two violins, tenor, and bass (replaced by the violoncello), more

rarely in quintets, with either the tenor or the violoncello doubled, or

in trios. They were still called divertimento or cassation, and did not

originally differ from this class of composition, either in form or in

liberty as to the number and arrangement of movements.

The rule that the quartet (as the whole species came to be called)

should consist, like the symphony and the sonata, of four fixed

movements, was laid down by Joseph Haydn. It was his inexhaustibly

fertile invention and his freedom in the treatment of form which

nourished and developed the germ of this chamber-music, until it bore

the most beautiful blossoms of German musical art. Mozart, destined

later to surpass in this direction his freely acknowledged example,

displays evident tokens of Haydn's influence even in his youth. On the

whole, however, quartet music does not seem to have enjoyed much favour

in Salzburg; Mozart's

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not very numerous attempts fall in earlier years, and were not all

written in Salzburg.

Mozart's first quartet, in G major (80 K.), was composed on the first

journey to Italy, at Lodi, on March 15, 1770, at seven o'clock in

the evening--a circumstance of which he preserved the memory long

afterwards. The concluding rondo is written in a later hand on different

paper; and perhaps the whole consisted originally of only three

movements--adagio, allegro and minuet.[45] A clear insight into the

essential conditions of quartet style, freedom and independence of all

the parts, a concentration of the whole work into a well-defined form,

together with a perfection of thematic elaboration, are all plainly

discernible in this first attempt, which, unimportant and wanting in

originality as it may be, yet gives the impression of a well-rounded

piece of workmanship. The second violin is worked out independently,

with special care, in which the tenor participates; less success has

attended the effort for a free movement for the bass. Attempts

in counterpoint--as, for instance, at the beginning of the second

part--are, as might be expected, learner-like, but they show that he

knew what he was about. The last movement betrays a firmer hand from the

very beginning.

Three short divermenti follow, in D, B flat, and F major (136-138, K.),

each having three movements, composed at Salzburg in 1772, precise and

fresh in treatment, but evidently only meant for exercises.

On the journey to Milan at the end of October, 1772, Wolfgang beguiled

the tedium of the way by composing a "quattro"; and in Milan he

was again (February 6, 1773) busy with a quartet under his father's

directions. This no doubt belongs to a succession of six quartets in

D, G, C, F, B flat, and E flat major (155-160, K.), which, judging from

style and handwriting, fall within this period. They consist each of

three movements, two closing with the minuet (156, 158, K.), while the

presto, 3-8, with which the first begins has quite the form of a closing

movement. The adagio

{QUARTETS, 1772.}

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which follows it is unusually serious--a simple melody with a uniform

accompaniment in rich harmonies. This is erased and another substituted,

which is longer and more elaborate, with a freer movement of the parts

and a lighter expression. In other cases the andante begins (as in 137

K.), and is followed by the allegro. These quartets are not of wide

scope, nor are the different movements actually elaborated, but greater

practice in composition is evident throughout.

The different motifs are better adapted for elaboration, and there is

a remarkable increase of skill in dealing with the smaller divisions of

each part, on the working out of which depend the life and unity of the

whole conception. The opening phrases, repetitions, &c., are freer and

better fitted in; two-part imitation is sometimes neatly introduced and

fluently and gracefully carried out.

The composer's power has evidently grown as he worked, and the later

quartets are by far the most original. The second movement of the fifth

(159 K.), an allegro 3-4 in G minor, following an andante in B flat

major, has, through its rhythm and modulation, an expression of dry

humour that is quite suggestive of one of the later scherzos.

Six quartets, composed in August and September of the same year, at

Vienna, stand on a far higher level, and were probably written to order

(168-175, K.). The superscription of the first shows that the whole six

were planned together; they were written in quick succession, and their

variety represented the different tendencies of the quartet style.

In Vienna, of all places, the birthplace and domain of Haydn's

chamber-music, the ambitious youth would exert himself to satisfy the

demand for the highest class of compositions. Most of them have the

approved four movements, and the composer's invention and execution keep

pace with the more extended scope of the composition. The quartets are

manlier and more mature than in the earlier works of the kind; but the

singular beauty of form, the grace and freshness of Mozart in his full

development, only show themselves in momentary gleams of inspiration.

An effort to mould the raw material into form by means of skilful

workmanship, and to make it subservient to the

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spirit, is apparent throughout. We can see traces already of the study

and preparatory work which resulted in the fine and serious compositions

of the following year--the Masses in F and D major, and the Litany in D

major. First and foremost is apparent the effort to analyse and vary the

musical materials ready to hand by means of counterpoint. The first

and last quartet end with a thoroughly worked-out fugue, complete with

stretto and inversions. The close of the first fugue ended abruptly;

Mozart has therefore erased the last four bars, and has substituted the

subject in unison, thereby producing a lengthened and very effective

conclusion. The second fugue is not by any means so fresh and lively

as the earlier one, but it is richer in artistic work. Nor are Mozart's

studies in counterpoint apparent here only. An adagio (168 JK.) begins

with a four-part canon and retains the same character, although not so

strictly carried out; in tone and substance this is one of the best

of the series. Imitation is the rule in the elaboration of the first

movements; and in the last quartet the whole of the first movement in

D minor is built upon one characteristic motif. A free movement of the

parts, a skilful employment of passages, variety of instrumentation,

and other such means for giving life and animation to the music, are

carefully provided, more especially in the minuets. An examination into

details will discover traces of careful and delicate handling throughout

the work.

There are more instances of fantastic ideas, generally rhythmical in

form, than are usually found in Mozart; this is owing, no doubt, to

Haydn's influence. The slow movements are for the most part expressive

of simple feeling, the andantino grazioso of the last quartet

being especially tender and graceful. The closing rondos are least

significant; they are not worked out, and the different parts are put

together without any true connection. The demands on the instruments are

increased in comparison to the earlier quartets, but there is still no

bravura; the first violin leads the parts, but is not treated as a solo

instrument. In fact all four instruments are treated in essentials as on

an equality, so that the tone and character of the

{QUINTET, 1772.}

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whole regulate every detail, thus fulfilling a fundamental law in the

composition of quartets.

It must have been as a result of his Vienna studies that Mozart wrote a

quintet (174 K.) after his return in December of the same year; perhaps

the example of Michael Haydn had some influence. Mozart writes from

Munich (October 6, 1777) that he had invited Herr Dubreil, a pupil

of Tartini, and that they played "Haydn's two quintets." Joseph Haydn

declares, in answer to A. Romberg, who asked him why he has not written

any quintets, that he had never been commissioned to do so;[46] on the

other hand, three quintets by Michael Haydn in F, C, and G major,

dating between 1770 and 1780, now lie before me. Mozart's quintet shows

unmistakable progress; both the plan and execution are broader, and

there is more of the true Mozart spirit in the conception of the

motives. It is especially interesting to compare two different

elaborations of the finale which exist.[47] Mozart has taken the primary

subject of the first work, and treated it independently in the second,

thereby providing a just standard of criticism against himself. The

first theme in the later elaboration is quite new, and gives the key to

the character of the movement; then follows as a contrasting motif the

chief subject of the former work with suitable alterations. Originally

this consisted of eight bars, and was in three parts--[See Page Image]

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but afterwards the two first bars form the subject, taken up by one

part after the other; while the minims, which are appended to the rapid

semiquavers, give an effect of rhythmical and harmonious climax:--[See

Page Image]

It results from this that the divisions next following are easier and

more flowing; while, on the other hand, the preparation for the third

principal motif is broader and calmer. This third motif gives occasion

for an especially happy modification. Originally it ran thus--[See Page

Image]

and was then repeated entire; but now only the first four bars are

retained, the four last are omitted, and movement and expression

are provided by a shake passage. The conclusion of the first part

is rendered more impressive by a new and broader motif, and more

homogeneous and concentrated by the recurrence of the first subject. The

working-out of the second part, which was confined to the elaboration of

the two first bars of the original motif, is partially retained; but it

is extended by the recurrence and elaboration of the

{MOZART'S STUDIES.}

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principal theme. Finally, a new and important climax is introduced in

the coda by the opposition of the two chief subjects.

This work may be taken to prove that Mozart was a severe self-critic,

and was not by any means always content with his first attempts. It can

only be by chance that no other example of remodelling a composition

has been preserved; the earlier attempts and studies would, no doubt, be

generally destroyed. The greater part of Mozart's works of this period

have been preserved in carefully written fair copies. We are amazed

at the vigour and ease with which he worked, but it would be wrong to

represent him as able to dispense with studies and preparatory sketches,

even for his great works. The creative power of genius is indeed a gift

of nature, but a mastery of art is only acquired by hard labour and

pains; strength to labour indefatigably and ability to make the labour

bear fruit are the prerogatives of genius. It would be doing Mozart an

injustice to deny him the reputation of true and conscientious industry;

the beauty of perfect work proves not that no labour has been bestowed

on it, but that the labour has been successful. Mozart's youth was

occupied with his endeavours to master the forms and materials which he

found ready to hand, and he would not be likely to neglect studies and

exercises to this end, though he might not think them worth preserving.

There must have been little encouragement accorded to quartet music in

Salzburg:[48] after 1773, Mozart composed none until 1784, when he was

in Vienna.[49]

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There can be no doubt that the talent for violin-playing which Mozart

displayed at a very early age was carefully cultivated by his father.

