He was now no longer the obscure shepherd of Bethlehem, but the
recognised deliverer of Israel, and the chief of Saul’s men of
war (1 Sam. xviii. 5). Moreover he now became the devoted friend
of Jonathan, the king’s son. The hero of Michmash would naturally
sympathise with the daring shepherd of Bethlehem, and _his soul was
knit with the soul of David_ (1 Sam. xviii. 1; Comp. 2 Sam. i. 26). The
two ratified a solemn vow of undying friendship, and Jonathan bestowed
on his new-found friend almost every article of his attire, not only
the costly robe that he wore, but even his sword, his bow, and his
girdle (1 Sam. xviii. 4).
But the hour of David’s triumph was the signal for the commencement of
those embittered relations which subsisted between him and Saul till
the day of the latter’s death. As the royal party returned from the
Valley of Elah, they were met by companies of Hebrew maidens, who in
their songs expressed the discerning feelings of the nation, singing,
_Saul hath slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands_. To the
king this was gall and wormwood; in the youthful warrior he saw that
_other more worthy than himself_, for whom the kingdom was designed,
and _he eyed him from that day and forward_ (1 Sam. xviii. 9).
As the king’s armour-bearer David did not neglect his musical talents,
and when Saul’s fits of madness were upon him he soothed him with the
strains of his harp. But more than once he did so at the peril of his
life, for in a sudden paroxysm of rage the king flung at him the long
spear he held in his hand, and would have pinned him to the wall, had
he not escaped out of his presence (1 Sam. xviii. 11). Perceiving that
the Divine favour was withdrawn from himself, Saul now became afraid of
David, and in the hope of getting rid of him gave him the command of a
thousand men (1 Sam. xviii. 13), and sent him on several expeditions;
but David’s uniform success and the prudence he displayed only won
for him still more the favour of the people. The king then tried other
expedients. He promised him his eldest daughter MERAB in marriage,
on condition that he fought against the Philistines. David went, and
instead of falling in battle, only covered himself with fresh glory,
but when the time for the marriage came, Merab was given to another
(1 Sam. xviii. 19).
Meanwhile MICHAL, the king’s second daughter, had fallen in love with
her father’s armour-bearer. As if to bring his previous designs to
a positive fulfilment, Saul named as her dowry proof that David had
slain a hundred of the Philistines. At the head of his men David went,
and slew twice that number, and brought the required proofs of their
death. The marriage was celebrated, and David became captain of the
royal body-guard, second only, if not equal, to Abner. But the king’s
jealousy of his successful rival was only the more increased, and
he went so far as to propose to Jonathan and his servants that David
should be put out of the way, and was only dissuaded by the moving
intercession of Jonathan himself. A partial reconciliation with the
king ensued, and David returned to court. But his life was not more
secure. On one occasion his own vigilance in eluding the royal javelin,
on another the devotion of his wife Michal, alone saved his life.
On the last occasion, the officers charged to put him to death had
actually penetrated into his chamber, but only to find in the bed, in
place of the object of their search, an _image_, or household god, with
the head enveloped in a net of goats’ hair[249]. During the night his
wife had let him down from the window. (Comp. Ps. lix.)
David now fled away to Naioth[250], the _huts or habitations_ near
Ramah, where he enjoyed a brief respite from danger and anxiety in the
congenial society of the aged Samuel, whom he had not seen since the
occurrence at Bethlehem, and of the company of prophets there gathered
together under his superintendence. News of his hiding-place reached
the ears of Saul, who forthwith sent messengers to take him. But the
sight of the prophets performing their sacred functions under the eye
of the venerable Samuel and their strains of sacred melody so wrought
upon the messengers, that they could not refrain from joining in their
religious exercises. A similar issue attended a second, and even a
third deputation. At length Saul went in person to the great well or
cistern of Sechu, not far from Ramah, and enquired for the Prophet
and the fugitive. But as he drew near the place, he himself could not
resist the prophetic impulse, and for the second time justified the
enquiry, _Is Saul also among the prophets?_ (1 Sam. xix. 24).
Thus the danger was for the time averted. But this state of suspense
was intolerable, and David felt there was _but a step between him and
death_. Probably by Samuel’s advice, he now obtained a secret interview
with Jonathan at Ezel, a well-known stone near Gibeah. In pathetic
language he poured out his whole soul to his friend, and besought him
to make an effort to ascertain once for all the real feelings of his
father, which he might think had undergone a change after the incidents
at Naioth. The morrow was a festival of the New Moon. Saul would hold
a solemn feast, and at his table would sit Abner and Jonathan, but
David’s place would be vacant. The demeanour of the king on observing
his absence was to be taken as an omen. If he acquiesced in Jonathan’s
explanation that David was absent at a similar festival under the
family roof at Bethlehem, all would be well. If he was wroth, then it
would be certain that the old grudge was not healed, and that evil was
determined against him. A solemn compact was then ratified between the
two. Jonathan undertook to ascertain his father’s mind; David promised
to shew kindness not only to Jonathan himself, but to all his posterity
(1 Sam. xx. 5–10).
When this compact had been duly ratified, Jonathan suggested an
expedient, whereby the news was to be made known to David. Within three
days he would again repair to the “great stone” with his bow and arrows,
and accompanied by a little lad. He would then shoot three arrows,
as though he shot at a mark, and his words to the lad, which David
would overhear, must decide the point. If he said to the lad, _Behold,
the arrows are on this side of thee, take them_, then David might
come forth, and know that all was well. If he said, _The arrows are
beyond thee_, then he might go his way, certain that the wrath of the
king could not be appeased. The day came, and David repaired to his
hiding-place. In due time Jonathan and his little lad appeared, and the
three arrows were shot as agreed upon, and as the lad ran to pick them
up, he cried, _Is not the arrow beyond thee?_ Then David knew that he
must fly, and, when the lad was gone to carry back the bow and arrows
to Gibeah, rose from his hiding-place, and with passionate embraces
and many tears parted from his friend, who once more commended his
posterity to his care (1 Sam. xx. 35–42).