He performed in public on his first journey and at the beginning of the

first Italian tour; but by the time they reached Rome he had ceased to

play in public, though he still continued his studies regularly. It

was part of his official duty in Salzburg to take the violin at court

concerts. His father admired Wolfgang's effrontery in taking a violin

from one of the orchestra at Vienna in 1773, and performing a concerto

upon it (p. 146). He afterwards devoted more serious attention to the

instrument, and became a first-rate performer on it, but evidently more

from his father's impulse than his own inclination. Not only was the

violin-playing at court a burden to him, but he seems to have had little

liking for the instrument, and no real confidence in his own powers of

execution. "You have no idea yourself how well you play the violin,"

writes his father (October 18, 1777); "if you only do yourself justice,

and play with fire, heartiness, and spirit, you may become the first

violinist in Europe." But, nevertheless, he practised regularly and

industriously, and his father wrote after he had left home (October 6,

1777): "I feel a little melancholy whenever I go home, for as I get near

the house I always imagine that I shall hear your violin going." After

1774, Mozart's violin compositions take more of the bravura type, and

afford a good standard of his technical development. He had as a

rival the well-established solo violinist, Brunetti, favoured by the

archbishop as being an Italian, but considered by L. Mozart as inferior

to his son. "He played your concerto very well," wrote L. Mozart

(October 5, 1777), "but was twice out of tune in the allegro, and once

almost stuck fast in a cadenza." When Brunetti's inconvenient rival

had left Salzburg, he was ready to do full justice to his performances.

"Brunetti cannot praise you enough," writes the father (October

9, 1777); "and the other day, when I said you played the violin

'passabilmente,' he cried out, 'Cosa? cazzo! se suonava tutto! questo

era del Principe un puntiglio mal inteso, col suo proprio danno.'"

{MOZART AS A VIOLINIST.}

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After Mozart had left Salzburg in September, 1777, he played the violin

in public both at Munich and Augsburg, and was somewhat ironical over

his success. "They all stared," he writes from Munich (October 6, 1777);

"I played as if I were the first violinist in Europe." And from Augsburg

(October 24, 1777): "I played a symphony and Wanhall's Concerto in B

flat for the violin with universal applause. At supper-time I played

the Strasburg Concerto. It went like oil, and every one praised the

beautiful, pure tone." But these communications ceased later on, and

L. Mozart writes in anxiety (October 9, 1777): "Have you left off

practising the violin since you were in Munich? I should be very sorry."

(November 27, 1777): "Your violin hangs on its nail; of that I am pretty

sure." And so it must have been. He was obliged to play the violin

afterwards in Salzburg; but after his stay in Vienna he never made

proficiency on the instrument his primary object, and it is well known

that in later years, if he had to take part in a quartet or other

concerted piece, he selected the viola in preference.

Mozart's most important compositions in this department are of course

his violin concertos, which were doubtless written in the first place

for his own use. According to his custom, he went thoroughly into the

subject from its very foundation, gaining proficiency by continuous work

in the one direction; in 1775 he composed five concertos for the violin

(207, 211,' 216, 218, 219, K.), to which was added a sixth (268 K.), not

by any means slight, fugitive attempts, but carefully conceived works of

considerable compass in three movements, allegro, andante or adagio, and

rondo.

The first movement, which was the most elaborate, is more suggestive

still of the aria than is the corresponding movement of the symphonies.

There is the same fixed alternation between solo and tutti passages, the

same adornment of the solo part with passages and cadenzas, and indeed

the whole movement is a reminiscence of the serious aria. On the other

hand, the structure is more condensed and more animated; the passages

grow out of the principal

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subjects, connecting and adorning them. The movement falls usually into

three main divisions; the middle one, corresponding to the same division

in the symphony, passes into another key, and elaborates one or more

motifs more freely than in the symphony, and chiefly by changes of

modulation and modification of the passages, whereby the repetition of

the first division is effected. Abundant variety of detail is produced,

chiefly by the different combinations of the solo part and the

orchestral accompaniment; the solo passages are not usually of great

length, solo and tutti alternating often and quickly.

The second movement is simple, and rests essentially on the tuneful and

artistic delivery of the cantilene; embellishments are not excluded,

but they are kept in the background. The character of the movement is

generally light and pleasing, but a deeper, though always a cheerful

mood, sometimes makes itself felt. The tone is that of a romance; the

polonaise-like rhythm of the Concerto in D major (211 K.) is peculiar to

it; while the G major concerto (216 K.) has a regular and more broadly

conceived adagio. An adagio in E major (261 K)--composed for Brunetti

in 1776, because another, probably the interesting adagio of the A major

concerto (219 K.), was too "studirt," as L. Mozart writes (October

9,1777)--maintains a kind of medium; it is more serious in expression

and broader in conception than the romance-like andantes, but on the

whole it is pleasing and pretty rather than grand.

The last movement is, as a rule, in the form of a rondo,[50] in which

the solo part moves more freely, especially in the connecting middle

passages; the passages altogether have now scope for expansion, the tone

being light and cheerful, the form easy. It is not unusual for passages

in different time and measure to alternate in the rondo, as in the

D major concerto (218 K.), where an andantino grazioso, 2-4, and an

allegro ma non troppo, 6-8, alternate. In the G major

{VIOLIN CONCERTOS.}

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concerto (216 K.), a cheerful passage in 3-8 is interrupted by an andante

in G minor--[See Page Image] followed by an allegretto in G major--[See

Page Image] that leads back to the first subject. In the A major

concerto (219 K.), the chief subject is tempo di menuetto, interrupted

by a long allegro, 2-4, in A minor--[See Page Image]

In both these cases the clearly expressed popular tone of the

interpolated passages is remarkable, and has a striking and pleasing

effect. The allusion in the letters to the concerto, "with the

Strasburg" points to one of these passages: "The Strasburg dance, which

consisted merely in graceful movements of the arms and poses of the

body, was generally executed by a very youthful couple within the circle

of waltzers."[51]

A decided progress is observable in the concertante for violin and

viola[52] with orchestral accompaniment (364 K.), which was probably

written in 1780. It displays perfect finish in the conception of the

separate subjects and passages, power and melody in the development of

the orchestral accompaniments, and true artistic skill in the placing of

turns and phrases where they will be most effective. It is in the usual

three movements, but a more solid foundation and wider scope than usual

are given to the form, in order that the two solo instruments may have

free play; the

{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}

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tutti passages are longer and more important, which entails more

participation by the orchestra in the solo portions. This gives a

symphony-like character to the whole, to which the solo instruments

add a peculiar brilliancy. In relation to each other they are simply

treated. They generally relieve each other, either repeating whole

phrases or sharing them between them; when together, they are mostly in

thirds and sixths, and there seldom occurs a true two-part passage in

which the two instruments move freely and independently.

In this respect the concertone composed in 1773 (190 K.) is more

artistic in design and in workmanship. Here the orchestra is in contrast

with two solo violins, to which the oboe is added as a solo instrument;

the violoncello, though not so freely treated as the others, is also

often solo. The usual concerto form is given to the three movements, the

middle movement being romance-like, but more elaborate than usual, to

give employment to the solo instruments. The violoncello, though it does

not take a leading part in this movement, has an independent passage

as accompaniment throughout. The last movement is "tempo di menuetto,"

resembling those in the violin Concerto in A major (219 K.), the bassoon

concerto (191 K.), the clavier concerto in C (246 K.), the triple

concerto (242 K.), and the clavier trio in B flat (254 K.); the form

of the minuet with several trios is treated with some freedom, and

approaches that of the rondo. The forcible and independent treatment

of the orchestra, both in the tutti and the solo passages, gives to

the whole of this composition the character of a symphony; but the solo

parts are grouped with greater variety, since there are four of them,

and they do not as a rule repeat the same passages or join in unison.

Sometimes the violins alternate with each other, sometimes the oboe

joins them or opposes them, sometimes the oboe and violoncello are both

in opposition to the violins, and sometimes all the four instruments

move independently side by side. A strict and ingenious fugal structure

was required to give unity to this manifold variety. In the first

allegro especially the motifs are chiefly imitatively treated, and

{MOZART'S TREATMENT OF THE VIOLIN.}

(321)

sometimes the varied rendering of a phrase necessitates a change

of instruments; the coming and going of the instruments and their

combinations are carefully planned, as well as the part taken by the

orchestra in producing the general effect. In the two last movements

alternation is the predominant principle, and the parts are only

ingeniously interlaced here and there. The work displays throughout more

of skilful mechanism and clever elaboration than of original invention

and beauty.

The judgment of connoisseurs on Mozart's technical treatment of the

violin tends to show that the difficulties even in solo parts are

comparatively small, but that an acquaintance with the idiosyncrasies

of the instrument, which could only be gained violin in hand, is always

apparent; all is made as smooth and easy as possible for the performer,

at the same time that effects of striking originality are produced. Our

idea of Mozart as a violin-player will gain in interest by a knowledge

of his judgment on other violinists. As a child, he had become

acquainted at Mayence with the violinist Esser, of whom the father

writes later from Salzburg (December 7, 1780): "Esser is a merry

old simpleton; but he plays (when he is in earnest) with a firm and

remarkable execution, and has a finer adagio touch than is the case with

most allegro players. But when he is in a joking mood he plays on the G

string alone with the greatest ease, and plays pieces with a lead pencil

on the strings wonderfully correctly and quickly.[53] He plays the viola

d'amour charmingly.[54] But what struck me as particularly childish was

his whistling of a recitative and aria equal to any singer, with all

the expression, flourishes, shakes, &c., in a truly marvellous manner,

accompanying himself on the violin _pizzicato_ At the same time he

laments that, like the rest of them, he cannot play without grimaces

and absurdities." On this point, little Wolfgang, unimpressed by Esser's

tricks and _tours de force_, had said that he played well, but made too

much of it, and would do better to stick to what was written.

{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}

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Of Ign. Frànzl (b. 1730), whom he heard at Mannheim, he wrote to his

father (November 22, 1777): "I have had the pleasure of hearing Herr

Frànzl play a concerto on the violin. I was extremely pleased. You know

that I am no great lover of difficulties. He plays difficult passages

so that one does not know that they are difficult, and thinks one can

imitate him; which is true art. He has also a good round tone, every

note is correct and clear; he has a charming _staccato_ in one bow up as

well as down, and I never heard such a double shake before. In a word he

is, in my opinion, no juggler, but a very good substantial violinist."

Mozart wrote an oboe concerto for the celebrated oboist Gius. Ferlendi,

of Brescia, who was in the Salzburg band in 1775; it does not seem to

have been preserved. He tells his father (November 4, 1777) that he has

made a present of it to the oboist Ramm at Mannhein, who was wild with

delight, and played it five times with the greatest applause. He sent

from Vienna for the little book containing the Ferlendi concerto,

for which Prince Esterhazy had promised him three ducats. Another

composition of Mozart's was a concerto for the flute, which, according

to Schiedenhofen, was performed by Cosel in a serenade arranged by

Wolfgang for his sister; this may have been the Concerto in G major (313

K.), which evidently belongs to this period. A certain Baron Thad. von

Dümitz was an amateur on the bassoon; Mozart composed three concertos

for him, one in C and two in B flat major (191 K.), short and

unpretentious, as the instrument required; also a duet for bassoon and

violoncello (292 K.).[55]

Although from his earliest years Mozart had excited lively admiration

by his clavier and organ-playing, it will be better to consider his

performances on these instruments later on, when we shall have the

assistance of more direct testimony. We know little more of his

studies[56] than that he practised

{CLAVIER COMPOSITIONS.}

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the clavier much and diligently, which, indeed, requires no proof.

Compositions by Wagenseil, Paradies, Bach, and Lucchesi are incidentally

mentioned as subjects for home practice.

There now remains to consider only the compositions for the clavier, of

which there are curiously few known. Some may have been lost, but it

is a fact that after his first childish attempts Mozart composed

comparatively little for the clavier during his residence in Salzburg.

There was little opportunity of performing clavier compositions, the

instrument was not used solo in the court concerts, private concerts

were not profitable in Salzburg, and in society Mozart generally made

use of the clavier to improvise or prelude. The lessons which he gave to

ladies of rank afforded him an opportunity for composing, but for these

pupils he could only write show-pieces.

To the earliest authentic clavier compositions belong the variations

(179 K.) on a very popular minuet by the celebrated oboist Fischer,

a bravura piece for the time, full of what were then considered

difficulties.[57]

He had them sent to Munich in 1774 in order to make a show with them,

and on the journey to Paris we hear that he had recourse to the Fischer

variations when he was obliged to play in polite society; proving that

he was not provided with many compositions of the kind.

There were some clavier sonatas written at that time too, which Nannerl

was instructed to bring to Munich (December 21, 1774), the result being

a commission from Baron Dürnitz for six sonatas (279-284 K.); they are

often mentioned by Mozart on the Paris journey of 1777, and he played

them frequently in Munich, Augsburg and Mannheim with great success.

They consist, after the old fashion, of three movements; the fourth

forms an exception to the general rule, containing a long adagio, two

minuets (the second instead of a trio), and an allegro; the last is

another exception, the first allegro being followed by a rondeau en

polonaise--like the violin concerto (218 K.)--ending with variations.

Mozart

{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}

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spoke of sonatas as difficult which are now given as lessons to

beginners (February 2, 1778). Nevertheless it is no small praise to him

that, after the lapse of ninety years, the judicious treatment of

the instrument, the healthy freshness and finished form of these

compositions entitle them still to be considered as the best foundation

for a musical education. Any one capable of appreciating a work of

art will find all its essential conditions fulfilled in these simple

sonatas.

L. Mozart mentions in a letter (December 8, 1777) two four-hand

sonatas, written by Wolfgang for himself and his sister. One may be

the well-known B flat major sonata (358 K.) which Mozart wrote for from

Vienna (June 27, 1781). The form is concise and little elaborated; the

essential condition that each player shall contribute his independent

share to the general effect is kept duly in view. A second sonata is not

authenticated.[58]

A trio for clavier, violin, and violoncello (254 K.), belongs to August,

1776, which, according to Mozart's Munich letters (October 6,1777),

Nannerl played at Salzburg with Janitsch and Reicha. It displays, like

all the compositions of this period, completeness and roundness of form

with maturity and cleverness of conception, and surprises us by its

animation and the tender beauty of many of its turns of expression. The

clavier is the chief instrument, then the violin, more simply treated,

but independent. The violoncello does not yet receive full justice; it

is only used as a bass, often effectively, but never overstepping its

narrow province.

After the (violin?? DW) Concerto in D major (175 K.), composed in

December, 1773, and played with applause at Mannheim (February 14,

1778), and, with a new finale, at Vienna (March 22, 1782), Mozart

wrote no clavier music until January, 1776, when he composed a clavier

Concerto in B flat major (238 K.), another in April in C major for the

Countess Lützow (246 K.), and in January, 1777, one in E flat major for

Madame Jenomy (271 K.). This industry

{CLAVIER CONCERTO (271 K.)}

(325)

was not the result of caprice or chance. Composition went hand in hand

with his development as a virtuoso, and we can measure his progress

by the increasing difficulty of his works. Unless he was to remain in

Salzburg all his life,[59] a professional tour, to make himself known to

the world, became more and more a necessity. Both brilliant execution

as a virtuoso and a supply of original compositions would be necessary

conditions for such a tour; Wolfgang's prudent, worldly-wise father took

care that he should be prepared on all points to insure the success of

the undertaking.

The most remarkable of the clavier concertos, which in form and

treatment resemble the violin concertos, is the last (271 K.), which,

in its freedom of form, breadth of design and passion of expression,

approaches very near to the divertimento in B flat major (287 K.), which

belongs to the same period. The very beginning is original, the clavier

striking in with the first bars, and so giving a peculiar tone to the

whole movement. Not less original is the entrance of the solo passage

proper, the clavier falling in to the last bars of the gradually

expiring tutti passage, with a shake of several bars length, out of

which the subject springs; the same turn is afterwards made use of

at the close of the first movement. The middle movement is called

andantino, but expresses deep and painful emotion, and the cantilene

repeatedly assumes a recitative-like character (in one beautiful climax

the violins are in imitation), ending with a perfect recitative.[60] The

last rondo (presto), a capital exercise for the fingers in its unceasing

rapid movement, has a far more important character than is usual with

concluding movements. A long cadenza leads back to the subject; the

second time, however, it does not lead to the subject, but to a

{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}

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"menuetto cantabile," which, kept in check by an orchestral

accompaniment, has more and more the character of a free fantasia, and

at last goes back to the subject in a new cadenza, which leads to a

brilliant conclusion.

A concerto for three claviers, written in February, 1776, in F major

(242 K.), displays an increase in solo powers; a title-page, carefully

written by the father, announces it as "Dedicato al incomparabile merito

di S. Exc. la Sgra. Cont. Lodron, nata Cont. d* Arco et delle sue figlie

le Sgre. Cont. Aloisia et Giuseppa." We must not look for the same

contrapuntal independence of the three instruments which we find in

Bach's concertos, but there is no mistaking the cleverness and delicate

sense of effect which are displayed in the varied combinations of the

instruments--the doubling of parts, the strengthening of the melody or

of the bass, the position of the accompaniment, and the alternation of

the instruments. The main object of the first movement is to give equal

and yet individual effect to each of the three claviers, although the

third is hardly on a level with the other two; in the two last movements

the third instrument is still more in the background, being chiefly

confined to accompaniment, so that in the finale it does not even take

part in the cadenzas. This made it easier for Mozart to arrange the

concerto for two instruments; the solo parts, so altered, are preserved

in his handwriting. The tone of the concerto is lively and cheerful; the

whole is treated in an easy and happy vein of humour, which entertains

the players quite as much as the audience. Mozart seems to have been

fond of this concerto, and he informs his father with some satisfaction

that it had been successfully performed both at Augsburg (October 24,

1777), and at Mannheim (March 24, 1778).

The orchestra has a perfectly independent part in this composition; but

there is no very marked distinction between tutti and accompaniment; the

orchestra and clavier mutually support and further each other, and their

union results in a perfect work of art.

It is easy to estimate the claims made by Mozart upon the

clavier-player. The principal are simple and tuneful delivery of the

melody, clearness and precision in the

{MOZART AS VIRTUOSO.}

(327)

embellishments (which were more numerous than at the present day, to

suit the instrument then in use), skill and steadiness in the running

passages and shakes. Technical difficulties, such as passages in

octaves, thirds, or sixths, occur seldom or never at this period. The

use of the left hand is also limited; rapidity is only required in

accompaniment passages, and independence in the execution of left-hand

melodies. What the composer was able to accomplish with the limited

means at his command lies clear before us; the life which the virtuoso

threw into his works by performances full of spirit and genius cannot be

reproduced by any observation of form and mechanism.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Burney cites instances in Milan (I., p. 66), Bologna (I., p. 167),

Brussels (II., p. 43), Vienna (II., p. 239).]