David now betook himself to Nob, a sacerdotal city in the tribe
of Benjamin, and situated on an eminence near Jerusalem. Here the
High-priest Ahimelech resided with the Tabernacle, and trembled when
he saw the captain-general of the royal troops approaching alone, and
unattended by his usual retinue. But David disarmed his suspicions
by pretending a secret mission from the king, and in this character
obtained, in the failure of other bread, the sacred[251] loaves of
Shew-bread, which having served their turn in the weekly course, were
about to be replaced by new loaves. With these and the sword of Goliath,
which was brought forth from its receptacle behind the ephod, he fled
away, resolved to seek refuge amongst his enemies the Philistines[252].
On his arrival at the court of Achish, king of Gath, he was recognised
by the royal guards as the famous champion of Israel, and the sword he
carried doubtless recalled bitter memories of the Valley of Elah. He
was accordingly thrown into prison[253]. But in this dilemma he changed
his behaviour, scrabbled on the doors of the gates, let his spittle
fall upon his beard, and gave every sign of being insane. The oriental
respect for madness[254] procured him his release, and he was suffered
to depart.
From the Lowlands of the Philistines he now betook himself to the town
of Adullam (Josh. xv. 35), at the foot of the mountain-range of Judea,
and found a secure retreat in one of the extensive caves, with which
the limestone cliffs of the neighbourhood are pierced[255]. News of his
coming reached Bethlehem (1 Sam. xxii. 1), and straightway his brethren
and all his father’s house, feeling perhaps insecure from Saul’s
vengeance, came down to his stronghold from the Judean hills. These
probably included his nephews, the sons of Zeruiah, JOAB and ABISHAI;
but besides these, were 400 men who joined him from various motives,
some from distress, others to avoid exacting creditors, others from
some private sorrow. Not considering, however, his aged father and
mother secure even in this secluded spot, David hastily crossed the
Jordan, and conveyed them into the friendly territory of Moab, and
there consigned them to the king, who agreed to protect them (1 Sam.
xxii. 3, 4).
By the advice of his friend the prophet Gad, he now retired to the
forest of Hareth, not far from Adullam. It was probably while he was
here in hold that the sons of Zeruiah performed the memorable exploit
recorded in 2 Sam. xxiii. 14–17, 1 Chr. xi. 16–19. A garrison of the
Philistines had established themselves even in David’s native town
of Bethlehem. One day, sorely tried by thirst, he expressed a longing
for the delicious water of its well near the gate. Upon the word the
three heroes burst through the Philistine forces, and returned with
the much-coveted draught[256]. But their leader would not drink of the
blood of the men that _had gone in jeopardy of their lives_, and poured
it forth as a libation before the Lord.
Other bands now joined him. Amongst these were eleven mighty men,
_their faces like the faces of lions, their feet as swift as the roes
upon the mountains_ (1 Chr. xii. 8), from the uplands of Gad beyond
Jordan, who swam that river when it had overflowed all its banks (1 Chr.
xii. 15), and found their way to his hold. They were followed by men,
not only from the tribe of Judah, but from that of Benjamin, with their
chief Amasai. This defection of members of Saul’s own tribe at first
excited David’s suspicion, but the straightforward, honest words of
their leader convinced him of their sincerity, and he associated them
in the command of his band of six hundred faithful followers (1 Chr.
xii. 16–18).
Meanwhile the Philistines attacked Keilah, a town of uncertain
situation in the lowland district of Judah, and robbed the
threshing-floors. At first David’s men, in spite of a Divine assurance
of success, feared to relieve the place, and so incur the hostility
of their powerful foe. A second assurance restored their courage.
Keilah was rescued, and the Philistines defeated with great slaughter.
Whilst here David was joined by another and an important ally in the
person of Abiathar, the son of the high-priest Ahimelech, bearing sad
intelligence. On the day of David’s visit to Nob, there was a stranger
watching intently all that took place between him and the high-priest.
This was Doeg, an Edomite, and the chief of Saul’s herdmen (1 Sam.
xxi. 7). When the king was deploring at Gibeah the defection even of
his own tribe, Doeg poured into the royal ear _his_ version of what
had occurred at Nob. Transported with rage the king sent for Ahimelech,
and all the priests of the line of Ithamar, and charged them with
befriending his enemies. In vain the high-priest repelled the charge.
Saul sentenced the entire body of the priests to instant death, and
gave the signal to his guard to execute it. But they declined to imbrue
their hands in such a bloody murder. Thereupon he called on Doeg, who
straightway obeyed, and falling upon the unresisting priests slew in
one day _fourscore and five persons that did wear a linen ephod_. Not
content with this, the king put the entire population of the place to
the sword, _both men and women, children and sucklings_ (1 Sam. xxii.
19). Such was the sad news which the solitary survivor of the house
of Ithamar now announced to David. _I knew it_, replied the latter,
_I knew it, that day when Doeg the Edomite was there, that he would
surely tell Saul; I have occasioned the death of all the persons of
thy father’s house_[257]. From this day forward Abiathar remained
with David, and having brought with him the high-priest’s ephod, was
enabled by his oracular answers materially to aid David’s movements
on occasions of difficulty or danger. Meanwhile the entry of his rival
_into a town that had gates and bars_ (1 Sam. xxiii. 7) inspired Saul
with the hope of at length capturing David. Summoning his forces,
as if for a regular military expedition, he marched down to Keilah,
to besiege him and his followers. Aware of the king’s secret designs,
David consulted the Divine Will by means of the ephod, and thus
ascertaining the intention of the townspeople to betray him, he and his
men departed, _and went whithersoever they could_ (1 Sam. xxiii. 13).