[Footnote 2: Burney, Reise, I., p. 67; II., p. 276.]

[Footnote 3: Burney writes of a church symphony by Galuppi, which he heard

in Venice (I., p. 108): "In the symphony, which was full of charming

passages, the orchestra imitated an echo. There were two organs and two

pairs of French horns"; and of a similar one by Furlanetto (I., p. 126):

"Then followed a long symphony, in the form of a dialogue between two

orchestras."]

[Footnote 4: Barney frequently mentions concertos at church performances (L, pp.

116, 177; II., p. 85).]

[Footnote 5: Dies, Jos. Haydn, p. 104.]

[Footnote 6: Ditteradorf, Selbstbiogr., p. iro.]

[Footnote 7: Biogr. Skizze von Mich. Haydn, p. 18.]

[Footnote 8: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 123. Selbstbiogr., 14 I., j-. 20c.

Schlosser, Gesch. d. achtz. Jahrh., II., p. 252.]

[Footnote 9: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., I., p. 776; cf. p. 783.]

[Footnote 10: Reichardt, Briefe e. aufm. Reis., II., p. 121.]

[Footnote 11: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 13.]

[Footnote 12: Burney, Reise, II., p. 75.]

[Footnote 13: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 55. Griesinger, Biogr. Not, p. 29.]

[Footnote 14: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., II., p. 959.]

[Footnote 15: Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., 1770, pp. 178, 207.]

[Footnote 16: Burney, Reise, III., p. 260.]

[Footnote 17: [Koch-Stemfeld] Die letzten dreissig Jahre des Erzstiftes Salzburg,

p. 3x4.]

[Footnote 18: The Elector Friedrich August of Saxony was so nervous at playing

before other people, that his wife scarcely ever heard him (Burney,

Reise, III-, p. 18).]

[Footnote 19: Characteristic traits are given in Dittersdorf 8 description of the

musical establishment of the Prince von Hildburghausen (Selbstbiogr., p.

43).]

[Footnote 20: Burney, Reise, I., p. 69.]

[Footnote 21: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 50.]

[Footnote 22: Burney, Reise, II., p. 102.]

[Footnote 23: Freiherr von Böcklin, who visited Salzburg in his eightieth year,

gave it as his opinion that though the church music was good, and some

of the wind instruments worth hearing: "the orchestra is not brilliant

on the whole; nevertheless there are some excellent and well-known

musicians among them, who soften the shadows by their enchanting playing

of concertos and sonatas, and even transmit so much of their own light

to their defective accompaniers as to give strangers a favourable idea

of the whole performance" (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Musik, 1790, p.

28).]

[Footnote 24: Marpurg, Beitr., III., p. 186.]

[Footnote 25: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 141.]

[Footnote 26: Carpanï, Le Haydine, p. 56.]

[Footnote 27: Burney (Reise, II., p. 73): "Here it was that Stamitz first

overstepped the usual limits of the opera overture, which hitherto had

only consisted of a sort of summons to silence and attention on the

entry of the singers."]

[Footnote 28: Griesinger, Biogr. Notizen, p. 15.; Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 37.]

[Footnote 29: Burney, Reise, III., p. 209.]

[Footnote 30: It may be considered characteristic of our times that modern

musicians so seldom excel in this particular direction. Schumann, who

repeatedly remarks on the phenomenon, considers that it is an extinct

branch of musical art, and that a new character must be invented for

middle movements (Ges. Schr., I., p. 283, 289).]

[Footnote 31: Mattheson, Vollk. Kapellmeister, p. 223; cf. Neu eroffnetes Orch.,

pp. 174, 184. Kircher gives a description of the dances with examples by

Capsberger (Mus., I., p. 586).]

[Footnote 32: Nottebohm, Monatschr. f. Theat. u. Mus., 1855, pp. 408, 456; 1857,

PP* 288, 341, 391.]

[Footnote 33: The minuet of Beethoven's eighth symphony is in slower tempo

than any other movement, and its solemn yet graceful dignity contrasts

humorously with the liveliness of the other movements. The charming

minuet of Mendelssohn's A major symphony again provokes an involuntary

smile.]

[Footnote 34: The orchestral minuets written for dancing by Mozart, of which

there must have been more than the sixty known to exist (103,104, 105,

122, 164,176;), are, like the Contretanze (106,123,267, K.), very simple,

and practically arranged, with a few modest instrumental effects.]

[Footnote 35: I made acquaintance with them through André's autograph collection»

and also through three little blue books placed at my disposal by the

owner, A. Cranz, of Hamburg. (A. M. Z., XXXIII., p. 733.) The first

of these contains nine symphonies, the second a concertone and three

serenate, the third a serenata. The dates are erased, but Sonnleithner

has fortunately discovered and replaced them (Recensionen, 1862, Nr. 39,

p. 614). In Breitkopf and Härtel's old warehouse, twenty symphonies in

parts were also preserved. Since ten of these are among André's, and

two belong to "Lucio Silla" and "Sogno di Scipione," we may conclude the

rest to be equally genuine; and since none of those known belong to a

later date than 1772, and "Lucio Silla" was performed at the Carnival of

1773, the others can scarcely be put later. In confirmation of this

it will be remembered that on February 7, 1772, Leopold Mozart offered

Breitkopf some of his son's compositions, and among them symphonies.]

[Footnote 36: Still shorter and more precise is a serenade in four movements

that, according to the first superscription, was originally a

contretänz.]

[Footnote 37: Where stringed instruments are employed the bass part is only

indicated as basso; and no hint is given as to whether the double-bass

or violoncello, or both together, were intended.]

[Footnote 38: The same five instruments were employed for two divertimenti for

wind instruments (166, 168, K.), of which one is dated 1773. The paper

and handwriting are identical.]

[Footnote 39: Mozart had employed four horns earlier, two being in another key,

in symphonies (130. 132, 183, K., and that to the "Betuüa Liberata"),

and in. operatic accompaniments ("Ascanio." ii; "Finta Giardiniera,"

13. 26; "Re Pastore," 12).]

[Footnote 40: To the first of these belongs the march written for the same

instruments (248 K.).]

[Footnote 41: Mozart, who, in October, 1877, mentions only two cassations, asks

from Vienna (July 4, 1781) for the three cassations in F, B, and D.]

[Footnote 42: Three pages of the first allegro of a similar divertimento in F

major are preserved (288 K.); since Mozart only mentions three

such pieces by name in Vienna, it is not probable that a fourth was

completed.]

[Footnote 43: A scherzo-like pastorale (Anh., 294 K.), in which a corno

pastoriccio is added to the quartet, has been ascribed to Mozart without

sufficient grounds, and is more likely by his father.]

[Footnote 44: Mozart must have composed more than a few of such compositions,

which were always in request but many are included among his published

harmonie-musik, arranged in very arbitrary fashion, and altogether

unauthentic.]

[Footnote 45: The trio has been struck out and written again by the father, who

has transposed the first violins an octave lower throughout.]

[Footnote 46: n. Ztschr. f. Mus., XLV., p. 60.]

[Footnote 47: 'The trio of the minuet has also been written again, but here it is

an altogether new composition, far superior to the first.]

[Footnote 48: A little piece for two violins and bass (266 K.), consisting of a

polonaiselike movement following some slow introductory bars, and of a

minuet, is not of importance.]

[Footnote 49: When the Vienna quartets appeared, and Toricella announced "Six

quartets by Mozart at a low price," the publisher Artaria drew the

attention of the public to the fact that these quartets were old works

of Mozart's, written fifteen years previously (Wien. Ztg., 1785; Nr. 75

Anh.). To this Toricella replied in a fresh announcement: "Concerning

the quartets of fifteen years ago, I believe that they need no

recommendation but the name of their author, and I am equally convinced

that, being in their whole style completely new to many amateurs, they

may be considered as novelties, and as genuine compositions of Mozart."]

[Footnote 50: Mozart afterwards composed a rondo, mentioned by his father

(September 25, 1777), to the Concerto in B major (207 K.) for Brunetti.]

[Footnote 51: Car. Pichler, Zeitbilder, p. 149.]

[Footnote 52: The piece is in E flat major; the viola part is written in D major,

and was to be tuned half a tone higher, both to give it a clear sound

and to make the execution easier.]

[Footnote 53: Schubart, Aesthet. d. Mus., p. 233.]

[Footnote 54: Mus. Real-Ztg., 1789, p. 240.]

[Footnote 55: The musical collection of Baron von Dürnitz is in the possession of

Herr Oec. Rabl, at Münchshofen.]

[Footnote 56: Among these may be included an arrangement of three clavier

sonatas by Joh. Chris. Bach (p. 38) as a concerto (107 K.) with quartet

accompaniment. I cannot decide how much of this is Mozart's.]

[Footnote 57: Cf. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 9.]

[Footnote 58: An unfinished Sonata in G major (357 K.) was perhaps completed and

afterwards lost.]

[Footnote 59: Yet Dressier mentions in his Theaterschule in 1777 (p. 46):

"Die Hrn. Mozart und Schröder, zwei ausserordentliche Genies, Musici,

Klavierspieler, und Compositeurs der Deutschen," whose merit is

acknowledged in foreign countries.]