CHAPTER VII.
_DAVID AT ZIKLAG. BATTLE OF MOUNT GILBOA._
1 SAM. XXIV.–XXXI. B.C. 1061–1056.
FROM Keilah David now removed to a stronghold in the wilderness of
Ziph[258], in the highlands of Judah, between Carmel and Juttah, about
three miles south of Hebron. Hither Saul pursued him with ceaseless
zeal, but was utterly unable to discover his hiding-place. Jonathan,
however, sought him out and found him in a neighbouring wood, _and
strengthened his hand in God_, assuring him of his belief that his
father would never find him, that he would live to come to the throne,
and that he himself should be next unto him. The former covenant was
now for the third time ratified, and the two friends parted, never to
meet again (1 Sam. xxiii. 16–18).
Meanwhile Saul returned to Gibeah, whither messengers from the Ziphites
followed him with news of David’s hiding-place, and offering to betray
him into his hands[259]. Thereupon the king set out, and so close
were the pursuer and pursued on one another’s track, that while David
was climbing down one side of a cliff in the waste pasture ground of
Maon, in the extreme south of Judah, Saul and his men were posted to
intercept them on the other. But the arrival of a messenger, with news
of a sudden inroad of the Philistines, obliged the king to discontinue
the pursuit, and the name of the spot Sela-hammahlekoth, _The Cliff of
Divisions_, long commemorated David’s narrow escape (1 Sam. xxiii. 28).
Engedi[260], or _The Spring of the Wild Goats_, a town on the western
shore of the Dead Sea, was his next hiding-place, and the scene of an
instance of magnanimity on his part, rare at all times, especially rare
amongst Oriental nations. The panic of the Philistine invasion being
over, Saul advanced to Engedi at the head of 3,000 men, and on one
occasion entered one of the numerous caves of the neighbourhood. David
and his men, seeing but not seen, were concealed in the dark recesses
of the same retreat. Had he listened to the advice of his men, he might
now have surprised and slain his unsuspecting foe, but he contented
himself with cutting off the skirt of the royal robe. Even for this,
however, his heart smote him, and bidding his men remember that the
king was _his master_ and _the Lord’s anointed_ (1 Sam. xxiv. 6), he
refused to permit them to rise up against him. Presently Saul left the
cave, and then David followed, and cried after him, _My lord the king!_
Saul looked behind him, and David, bowing before him with his face to
the ground, expostulated with him in words of touching beauty, and in
the skirt of his robe bade him behold a pledge of his unwillingness to
do him any harm[261]. Even Saul himself was deeply moved, and lifted
up his voice and wept, frankly acknowledging the generosity of his
rival. He then owned how well he knew David was to be the future
king, and made him solemnly swear not to visit his own ill-will on
his posterity, or destroy his name out of his father’s house. All
this David faithfully undertook to perform, but knowing well the
capriciousness of the king did not quit his stronghold. About this time
the aged prophet Samuel died, and _all the Israelites_ were gathered
together, and lamented him, and buried him within the walls of his own
house at Ramah (1 Sam. xxv. 1).
The relations of David towards the neighbouring landholders is
strikingly illustrated by an incident which now took place. On the
neighbouring range of Carmel dwelt a rich sheep-master named NABAL.
In these troublous times his shepherds experienced more than usual
difficulty in safely keeping his 3,000 sheep and 1,000 goats. The
presence, therefore, of David’s valiant men was a matter of no small
importance, for instead of injuring or robbing them, _they were a wall
unto them both by day and by night_ (1 Sam. xxv. 15–17). Hearing that
Nabal was about to shear his sheep, an occasion of much festivity,
David sent ten of his retinue to request a small reward for the
kindness he had ever shewn to his shepherds. This Nabal, who was
notorious for his churlish temper, flatly and insultingly refused.
Enraged at such selfish insolence, David resolved on vengeance. Leaving
200 men to guard the baggage, he marched with the remaining 400 towards
Carmel, and would certainly have inflicted severe punishment on the
churlish sheep-master, had he not on the way encountered his beautiful
and prudent wife ABIGAIL, who, informed of her husband’s uncivil
conduct, had come forth to meet him with a long train of asses laden
with provisions. In language courteous and politic she deprecated his
vengeance, frankly allowing that as for her husband, Nabal (_fool_)
_was his name, and folly was with him_ (1 Sam. xxv. 25). David
consented to desist from his determined revenge, and Abigail returned
to find her lord drinking to excess at the feast. The next morning she
told him of the risk he had run, _and his heart died within him, and
he became as a stone_ (1 Sam. xxv. 37). Smitten with a sudden stroke he
only lingered ten days, when he died. Thereupon David married Abigail,
and besides her, his wife Michal having been bestowed by Saul upon
another, he espoused Ahinoam of Jezreel (1 Sam. xxv. 43, 44), a town
in the neighbourhood of the southern Carmel. (See Josh. xv. 56.)
Returning once more to the old hiding-place in the pasture country of
Ziph, and the neighbouring hill of Hachilah, the secret of his retreat
was again betrayed to Saul by the Ziphites[262], who at the head of
3,000 men went forth to capture David (1 Sam. xxvi. 3). Informed of
his approach, David retired from the hill to the lower ground, the
wood which then covered the country concealing him from view[263].
Saul advanced to the hill, and there pitched his tent, with Abner his
captain-general, and his forces round about him. Accompanied by his
nephew Abishai, David in the dead of the night penetrated through the
lines to the spot where the king slept within the baggage, his spear
stuck in the ground at his bolster[264]. Again Abishai bade him take
advantage of the opportunity, and asked permission to smite but once
the sleeping king, promising not to smite a second time. But again
David refused, and contented himself with taking the royal spear, and
the cruse of water from his bolster, and passing through the lines of
sleeping warriors went over to the other side, and standing on the top
of a hill afar off, called across the long intervening space to Abner,
who was sunk in heavy sleep after the fatigues of the day. Roused by
the strange voice disturbing the still midnight air, Abner awoke, and
asked who called. Then David reproached him for the little care he
had taken of his master, and in the well-known royal spear and the
cruse of water bade him see a second proof of his generosity towards
an unrelenting foe. Presently Saul himself awoke, and recognised the
voice of David. Again the fugitive pleaded in moving words with the
pursuer, and again Saul, touched to the heart with admiration for his
magnanimous rival, acknowledged his own guilt, and bestowed a blessing
upon him (1 Sam. xxvi. 13–25).
This last occurrence seems to have convinced David that there was no
hope of any permanent change in the king’s feelings towards himself
(1 Sam. xxvii. 1), and he therefore determined to seek refuge once more
among the Philistines. No longer a solitary fugitive, but accompanied
by his two wives, and his 600 followers with their households, he again
presented himself before the king of Gath. In answer to his petition
for a place in some town in the country[265], Achish assigned to him
and his retinue the town of Ziklag, situated at some distance from
Gath, towards the south or south-east of the Philistine frontier[266]
(1 Sam. xxvii. 5). His stay here lasted over a year and four months,
and during this period he and his men made an expedition against
the Geshurites, Gezrites, and Amalekites, who roamed over the desert
plateau overhanging the Philistian plain, and having carried off
enormous booty, lest the truth should reach the ears of Achish,
saved neither man nor woman alive. The king, however, did hear of the
expedition, but in reply to his enquiries, was assured that it had been
directed against the country south of Judah, and against the south of
the Kenites. Satisfied with this proof of the fidelity of his vassal,
he rejoiced that David had made _his own people Israel utterly to
abhor him_, and deemed it an earnest of still greater services (1 Sam.
xxvii. 8–12).
Before long the Philistines gathered their armies together for another
and a decisive contest with the Israelites for the supremacy. Achish
and his contingent prepared to take part in the expedition, and as
his vassal, David consented to accompany him with his 600 men. Aphek,
near Jezreel, was fixed upon as the place of rendezvous, and thither,
probably along the sea-coast, the hundreds and thousands of the
Philistines poured up from their fertile lowlands. As David passed on
the way to Aphek, seven valiant chiefs, captains of thousands of the
powerful tribe of Manasseh, instead of joining Saul’s army, preferred
to throw in their lot with him and share his fortunes (1 Ch. xii.
19–21). But the unsuspecting confidence of Achish in his new-found
vassal was not shared by the other Philistine chiefs, and they
protested against David’s followers being allowed to accompany them.
Achish was, therefore, constrained much against his will to dismiss him,
and with the first dawn David set out on his return to Ziklag (1 Sam.
xxix. 11). On arriving there, no town was to be found, nothing but a
mass of burning ruins. During his absence the Amalekites had burst upon
the place, burnt it to the ground, and carried off David’s wives and
those of his retinue, whose faith in their leader, now for the first
and only time, seems to have failed, and in the extremity of their
grief they even threatened to stone him to death. It was a critical
moment, but David’s old trust did not fail him, and he _encouraged
himself in the Lord his God_ (1 Sam. xxx. 6). Abiathar was bidden to
bring the ephod and ascertain the Divine Will. _Shall I pursue after
this troop?_ David enquired. The reply was favourable, and his six
hundred men, accompanied by the chiefs of Manasseh, set out in the
direction of the brook Besor, a wady somewhere in the extreme south of
Judah. Here 200 of his forces were so spent that he was fain to leave
them by the brook, while the remainder pressing on, found in a field an
Egyptian at the point of death, who had neither eaten bread nor drunk
water for three days and three nights. But being supplied by David’s
men with food and drink he revived, revealed that he was a slave of one
of the Amalekite chiefs, and on promise of his life consented to guide
the avengers to their foes. On coming up with them they were found
_spread abroad upon all the earth, eating, drinking, and dancing_ in
honour of their late victory (1 Sam. xxx. 16). The attack was instantly
made, and David smote them from the twilight of the early dawn to the
evening of the next day, till none remained, save only 400 young men,
who effected their escape on camels. With all the captives recovered
and enormous spoil[267] the conqueror returned to Ziklag, and was now
for the first time enabled to requite the kindness of many of his own
tribe, who had protected him during the long period of his wanderings,
and distributed of the spoil to the elders of many friendly towns
(1 Sam. xxx. 26–31).