[Footnote 60: The close of the adagio in Beethoven's C major symphony will occur

to every musician; the opening of his E flat major concerto is also

founded on a similar idea to this of Mozart's.]

====

MOZART

BY DAVID WIDGER

CHAPTER XV. EARLY MANHOOD.

OUR examination of the development of Mozart's youthful genius, as it is

to be traced in the multiplicity and variety of his studies, may fitly

be concluded by a rapid survey of what he had accomplished and the

position which he held at his entry into manhood.

At twenty-one years of age he could hold his own with the first masters

of his time as a performer on the clavier, the organ, and the violin,

and his powers as an executant were far surpassed by his accomplishments

in every branch of composition. Remembering his numerous and successful

contributions to theatrical music in serious and comic operas, to

church music of every kind and description, to instrumental music,

both concerted and solo, we are amazed at the ease and fertility of

his producing powers not less than at the steady perseverance and

earnestness of his studies. He never begins at random and breaks off

short, never yields to chance impulses, to be abandoned before their

object is attained; his will is always consciously fixed on a definite

end, and to that end he bends all the force and energy of his mind.

No small share of the merit of this happy development

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(328)

must be accorded to his father, whose careful and well-digested

educational plan, as earnest and conscientious as it was far-seeing

and full of love, counteracted the son's easy and excitable nature, and

concentrated his whole strength on his artistic cultivation. But the

greatest share, after all, falls to the admirable organisation of Mozart

himself. His nature was so genuinely artistic that musical perfection

was the very germ of that inner being of which his works were the

natural and inevitable expression.

The precocity of his talent, which had produced these works at an age

when most minds are only beginning to put their thoughts into articulate

form, had in it nothing forced, strained, or disturbed; he seized

instinctively on what was in harmony with his genius, absorbed it

completely, and made it the stepping-stone to his upward progress.

We have seen how he laboured to become absolute master of every kind of

form in his art, and how, step by step, his labours were rewarded. But

no amount of external readiness and skill would satisfy him unless he

could also give due expression to what moved his innermost soul, and

impelled him to production. And so it is that even in his earliest works

we find no opposition between their form and their substance; so it is

that they are always a _whole_--at first insignificant enough both in

substance and treatment, but still a whole--contained in a definite

expression of artistic form. Looking back at the history of an art

which has been begotten and fostered by any nation, we see how it is now

favoured, now hindered, by external circumstances, how it strives and

struggles through the long ages, possessing itself here by fits and

starts, there by easy transitions, of all the means and forms necessary

for its perfect practice. When at last the spiritual and intellectual

life of the nation has become free and impelled to artistic activity,

the great master arises, who, disposing at will of the inheritance of

knowledge and genius bequeathed to him by his fathers, accomplishes the

highest task of art in his representations of ideal beauty. The glorious

contemplation of the organic development of a gifted nature, turning all

to good account,

{FAMILY LIFE IN SALZBURG.}

(329)

and rejecting what impedes its growth so soon as it has served its turn,

is open for us in Mozart. To him it was given to master the external

conditions of his art on every side without injury to his individuality

and creative force. Artist and man grew together; the deeper the passion

and the more intense the emotion, the more grand and impressive became

the forms in which they were embodied. And it is in this that consists

the successful cultivation of any art in youth: in this mastery of the

means whereby the man in his maturity makes his genius felt without

apparent effort. Whatever study and discipline could attain, Mozart had

attained before he left Salzburg; it was time that he should emerge from

his narrow surroundings, that he should win freedom and independence,

both as a man and an artist, by contact with the world.

The position held by Mozart at Salzburg, disproportionate alike to his

performances and their promise, could not but fail to satisfy him as

soon as he became aware of his own powers.

His life would have been simply unendurable had it not been for

the healthy family life which had been from earliest childhood the

foundation of his moral and social existence.

He grew up in an atmosphere of conjugal and parental affection, of

sincere religion and conscientious morality, and of well-ordered

economy, which could not fail in its effect on his character. "After

God, papa comes," was his motto as a boy and as a man; it was the

keynote of the _whole_ household, and we have seen, and shall see

further, how fully Leopold Mozart deserved the trust reposed in him.

It was absolute confidence, not timid fear, which bound wife and

children to him, and candour and truth ruled all the family intercourse.

Not only the parents and children, but the brother and sister, were

devoted to each other; the similarity of their talents, far from

exciting emulation or jealousy, only bound them closer together; the

sister witnessed the brilliant successes of her younger brother with

pure delight, and bore his teasing with unfailing good-humour, sure,

in her turn, of his ready and hearty sympathy in her joys and sorrows,

whether great or small. Such a true

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(330)

family life as this, in which the servants[1] and even the pet

animals[2] had their share, became all the firmer and heartier in

proportion as circumstances narrowed the circle composing it.

The primary motive-power was the father's earnest devotion to duty,

and his example gave weight to his unsparing demands on the labour and

industry of his children. He considered the accomplishments of an

artist as no mere pastime for hours of recreation, no passing breath

of visionary inspiration; but as the ripe food of ceaseless labour,

of untiring progress in moral and artistic self-knowledge. He was not

content to recognise in the wonderful receptive and productive powers

of his son a passport to easy indolence, but strove to make him

consider them as deposits to be turned to the best account by study and

cultivation. He accustomed his children to work from their youth up, and

made it his first object that their outer circumstances should afford

them no excuse for idle hours. "Custom." said he, "is an iron path." For

this reason he gave up every occupation (except the duties demanded

by his official position) which might withdraw him from his children,

especially all lessons, thereby entailing a considerable pecuniary

sacrifice, for which the profits of his first professional journey could

only partially compensate. But he had so firm a confidence in Wolfgang's

future, and he kept this object so clearly and continually in view, that

nothing could divert him from it. In the boy himself there was no cause

for anxiety; his trust in his father was unbounded, his nature was

pliable, and his zeal for his art so great that it was never necessary

to incite him to industry; indeed, his father often praises his energy

and laboriousness. A further proof of the father's beneficial influence

is the fact that Wolfgang did not yield to the temptation common to

talented and lively youth in following

{MOZART'S EDUCATION.}

(331)

momentary and one-sided impulses; but that he advanced step by step in

a thorough and judicious cultivation of all his powers. The great number

of his compositions of every kind which we have already noticed gives

us no small idea of his industry; and we must remember that these

performances were only possible as the result of continuous study and

exercise, of which no outward sign remains. The father insisted on

Wolfgang's making clear copies on quarto music paper, both of his own

compositions and of examples of other composers. A long list of such

exercise-books, in gray-blue covers, with every kind of composition in

Mozart's handwriting, arranged and titled by his father, affords the

most speaking proof of the industry and regard for order and neatness in

which Wolfgang was trained.

Added to this was the continual hard practice on organ and clavier which

made him the finished performer he was, then his official duties at

court and church, his frequent engagements to play in private circles,

and finally the lessons which he was obliged to give--one wonders in

fact where he found time for it all in a day of only four-and-twenty

hours. Nothing but the anomalous union of extraordinary genius with

regularity and order could have produced so anomalous a result. Then

again, L. Mozart was too far-seeing and cultivated a man to be satisfied

with an exclusively musical education for his son. He took care that he

should attain proficiency in foreign languages; he had learnt Latin

in early youth (p. 61), and some knowledge of it was indispensable for

sacred composition, on which account his father enjoins him (October 15,

1777) always to use a Latin prayer-book. He learnt to speak French and

Italian fluently on his journeys, and his father was careful to keep up

his knowledge of them. No opportunity was lost of acquiring "any kind of

useful knowledge," as Leopold writes (December 18, 1777), "in order to

cultivate the understanding by the reading of good books in different

languages." Unfortunately we are not told what books Wolfgang read, nor

in what direction his literary taste lay. It is characteristic of the

father that both the children were obliged every evening to write a

short account

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(332)

in a journal of what they had learnt and done throughout the day, in

order to cultivate their observation of themselves and the things around

them.

L. Mozart knew well that hot-house plants fade quickly, and was careful

not to overtax the powers of his son, but to preserve him in healthy

freshness, both of mind and body, by means of due diversion

and recreation. He sought also to render him self-possessed and

unconstrained in his intercourse with all classes of men, which

Wolfgang's natural amiability rendered an easy task; it was far more

difficult to impress him with the necessity for prudence and reserve,

which not even the bitter experiences of after-life could teach him.

Tied and hampered, as L. Mozart was, in all these endeavours by the

conditions of his life in Salzburg, one support remained of which he

could not be deprived; this was the beauty of the surrounding scenery.

True, he makes no mention of it in his letters, but the dwellers in

beautiful neighbourhoods seldom express enthusiastic admiration unless

it is called forth by the observation of strangers. Whether consciously

or not, however, the influence of rich and beautiful scenery must be

felt by a finely organised mind, and the good fortune of a youth passed

amid such impressions of surrounding nature is not less to be prized

than any other happy dispensation which wakens to life the slumbering

powers of the soul.

Intercourse with cultivated and art-loving men, so indispensable to a

liberal education, was not easy of attainment in Salzburg. Such men were

few, and almost exclusively belonged to the higher nobility. Two Counts

Firmian, brothers to the Governor-General of Lombardy (p. no), were men

of a lively interest in and appreciation of science and art. While

still at the university they had founded a literary society which had

considerable influence in spite of the strong opposition which its free

scientific tendencies drew upon it.[3] One of the brothers, Vigilius

Maria, who was provost of the cathedral, possessed a carefully selected

library, and was familiar with the literature of all the

{THE NOBILITY OF SALZBURG.}

(333)

European countries; the other, Franz Lactantius, Lord High Chamberlain

to the Archbishop, was a connoisseur of painting and possessed an

excellent collection of pictures. But he seems to have had little idea

of music; for although he was extremely well disposed towards Wolfgang,

the latter writes to his father (July 9, 1778) that nothing can be done

for music in Salzburg until it is altogether left to the kapellmeister,

so that the Lord High Chamberlain may have no power to interfere: "for

you cannot make a kapellmeister out of a cavalier, although you may make

a cavalier out of a kapellmeister." Canon Count Anton Wilibald Wolfegg

had travelled extensively in order to make himself acquainted with

manufactures and industries, and had specially studied architecture. The

Master of the Horse, Count Leopold Joseph Küenberg, was a well-read and

accomplished man; the Bishop of Chiemsee, Count Ferdinand von Zeil,

was as distinguished for intellect and cultivation as for nobility of

disposition.[4] We may gather that all these men were well disposed

towards Mozart. The Chamberlain, Count George Anton Felix von Arco, the

Court Marshal, Count Nicolaus Sebastian von Lodron, and the Captain of

the Body-Guard, Count Leopold von Lodron, were also among his patrons.

He had free entry into their houses, played at their entertainments, and

gave lessons to their daughters, all the ladies, old and young, vying

with each other in attentions to the distinguished virtuoso. Wolfgang

sends a respectful kiss of the hand from Milan (February 17, 1770) to

her Excellency Countess Arco, and thanks her for the kiss she had sent

him, which he prized more highly than many a salute from a younger

person. Differences of rank, however, and of personal circumstances

rendered difficult any such friendly intercourse as would have been of

advantage to Mozart both socially and professionally.

The circle was not an artistic one. Wolfgang praises Count Salem in

Munich (October 2, 1777), and calls him a

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(334)

true connoisseur. "He says 'Bravo!' when the other cavaliers take a

pinch of snuff, or blow their noses, or cough, or begin a conversation."

The smaller or, as it was called, the "wilde" nobility lived for the

most part on the numerous smaller court offices, the incomes of which

did not enable them to make a show in proportion to their rank; they

strove to indemnify themselves by pride and haughtiness, although there

were some few cultivated families among them.[5] With some of these, and

more particularly with their younger members, we find Wolfgang in close

intercourse, but the friendship was in most instances a superficial one,

which did not stand the test of years and absence. Herr von Mölk, son

of the Court Chancellor, is mentioned as a friend of Wolfgang's, and an

unsuccessful suitor of his sister Marianne; it was he who was so amazed

and delighted with the performance of the opera at Munich that the

Mozarts were ashamed of him, because it was evident that he had seen

nothing all his life but Salzburg and Innspruck.[6] Mozart was more

attached, at least in his early years, to Fräulein W. von Mölk, to whom

he sends a message that he would like the same reward from her that he

had for the last minuets; she knows what that is. That his heart

was somewhat susceptible of impression in youth is evident from the

mysterious allusions which Wolfgang makes in his letters to his sister;

she is to visit--she knows whom--to give tender messages, &c. When he

went to Italy in 1772, an expression in a letter from his father points

to a daughter of Dr. Barisani as his reigning goddess. Other friends of

Mozart's youth were Herr von Hefner, son of the town syndic; Herr von

Aman, of whom he was very fond as a boy, though the intimacy afterwards

died out, and Joachim von Schiedenhofen, who disgusted Mozart by

marrying for money. Von Schiedenhofen kept in his youth a "diary of his

own doings," extracts from which, relating to the years 1774-1777, take

note of all the visits of

{SOCIETY IN SALZBURG.}

(335)

the Mozart family. These extracts prove that the Mozarts were on

friendly terms with many other court officials. They visited each other

in the afternoons and evenings, and either played cards or had

music. Regular entertainments are mentioned, such as meetings for the

bolt-shooting which we shall presently describe, and a card club; the

friends also went to concerts and masquerades together.

Intercourse with families of the citizen class, which could not fail to

result from the position held by the Mozarts, and from their many years

residence in the place, was more of a recreation for idle hours than

a means of intellectual improvement; occasional allusions to Salzburg

society are not of a favourable nature.[7] Among their intimate friends

was our old acquaintance Hagenauer, a merchant, and for many years their

landlord. We may gather from the confidential letters addressed to

him by L. Mozart on the first journey that he was not only sincerely

attached to them and always ready with advice and help, but that he had

cultivation and tastes in advance of his surroundings. His wife,

judging from some remarks of L. Mozart, was somewhat bigoted and fond

of priestly intercourse. The closest friend of the family, however,

who possessed the confidence both of father and children, was Jos.

Bullinger, a priest, who had been educated at the Jesuit seminary in

Munich and was tutor in the family of Count Arco at Salzburg. "The

faithful Bullinger" was "always a chief person" in the Mozarts' house;

in Wolfgang's letters home he not only always sends messages to his

"good friend Bullinger," but he begs that his letters may be read to

him, and sometimes that important secrets may be told to no one but

Nannerl and Bullinger. After the mother's death in Paris, Wolfgang

intrusted him with the mournful task of breaking the news gently to his

father, which Bullinger did

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(336)

with equal tact and sympathy; and when Wolfgang was forced, much against

his will, to return to Salzburg, it was to his friend Bullinger that he

poured out his heavy laden heart (August 7, 1778). And the attachment

was mutual. When Wolfgang was on his way home from Paris, and his father

and sister, anxious for news of him, confessed and communicated with

many prayers for the preservation of their dear one, "the faithful

Bullinger" also "prayed for him daily in the holy mass" (October 19,

1778). The father, too, had good cause to declare that Bullinger was

his best and truest friend, from whom he had received "much courtesy

and kindness," and who, when he was in embarrassment during Wolfgang's

journey, assisted him by a considerable loan.

He placed the fullest confidence in Bullinger, shared with him all his

plans for Wolfgang, and took counsel with him on many occasions. The

friendship between them was well known in Salzburg; and in the efforts

that were made to recall Wolfgang from Vienna Bullinger was employed as

a go-between. He seems to have had some taste for music; at least, we

hear of his taking part in some private concerts, which were held every

Sunday at eleven o'clock; and Wolfgang writes, after his departure

(October 11, 1777), begging him to "hold an official discourse, and give

his compliments to all the members of the Academy."

Opportunities for social gaiety were more freely afforded to

pleasure-loving Salzburg under Archbishop Hieronymus than under his

predecessor Sigismund, whose tastes were not nearly so cheerful nor so

liberal.[8] Salzburg society was characterised as follows: "The country

gentlemen hunt and go to church; those next below them go to church and

hunt; the next lower rank eat, drink, and pray; and the lowest of all

pray, drink, and eat. The two latter classes conduct their love affairs

in public, and the two former in private; all alike live in sensual

indulgence."

{AMUSEMENTS IN SALZBURG.}

(337)

In 1775 a spacious hall, with some side apartments, were added to the

town hall, and there, during the carnival, masked balls were given

under the supervision of the magistrate, as well as concerts and other

entertainments. Mozart, who was fond of dancing and jokes, excelled in

masquerading; Schiedenhofen mentions his having amused every one as a

peasant bridegroom, and another time as a young dandy.

But even in Salzburg the most popular entertainment was the play; a

theatre was built expressly for the court on the right bank of the

Salzach, and there in winter performances were given by the Munich or

some other travelling company,[9] sledge parties and others being formed

for the purpose of attending. In summer, excursions were made to the

numerous objects of interest in the neighbourhood, a very favourite

one being to the royal park of Hellbronn.[10] The Mozarts rarely

participated in these pleasures.

Although the father was able to write to his son (February 12,1778):

"Consider whether I have not always helped you to procure every possible

pleasure that was harmless and sensible, often at the cost of great

personal inconvenience," yet his limited circumstances prohibited any

very frequent indulgence in such pleasures.

The increasing expenses, which he justly ascribed to the parsimonious

system of the government,[11] necessitated the strictest economy on his

part. He laid these circumstances clearly before his son (February 16,

1778):--

It has been very hard work for me ever since your birth, and even

before, to support a wife and seven children, besides your grandmother

and several others, on twenty florins a month, taking into account

child-births, deaths, and illnesses. If you calculate these expenses you

will readily believe that not only have I never had a kreutzer to spend

on my own pleasure, but that it has only been by the grace of God and

hard work that I have kept free from debt. I have sacrificed my whole

time to you two children in order that when the time came you might be

able

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(338)

both to maintain yourselves, and also provide me with the means of

spending a peaceful old age, occupied only with thoughts for the safety

of my soul, and preparations for a happy death."

But L. Mozart's economy was judicious. "Buy nothing that is bad," he

wrote to his wife (October 26, 1771), "there is no saving in buying bad

things." The simplicity of the manners of the household, and the modest

nature of the enjoyments, may be proved by the extreme and constant

popularity among the whole circle of a game called "bolt-shooting"

(bölzelschiessen). A number of intimates formed themselves into a sort

of little guild, and met every Sunday at the various houses of the

members. Each player in turn threw a bolt or quoit, and numerous were

the jokes to which the game gave rise. A sort of rivalry grew up in the

furnishing of each quoit with inscriptions bearing on the foibles and

peculiarities of the different players, and the tendency to joking and

sarcasm of the good Salzburgers was thereby encouraged and indulged.