Two days after his return news arrived of the utmost importance
respecting the Philistine invasion. With their chariots and horses
the Philistines had pressed forward towards the plain of Esdraelon and
pitched their camp by Shunem[268], on the southern slope of the range
now called Little Hermon, or _Jebel ed Dûhy_, while Saul encamped his
forces on the opposite heights of Mount Gilboa, at _the fountain that
is in Jezreel_[269], on the eastern side of the plain. As he beheld the
masses of his foes passing on by hundreds and thousands, the Israelite
king was filled with the utmost alarm (1 Sam. xxviii. 5). In this
dreadful crisis he felt himself utterly alone. Samuel, his old adviser,
had been sometime dead; the cruel massacre at Nob had alienated from
him the entire priestly body; he enquired of the Lord, but _the Lord
answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets_
(1 Sam. xxviii. 6). Alone, and distrusted even by his own army, he
bade enquiry be made for a woman _that had a familiar spirit_. After
diligent search it was ascertained that by going a distance of about
7 or 8 miles to Endor, he would find, in one of the dark and gloomy
caverns[270] with which the mountain here is hollowed, a woman who
might serve his purpose. Disguising himself, therefore, and accompanied
by two of his retinue, the unhappy king set out under cover of night.
It was an undertaking perilous in the extreme, and nothing but the
agony of despair would have induced him to venture upon it. Stealing
down the mountain from the camp, the three crossed the shoulder of the
very hill on which the Philistines were entrenched, and made for Endor,
which lay behind Shunem. Reaching the cave, the king told the witch the
object of his coming. He longed to have one more interview with his old
adviser, the prophet Samuel, and desired her by her arts to bring him
up. At first the woman demurred, and pleaded the danger of exciting the
wrath of the king, who in better days had distinguished himself by his
zeal against all magic and sorcery. But her visitor calmed her fears.
She exercised her arts, and the awful form of Samuel, _an old man,
and covered with a mantle_, appeared. Bowing himself with his face to
the earth, Saul made known his deep distress. _The Philistines_, said
he, _make war against me: God is departed from me, and answereth me
no more, neither by prophets, nor by dreams: I have called thee, that
thou mayest make known unto me what I shall do_ (1 Sam. xxviii. 15).
In reply the Prophet could only inform the king that the Day of Doom
was near. _To-morrow_, said he, _the Lord will deliver Israel with thee
into the hand of the Philistines: and to-morrow shalt thou and thy sons
be with me_. This awful sentence utterly prostrated the unhappy king.
He fell _with the fulness of his stature all along upon the earth_ (1
Sam. xxviii. 20, _marg._). For a day and a night he had eaten nothing,
and now there was no more strength in him. With the utmost difficulty
the woman and his two attendants succeeded in compelling him to partake
of food, and then he rose up, once more crossed the shoulder of the
hill, and reached the heights of Gilboa (1 Sam. xxviii. 21–25).
The next morning broke, and the Philistines made their onset. The
Israelite leader, with his doom upon him, could do little in such a
crisis. His army was driven up the sides of Gilboa, and as it fled from
the victorious Philistines, numbers were slain on the heights. Resolved
on striking a decisive blow, the Philistine archers and charioteers
followed hard after Saul and his sons. Three of the latter, including
the valiant Jonathan, were slain outright, and Saul himself was sore
wounded. In this extremity he implored of his armour-bearer to thrust
him through with his sword, and put an end to his sufferings. But his
armour-bearer refused, and Saul, taking his own sword, fell upon it
and died, and the other then followed his example. The rout of the
Israelites was now complete, and extended even to the tribes beyond
the Jordan. Even here the Israelites fled from their cities, and _the
Philistines dwelt in them_ (1 Sam. xxxi. 7).
On the morrow after this disastrous battle, the bodies of Saul and
his three sons were found by the Philistines, when they came to strip
the slain. With savage glee they cut off his head, stripped him of
his armour, and sent it into their own land, to be placed as a trophy
in the temple of Ashtaroth, probably at Ashdod, and fastened his
body and those of his three sons to the wall overhanging the open
space in front of the gate of the Canaanite city of Beth-shan[271].
On the mountain-range beyond Jordan in full view of Beth-shan[272]
was the town of Jabesh-Gilead, by his heroic relief of which Saul
had inaugurated his reign[273]. Hearing from the fugitives what
had occurred to their king, the grateful inhabitants, mindful of
past services, determined that his remains should not continue thus
dishonoured. Their valiant men arose, crossed the Jordan, and under
cover of night took down his body and those of his sons, buried them
under the terebinth of their native town, and fasted seven days (1 Sam.
xxxi. 13).
Such was the news David now received at Ziklag from a young Amalekite,
who had been present at the battle. Deeming himself sure of the reward
that greeted the bearer of glad tidings, he had brought with him Saul’s
crown and the bracelet that was on his arm, and pretended to have slain
him at his own request (2 Sam. i. 1–12). But David’s wrath was kindled,
and having sternly rebuked him for touching _the Lord’s anointed_,
he bade one of his young men put him to death, and then burst into a
strain of passionate lamentation over Saul and Jonathan. Forgetting
all that had passed between him and the fallen king, he remembered only
the better features of his character, while towards Jonathan his whole
soul gushed forth in expressions of the tenderest affection (2 Sam.
i. 17–27).
BOOK IX.
THE REIGNS OF DAVID AND SOLOMON.
CHAPTER I.
_DAVID’S REIGN AT HEBRON._
2 SAM. II.–IV. B.C. 1055–1048.
THE hour which the prophet of Ramah had long ago foretold was now come.
The long period of trial and discipline was over. The brave shepherd,
the conqueror of Goliath, the daring but prudent leader of attached
followers was the only one left, to whom the Israelites could look for
guidance in this great crisis of their national history.
But though the way was open, David did not enter upon it without
seeking the Divine direction. _Shall I go up into any of the cities of
Judah?_ he enquired of the Lord; and the Lord bade him go up to Hebron,
“the ancient sacred city of the tribe of Judah, the burial-place of
the patriarch[274], and the inheritance of Caleb[275].” Accordingly,
leaving Ziklag, he repaired thither with his two wives Ahinoam and
Abigail, and his faithful band of six hundred; and there the chiefs of
Judah, now after a long period of obscurity to become the ruling tribe,
anointed him as their king. His first act after his accession was
to thank the men of Jabesh-Gilead for their bravery in removing the
corpses of Saul and his sons from the walls of Beth-shan (2 Sam. ii.