A pleasant sociable kind of intercourse grew out of these constant

meetings. The following instance will show the kind of pleasantry that

was allowable on such occasions. Leopold tells his son (November 11,

1780) how one of the lady members, who was a little bit of a coquette,

happened one day to trip on the step of a shop she was entering in

full daylight, and to fall in a very inelegant posture. This was duly

portrayed with appropriate verses on the quoit, to the uncontrollable

merriment of the whole party. The bolt-shooting is never forgotten

in the family correspondence; amusing quoit pictures are forwarded

to absent members, and their share of the winnings received by their

proxies. Mozart writes to his sister from Vienna (July 4, 1781) : "Is it

not about time for the shooting supper? Pray do not forget to drink the

health of a faithful shooter with due honours, and tell me when it comes

to my turn, that I may paint a quoit."

Under these circumstances, the encouragement which Wolfgang needed

to render his arduous labours pleasant and satisfactory could only be

looked for from the sympathy of his colleagues, and the favour with

which his performances were received. But, unfavourable as the state of

things

{INTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-MUSICIANS.}

(339)

was in Salzburg in other respects, on this point it was simply

intolerable. Individual musicians, such as the faithful Schachtner,

who were free from envy, and had cultivation and industry enough to

appreciate intercourse with the Mozart family, formed a close and

constant friendship with them. But, with the majority, intimacy was on

many accounts out of the question, even when, as in the case of Michael

Haydn and Adlgasser, they deserved all recognition as artists.[12] It

was in contrast to Salzburg that L. Mozart praises the orchestra at

Mannheim as "young men of good morals, neither tipplers nor gamblers,

nor miserable blockheads, whose conduct and performances are alike

admirable" (July 19, 1763). Wolfgang made similar observations in after

years, and wrote to his father from Paris (July 9,1778) how businesslike

everything was under Cannabich's conductorship, how implicitly he was

obeyed, and what much better lives the musicians lived there than

at Salzburg. "One of my chief reasons for detesting Salzburg is the

impossibility of associating, as an honest man, with the coarse, stupid,

dissolute musicians belonging to the court; one is quite ashamed of

them, and it is they who bring music generally into disfavour." We can

well understand how frequently the Mozart family would give offence to

men of small cultivation and ill-regulated tastes. As a childish prodigy

Mozart had amused them by his childlike candour and engaging confidence;

but as a growing youth his performances became an intolerable source of

annoyance and envy to them, not lessened by the brilliant recognition

which he met with outside the walls of his native town. Their ill-will

was doubtless also increased by the reserve of the Mozarts, their claims

to superior cultivation, and the justification sometimes accorded

to these claims; and although the father's prudence and the mother's

good nature would prevent any open rupture with their colleagues, yet

a tendency to severe criticism, sometimes jokingly, sometimes

sarcastically expressed, is common to all the Mozarts. If we may judge

of the tone of their actual

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(340)

intercourse by the numerous allusions in their letters (and Wolfgang's

forte was certainly not prudent reserve), then, indeed, Salzburg might

well dread the sharpness of the Mozart tongue.

The family were on least friendly terms with the Italians attached to

the service of the Archbishop. Almost everywhere in Germany the idea was

firmly rooted that the reputation of the musical establishments could

only be upheld by summoning composers and virtuosi from Italy. When

Wolfgang wrote to his father from Munich (September 29, 1777): "So

it is! All the great people have a rage for foreigners!" His father

consoled him by answering (October 4,1777): "The rage for Italians

is almost confined to Munich; it exists in an exaggerated degree. In

Mannheim, everything is German, except a couple of male sopranos. At

Trêves, under the Elector, Prince Clement of Saxony, the Maestro alone

is Italian; Mayence is altogether German; and at Würzburg the

only foreigner is Signor Fracassini, a violinist, now, I believe,

kapellmeister, and that only for the sake of his German wife, a vocalist

and a native of Würzburg. There are no foreigners at any of the smaller

Protestant courts." Notwithstanding, however, the reduction of the

operatic and court establishment of Stuttgart in 1768, by the dismissal

of some of its chief members, the taste and feeling, as well as the

majority of the _personnel_, continued to be purely Italian;[13] and

at Bonn many Italians belonged to the court establishment, under the

leadership of Lucchesi.[14] L. Mozart does not allude to North Germany,

since it lay out of Wolfgang's projected path. The natural consequence

of the intrusion of foreigners was ceaseless contention between the

German musicians, who saw themselves slighted and aggrieved, and the

Italians, who made their superiority most offensively felt.[15] Mozart

had to suffer from foreign intrigues

{ITALIANS IN SALZBURG.}

(341)

not only in Milan while composing his opera (p. 130), but perhaps also

in Munich, and certainly in Salzburg. Archbishop Hieronymus, who set

a low value on anything belonging to Salzburg, although he paid a

high price for many a native manufacture bearing a foreign stamp,[16]

introduced Italians into his band, because it had been blamed as "rough

and rapid in execution, and not delicate nor in the best taste."[17] The

kapellmeister Lolli, having become old and incapable, was replaced by

Fischietti in 1772; this was a disappointment to L. Mozart, whose claims

to the office were well founded, since he was considered to have placed

music on its then excellent footing.[18] Among the soloists Brunetti

was appointed to the violin, Ferrari to the violoncello, Ferlendi to

the oboe, and Ceccarelli was male soprano. These Italians were not only

better paid than native artists, but the "foreign asses," as Michael

Haydn called them, relying on the favour of the Archbishop, conducted

themselves with insolence and ill-breeding.[19] There can be no question

that the annoyance to the two Mozarts was great at seeing strangers, far

below them in social position and talent, preferred before them, while

all the hard labour devolved upon themselves. Fischietti's compositions

were few and far between; Wolfgang was always ready to compose operatic

or sacred, vocal or instrumental music, as occasion arose. All this

implanted a rooted dislike to foreigners in Mozart's young mind which

the experiences of his later years did much to confirm. But the artistic

element of his nature was far too strong and too pure to allow personal

consideration to influence his judgment on Italian music; his heart was

so sound and good that he

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(342)

could overcome his dislike to the nation in his intercourse with

individuals: it only transpires every now and then.

It was not very likely that the Mozarts--father or son--would be in high

favour at court. We do not know much of their dealings with Archbishop

Sigismund; but the difficulty L. Mozart had in renewing his leave of

absence proves that the Archbishop was not overpleased with his repeated

and lengthened stays abroad.[20] Wolfgang received an official post and

the title of Concertmeister some time before 1770, but no salary; and

even after the production of "Ascanio in Alba" L. Mozart was in doubt as

to whether the Archbishop would remember his son if any vacancy occurred

(p. 134). It is not known whether the salary of 150 gulden a year which

he drew as Concertmeister had been granted to him by Sigismund; in any

case it was not raised until 1777 by his successor, whose own sister,

the Countess Schönborn, as Wolfgang writes (September 26, 1777),

"positively refused to believe that he had had a monthly keepsake of

twelve florins thirty kreutzers."

Mozart's position was still more unfavourable under Hieronymus, who

never forgave the inhabitants of Salzburg their strongly expressed

opposition to his election as Archbishop.[21] He knew himself to be

unpopular, and, instead of courting popularity, openly displayed his

contempt for his subjects.[22] He was a man of acute and enlightened

intellect, and carried out some important reforms in his government

{ARCHBISHOP HIERONYMUS.}

(343)

with a firm hand; but he was self-willed, parsimonious, and

unscrupulous.[23] He seldom expressed satisfaction with his officials.

His disdainful mode of address to all but those of the highest nobility,

and the irritable tone of his conversation, kept all about him in timid

subordination. Even his appearance (although he was of mean stature

and sickly complexion)--the sharp glance of his grey eyes, the left

eye rarely fully open, and the decided lines round his mouth--commanded

respect and fear.[24] There were other circumstances besides their

German extraction and Salzburg birth which rendered the two Mozarts

obnoxious to the Archbishop. Count Ferdinand von Zeil, afterwards

Bishop of Chiemsee, to whose generous withdrawal Hieronymus owed his

election,[25] was one of Mozart's warmest and most constant supporters,

and for him Mozart, like all Salzburg, felt the deepest love and

respect. This was not the way to the favour of Hieronymus. L. Mozart's

independent demeanour, doing his duty and going his way without

obsequiousness or flattery, and Wolfgang's open-mouthed candour, causing

him occasionally to forget his official position and the reserve it

should have entailed, were so many reasons for additional tyranny on the

part of the Archbishop. Added to this was the fact that Mozart, with his

slender figure and boyish countenance, made a poor personal impression

on Hieronymus, who was singularly apt to be imposed upon by men of

commanding height and appearance.[26] He refused any recognition of

Wolfgang's musical accomplishments, and was unsparing in his criticism

of them,[27] telling him--as

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(344)

Leopold wrote to Padre Martini (December 22, 1777)--that he knew nothing

of his art, and should go and study at the Naples Conservatoire that

he might learn something; a sufficiently unreasonable proposal to an

academician of Bologna and Verona--to a young man who had traversed

Italy in triumph as a composer and virtuoso. True, Mozart had no great

respect for the Archbishop's critical judgment, but in the mouth of

his Prince such an expression of opinion was of very unpleasant

significance; for, in point of fact, Hieronymus was well aware of

Mozart's genius, and never failed to honour him with commissions when

any new composition was required, for which he never paid him a penny.