1–7).
Of the family of the late king there now remained only ISHBOSHETH his
youngest son, and Mephibosheth the son of Jonathan, a child but five
years old. Ishbosheth, according to the law of Oriental succession,
ascended the throne, and, under the protection of his kinsman, the
powerful Abner, established his kingdom at the ancient sanctuary of
Mahanaim[276] on the east of the Jordan, ruling over not only the
eastern tribes, but the territory of Asher, the plain of Esdraelon,
central Ephraim, his own tribe of Benjamin, and eventually over all
Israel (2 Sam. ii. 9), excepting only Judah, which remained faithful
to David.
The first of many skirmishes between the rival kings took place at
Gibeon, to the heights of which, in their native Benjamin, Abner and
his forces went out from Mahanaim (2 Sam. ii. 12). Thither also, as if
to watch their movements, repaired the three nephews of David, Joab,
Abishai, and Asahel. On the east side of the hill of Gibeon, at the
foot of a low cliff, was a large pool or tank, on either side of which
the rival forces encamped, and, as if to try their respective strength,
Abner proposed that a select body from both sides should engage in
combat. Joab accepted the challenge, and twelve picked champions of the
party of Ishbosheth met an equal number of the warriors of David[277].
The struggle was desperate; each combatant caught his fellow by the
head, and thrust his sword into his side, and thus all fell dead
together on a spot henceforth called Helkath-hazzurim, the _Field of
Heroes_. This brought on a general engagement, in which the forces
of Ishbosheth were defeated, and Abner himself was fain to fly hotly
pursued by Asahel, the youngest of David’s nephews, and _as light of
foot as a wild roe_ (2 Sam. ii. 18). Abner recognised his fleet pursuer,
and advised him to desist from the chase. But the youth, heeding not,
pressed on, and Abner, turning back upon him, thrust him through with
a spear.
The bleeding corpse lay in the middle of the road, and was quickly
surrounded by the men of Judah, who as they came up stood still in
mournful astonishment (2 Sam. ii. 23). But the sight of their brother’s
body only roused Joab and Abishai to greater fury, and they pursued
after Abner as far as the hill of Ammah, by the way of the wilderness
of Gibeon, which they reached at sunset. There the men of his own tribe
of Benjamin rallied round the general of Ishbosheth, and stood on the
top of the hill, while he cried to the pursuing Joab, and implored
him not to push matters further. On this Joab gave the signal for
a cessation of the pursuit, and drew off his men, and conveying his
brother’s corpse to Bethlehem, laid it in the ancestral tomb. Then at
daybreak he rejoined David at Hebron, to whom he announced the loss of
only 19 men in the late encounter. Meanwhile Abner returned to Mahanaim,
whence he carried on a series of petty wars with the adherents of David,
in which _David waxed stronger and stronger, and the house of Saul
waxed weaker and weaker_ (2 Sam. iii. 1).
In the course of time a quarrel with his kinsman and general
precipitated the fall of Ishbosheth. Abner had married Rizpah, the
daughter of Aiah, and a concubine of Saul. According to the notions of
Orientals, this very nearly amounted to treason (Comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 21;
xx. 3; 1 K. ii. 13–25), and as such Ishbosheth flung it in the teeth
of his general. Abner replied in words of utmost anger and reproaching
Ishbosheth with the basest ingratitude, straightway began to open
communications with David, who agreed to receive him at Hebron, on
condition that Michal, his former wife, was restored to him. This
condition was complied with, and after sounding the chiefs of Israel
and of his own tribe, Abner with twenty men came to David at Hebron.
A feast greeted his arrival, and he departed with the avowed intention
of _gathering all Israel unto his lord the king_ (2 Sam. iii. 17–21).
He had hardly departed from the royal presence, when Joab returned from
a foray, and was informed of this unexpected visit. Jealous probably of
a possible rival, and burning with rage against his brother’s murderer,
he remonstrated in no measured terms with David for his imprudence, as
he termed it, in admitting the general of Ishbosheth to an audience
and sending him away in peace. Then, unknown to the king, he sent
messengers after Abner to call him back. Not suspecting treachery the
latter returned to Hebron, and, as he entered the gate, Joab took him
aside, and stabbed him to death, as he had stabbed his brother Asahel.
News of this cruel and treacherous deed roused David’s unbounded
indignation. Unable to punish the assassin, he imprecated on the
house of Joab the most fearful curses, and compelled him to attend the
funeral of his murdered victim, robed in sackcloth, and wearing all the
signs of mourning. He himself fasted till sunset, and as he followed
the bier to the burial-place at Hebron, poured forth a solemn dirge.
This incident gave David an insight into Joab’s unscrupulous character,
which he never forgot. _These men_, he said, _the sons of Zeruiah, be
too hard for me, and I am this day weak though anointed king_ (2 Sam.
iii. 39).
The death of Abner was the signal for the dissolution of the tottering
kingdom he had supported. On receiving the tidings of his kinsman’s
murder, Ishbosheth’s _hands were feeble, and all the Israelites were
troubled_ (2 Sam. iv. 1). His body-guard was composed of men from his
own tribe of Benjamin, but two divisions of it were commanded by two
men, Baanah and Rechab, who, though descendants of the Canaanitish
natives of Beeroth[278], were reckoned among the Benjamites. In
revenge, it has been suggested, for some injury they had received from
Saul――possibly the slaughter of their Gibeonite kinsmen (Comp. 2 Sam.
xxi. 1, 2)――and certainly with the hope of conciliating the new king
at Hebron, these two resolved to take the life of Ishbosheth. _About
the heat of the day_ (2 Sam. iv. 5), therefore, they entered the palace
under pretence of fetching some wheat piled up near the entrance (2 Sam.
iv. 6), and finding Ishbosheth lying on his bed they stabbed him to
the heart, and cut off his head. Then hurrying all that afternoon and
all night (2 Sam. iv. 7) down the valley of the Jordan, they presented
themselves before David at Hebron with the bloody head in their hands.
But they met with no better reception than the pretended slayer of
Saul. David sternly rebuked them for their cold-blooded _murder of
a righteous person in his own house upon his bed_, and ordered their
instant execution. Their hands and feet were cut off, and their bodies
were suspended over the pool at Hebron, while the head of Ishbosheth
was buried with all honours in the sepulchre of Abner (2 Sam. iv. 8–12).
CHAPTER II.
_DAVID’S REIGN AT JERUSALEM._
2 SAM. V.–VII. B.C. 1048–1042.
EVERY obstacle was thus removed that had hitherto prevented David’s
assuming the royal power over all the tribes. Ishbosheth was dead,
Abner was dead, Mephibosheth, Jonathan’s only surviving son, was barely
12 years of age. The son of Jesse had long waited for his hour, and at
length it was come. A deputation from all the tribes of Israel (2 Sam.
v. 1) repaired to Hebron, and formally offered him the crown. A solemn
league was then entered into, and for the third time David was anointed
amidst great rejoicings. At Hebron he had reigned for 7½ years over
Judah; he was now king of all Israel. His band of six hundred faithful
followers had rapidly swelled into a great host, _like the host of God_
(1 Ch. xii. 22). And now not only Dan and Judah and Simeon, not only
Benjamin and Ephraim, not only the tribes beyond the Jordan, Reuben,
Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, flocked around his standard, but
Issachar sent _men that had understanding of the times, to know what
Israel ought to do_ (1 Ch. xii. 32), and Zebulun and Naphtali sent
not only men, but the peculiar products of their rich territory[279]
(1 Ch. xii. 40), while a still more important accession consisted of
4,600 warriors of the Levitical tribe, and 3,700 of the house of Aaron,
headed by Jehoiada, and the youthful but valiant Zadok (1 Ch. xii.
25–28). Upwards of 300,000 choice warriors of the flower of Israel were
thus gathered together _to turn the kingdom of Saul to David_, and join
in celebrating the three days’ festival which greeted his accession to
the throne (1 Ch. xii. 39).
His first act after his coronation was significant. Saul had been
always content with the obscurity of his native Gibeah, and had cared
little for any central point of union for the tribes. As sovereign over
all Israel, both north and south, David resolved to move the seat of
government from Hebron nearer to the centre of the country. No spot
seemed to present so many advantages as the rocky mass on which rose
the city of the Jebusites[280]. It was neutral ground, on the very
meeting-point of his own tribe and that of Benjamin[281]. The lower
city had been once taken by the warriors of Judah (Judg. i. 8)[282],
but the fortress of the Jebusites, strong in its seemingly impregnable
position, had never been reduced. The presence of so many warriors
from all the tribes was favourable for making an attempt on so renowned
a citadel, and at the head of all his forces David advanced against
it, probably from the south. As before, the lower city appears to have
been easily captured, but again the fortress held out against every
attack[283]. Moreover, so convinced were the Jebusites of the strength
of their castle and of the ancient “everlasting gates” of its rocky
ravines, that they merely manned its walls with _the lame and blind_
(2 Sam. v. 6), deeming them amply sufficient for the defence. Their
taunts roused the wrath of David, and he promised that whoso first
scaled the rocky sides of the citadel and smote the Jebusite garrison,
should have the post of captain-general of the forces. Thereupon the
agile Joab climbed up first, and as the conqueror of the fastness of
Jebus was rewarded with the post of commander-in-chief, the same office
that Abner had held under Saul. Then, without loss of time, David took
measures for securing his new possession. He enclosed the whole city
with a wall, and connected it with the newly-captured fortress, and
there took up his abode, and thus the Jebusite stronghold became the
_City of David_.
The effect of the conquest of this celebrated fortress was very great.
The news no sooner reached the court of HIRAM, king of Phœnicia[284],
than he despatched messengers to David with offers of artificers and
materials for constructing a palace, which was accordingly built, and
hither David removed his wives from Hebron, and increased his already
numerous household (2 Sam. v. 13–16). In other quarters the news was
very differently received. The Philistines made two distinct attempts
to crush the new king, of whose powers they were well aware. On the
first occasion they came and encamped their numerous forces in the
valley of Rephaim, or the _Valley of Giants_, south-west of Jerusalem,
and stretching thence half-way to Bethlehem. After duly enquiring
of the Lord, David marched out against them, and swept them away, as
though with a “burst of waters,” whence he named the spot Baal-perazim,
_the Plain of Bursts_ or _Destruction_ (2 Sam. v. 17–20). A second
attempt of the same pertinacious foe met with no better success; they
were entirely routed, and the fame of David _went out into all lands,
and the Lord brought the fear of him upon all nations_ (1 Chr. xiv. 17).