Even if otherwise, those around him would have put him right on the

point; it was of set purpose that he gave vent to these insults. He

imagined that contemptuous expressions of opinion as to his

performances would be the most effectual means of preventing the younger

Concertmeister from preferring his claim to a higher salary than 150

gulden a year.

Such were the continual insults and opposition borne by the father and

son, each on behalf of the other. "I hope" wrote Wolfgang, "that you are

less annoyed than when I was in Salzburg, for I must acknowledge that

I was the cause of it. I was badly treated; I did not deserve it. You

naturally took my part, but too strongly; I assure you that was the

chief reason that I hurried out of Salzburg." To this his father answers

(November 17, 1777): "You are quite right as to my extreme annoyance

at the tyrannical treatment you received; it gnawed at my heart, and

prevented my sleeping; it was always in my thoughts, and would in the

end have destroyed me. My dear son, when you are happy, I am happy; and

your mother and sister--we are all happy; and this happiness I hope for,

by the grace of God and my confidence in your own good sense." L. Mozart

saw from the beginning that Wolfgang would never fill a position worthy

of him in Salzburg; and he exerted himself in vain to procure a post for

him at some other court. The greatest caution was necessary to keep his

negotiations a secret at Salzburg; for his

{PLANS FOR MOZART'S FUTURE.}

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enemies would not fail to seize the opportunity of injuring him, perhaps

of displacing him altogether. Aware of the folly of endangering his

assured position, uncomfortable though it might be, he strove to allay

the growing impatience of his son. The latter desired that the whole

family should gain their livelihood by a grand professional tour, until

they could find a secure and happier position in some place or other.

His father, wiser and more experienced, pointed out to him (December 18,

1777) how entirely their circumstances had altered since his childhood,

how hard it would be to gain subsistence for a whole family journeying

about, how uncertain their means of maintenance would be; Leopold duly

appreciated also the cares and dangers of a nomadic life. Nor was

he more inclined to trust his son entirely alone. He knew Wolfgang's

incapacity in all the concerns of practical life, particularly in

travelling, since he "did not know the differences of coinage, and

had no conception of packing up, or anything of that sort." He saw the

hindrances which envy and mistrust would be sure to lay in the path of a

young man who was striving to win his way by surpassing talent and great

doings. Above all, he feared the temperament of his son, knowing that

his careless frankness and good nature, coupled with his excitability

and proneness to hasty rejoinder, would make him the easy prey of any

one who might wish to use or to injure him. He addresses Wolfgang in

words of warning (February 16, 1778):--

My dear Son,--You are too hot and hasty in all your affairs. Your

character has entirely changed since your childhood and boyhood. You

were grave and earnest as a child; and when you were busy over your

music, no one might venture the least jesting with you. Even your

countenance was so grave that many people in different countries

believed that your precocious talent and serious face betokened an early

death. Now, on the contrary, it appears to me that you are far too ready

to answer jestingly on every occasion, which is the first step to a kind

of familiarity which one should eschew if one desires to win respect in

the world. It is your good heart which causes you to see no fault in a

man, to give him your full confidence, provided he only extols you to

the skies; whereas, as a boy, your excess of modesty made you cry when

people praised you too much.

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(346)

L. Mozart knew also that Wolfgang would be so engrossed in his art as

to forget everything else, more especially whatever would be to his

own advantage. He trembled for the dangers which would beset the

inexperienced youth, leaving the narrow sphere of provincial life to

encounter the temptations of the great world. He strove with all his

might, therefore, to instil patience into his son, and represented to

him that his probation in Salzburg was a necessary preparation for

the tour, which would have far more certainty of success when he was

somewhat maturer in age and education.

But even this patience had its limits. Wolfgang had not left Salzburg

since he had produced the "Finta Giardiniera" at Munich, in 1775; if

he did not wish to be altogether forgotten, he must again display his

powers as a composer and executant. He had prepared himself for such

a tour as he proposed by prolonged study and solo compositions. The

numerous fair copies in the little books we have named had been made

with the same object in view; they could be readily packed, and always

at hand for performance, or to be copied again as presents. When

everything was ready, the father and son applied to the Archbishop for

permission to travel; this, as well as a petition for an increase of

salary, was roundly refused; the Archbishop giving as his reason that he

would not have his subjects "going on begging expeditions."

But the cup was now full to overflowing; Wolfgang begged leave to resign

his post at Salzburg, and the Archbishop, enraged at having the tables

turned upon him, accepted the resignation in the most ungracious manner.

It was even expected that his anger would extend to the father, and

that he had given orders to strike L. Mozart's name off the list of his

musicians. This, however, was not the case; with an ungracious remark

the Archbishop allowed him to retain his place.

Wolfgang's resignation excited much notice in Salzburg; and the

universal regret was shared even by those immediately round the

Archbishop. Count von Firmian, who was extremely fond of Wolfgang, was

rejoicing on his return from a journey (as L. Mozart relates, October 4,

1777) in

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the pleasure that a riding-horse he had purchased for him would give his

young friend, when he was met by the lamentable intelligence. When he

paid his respects to the Archbishop, the latter remarked: "We have one

musician less since you left." He answered, "Your Grace has lost a great

performer." "How so?" "He is the greatest clavier-player that I ever

heard in my life; he has done your grace good service on the violin, and

he is a first-rate composer." Whereupon the Archbishop was silent. Canon

Count Jos. Starhemberg too, declared later (June 29, 1778) that Mozart's

complaints were fully justified, and that all visitors to Salzburg had

admired young Mozart, by whom he himself was quite captivated.

But this turn of affairs gave L. Mozart the deepest anxiety; all

the difficulties and objections to the journey pressed upon him with

redoubled force now that it was to be undertaken under such unfavourable

circumstances. It was, however, rendered inevitable. It would be

incompatible with pride or self-respect to purchase Wolfgang's

continuance in his office at the cost of abject submission to the

Archbishop. It only remained, by energy and foresight, so to make use

of circumstances as to preserve their honour with the Archbishop, and to

insure a fixed position for Wolfgang. The visits must be arranged to the

larger towns, especially residences, where concerts might cover the cost

of the journey, and commissions for compositions might render possible a

lengthened stay, ending, perhaps, in a settled engagement. The tour

was planned with these ends in view, and Leopold was never weary of

impressing upon his son that his sole endeavour must be to win a name,

to make money, and to obtain a position; personal gratification and mere

amusement must be kept altogether in the background. "Money-making," he

writes (October 15, 1777), "must engross all your attention, and economy

must be all your care, otherwise a journey is of no profit; on the

contrary, it brings a man into debt." And again (November 27, 1777):

"The object of the journey is, was, and must be the acquirement of a

fixed position and the making of money." His extensive connections and

great local knowledge enabled him to trace his

{EARLY MANHOOD.}

(348)

son's path out, and to gain him excellent introductions, and his

zeal and activity were indefatigable. Wolfgang was enjoined to become

acquainted with persons and events, to grasp quickly his probable

prospects in any place, and either at once to turn them to good account,

or if unfavourable, to leave the place. But Wolfgang had neither the

experience nor the practical shrewdness of his father; he felt secure

of his art, in which alone he lived, and imagined the rest would come

of itse(l)f. The prospect of at last escaping from detested Salzburg was

apparently too engrossing to allow him to pay much heed to his father's

warnings. The father knew all this, and knew that he must not go alone;

he could not accompany him himself, and he therefore took the hard

resolve of parting with his wife and sending her forth with their son.

He was quite aware that, as a woman, she could not occupy the same

position towards Wolfgang as he himself; and he must have felt, too,

that intense as her love for Wolfgang was, she had not the energy or

superiority of intellect necessary to guide him. But she knew the world,

and was an experienced traveller, and so he hoped that she would supply

the carefulness and economy which Wolfgang lacked; she was specially

enjoined to keep an exact account, and at once to inform her husband of

any propositions that were made, that he might advise and direct. She

does not seem, however, to have quite answered his expectations, partly

because she could not always withstand her son's impatient restlessness,

and partly because she yielded to her own inclinations, although she

often declared "she was ready to drop with the fatigue of packing-up."

But Leopold could rely on her influence on the most important point of

all. The mother's presence was a guarantee that her tenderly reared

and devoted son would be careful of his health. He hoped, too, that her

presence would preserve him from any dangerous or immoral intercourse,

on which point he gives Wolfgang the benefit of his own experience

(February 16, 1778):--

I sought only the acquaintance and friendship of persons of the higher

classes, and even among them I avoided idle young fellows, whatever

their rank. I invited no one to visit me frequently, and always

preferred visiting others when I pleased. For if I do not care for a

man, or am

{PREPARATIONS FOR TRAVELLING.}

(349)

busy or engaged, I can stay away; but if he comes to me, I am at a loss

to get rid of him; and, even if a pleasant visitor, he may hinder me

at my work. You are a young man of twenty-two, so that it is not the

gravity of your years which will prevent worthless fellows, old or

young, from making your acquaintance and endeavouring to entice you to

follow their example. One is led on irresistibly, and finds, when too

late, that there is no return.

I will not enter on the subject of women, wherein nature herself is our

enemy, and he who does not strenuously resist at first will strive in

vain to escape from the labyrinth, and will find no release but death.

How blindly one is often led on by jokes, flattery, &c., until returning

sense awakens one to shame, you may have, perhaps, already experienced

in some degree. I do not mean to reproach you. I know that you love me

not as your father alone, but as your closest and surest friend.