His next care was to consecrate his new capital with religious
associations. After consultation with the chiefs of the nation, he
assembled 30,000 from all Israel (2 Sam. vi. 1; 1 Chr. xiii. 1), and
went to Kirjath-jearim, _the Village of Forests_, where the Ark seems
to have remained all through the reign of Saul in the custody of the
Levite Abinadab (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2). The sacred coffer was placed in a
new cart drawn by oxen, and with Uzzah and Ahio the sons of Abinadab
preceding it, was escorted towards Jerusalem amidst great rejoicings,
and the sound of psalteries, cornets, timbrels, and cymbals. On
reaching the threshing-floor of Chidon or Nachon (1 Chr. xiii. 9,
_margin_), the oxen stumbled, and Uzzah put forth his hand to hold
the ark. In a moment he fell dead (2 Sam. vi. 7). This untoward
event filled David with alarm; the spot itself was henceforth known as
Perez-uzzah, _the breaking_ or _disaster of Uzzah_ (1 Chr. xiii. 11),
and it was resolved to desist from any further attempt at present to
remove the sacred coffer. Accordingly it was carried aside to the house
of Obed-Edom the Gittite, that is, probably, a native of Gath-Rimmon,
a town of Dan, allotted to the Kohathite Levites, of whom Obed-Edom
was one, where it remained three months (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11; 1 Chr.
xiii. 13).
Meanwhile David prepared a new Tabernacle at Jerusalem, and hearing
that the presence of the Ark had brought a blessing to the house of
Obed-Edom, he assembled the Levites, and Zadok and Abiathar the two
representatives of the Aaronic family, and bade them prepare for the
duty of removing the sacred symbol. Solemn purifications, neglected on
the previous occasion (1 Chr. xv. 12–14), were now performed, and the
Levites, arranged in orderly divisions with singers and musicians, the
elders of Israel, and captains of the host, set out for the house of
Obed-Edom. On this occasion the Levites, as enjoined in the Law, lifted
it with the long staves passing through the rings of the ark[285],
and raising it upon their shoulders, commenced the joyous procession
(1 Chr. xv. 15).
When they had advanced six paces (2 Sam. vii. 13), it was clear that
the Lord was this time helping them, and the procession paused to offer
a sacrifice of seven bullocks and seven rams in token of thankfulness
for this proof of the Divine favour. Then the march was resumed amidst
shouting and the joyful sounds of all kinds of music, headed by David
himself in an ephod of linen, and by the singers and Levites arrayed in
white vestments. As they ascended the path leading upwards to the
ancient fortress of the Jebusites, the king, carried away by the
associations of this great day, not only played on a stringed
instrument, but accompanied the music with leaping and dancing. At
length the city was reached, and the gates of the ancient fortress
lifted up their heads, as the symbol of the presence of Jehovah, _the
King of Glory, the Lord strong and mighty_, entered in (Ps. xxiv. 8, 9),
and was placed within the awnings of the new Pavilion-Tent that had
been prepared for it. A series of burnt-offerings and peace-offerings
were then celebrated, and the king blessed the people, and dismissed
them to their homes with ample presents. A single untoward incident
marred this the greatest day in David’s life. As the procession passed
under the windows of her apartments, Michal, the daughter of Saul,
deeming David’s dance undignified, _despised him in her heart_ (2 Sam.
vi. 16), and when at the conclusion of all the gorgeous ceremonial
he entered his house to bless his family (2 Sam. vi. 20), she came
out to meet him, but in place of congratulations taunted him with his
indecorous appearance that day. David replied with great bitterness to
this untimely scoffing, and _Michal had no child unto the day of her
death_ (1 Sam. vi. 23).
The construction of his own palace and the reception of the Ark within
the folds of a new Tabernacle in Zion, now awoke in the king the desire
to build a more ample and permanent Temple for Jehovah. The design
received the Divine approval, but it was intimated to him by Nathan the
prophet, that as _he was a man of war and blood_ (1 Chr. xxviii. 3),
so peaceful a work would be better reserved for another. The refusal,
however, was accompanied by a promise of the permanence of his dynasty;
the mercy of Jehovah should not be taken from him as it had been from
Saul; a son of his own should carry on the work, and his throne should
be established for ever (2 Sam. vii. 12–17; 1 Chr. xvii. 3–15).
CHAPTER III.
_DAVID’S ARMY, HIS CONQUESTS, HIS SIN._
2 SAM. VIII.–XII. 1 CHRON. XVIII.–XX. B.C. 1040–1033.
THUS assured of the continuance of his kingdom, David began by a series
of conquests to extend his power beyond the immediate boundaries of his
own people, and to found an imperial dominion, which for the first time
realized the prophetic description contained in the Promise made to his
forefather Abraham (Gen. xv. 18–21).
As instrumental to these conquests the military organization[286] of
the Israelites was now materially developed, and David was enabled
within ten years after the reduction of the fortress of Jebus to push
his conquests far and wide, and _get him a name like unto the name of
the great men that are in the earth_ (2 Sam. vii. 9).
1. On the South-west he turned his arms against his old enemies the
_Philistines_, and subdued them, capturing Gath with its _daughter
towns_[287] (1 Chr. xviii. 1).
2. On the South-east the _Edomites_ felt the weight of his arms.
Together with Joab he carried on a campaign of six months against
them (Comp. 2 Sam. viii. 14 with 1 K. xi. 15), during which period he
put vast numbers to the sword, established garrisons in the country,
and thus became master of the Eastern arm of the Red sea, and the
caravan-routes to the marts and harbours of Arabia[288]. (Comp. Gen.
xxvii. 29, 37, 40; Ps. lx. 6–12.)
3. On the North-east the kingdom of _Zobah_ had acquired considerable
influence under Hadadezer, son of Rehob. David attacked him as he went
to _recover his border at the river Euphrates_ (2 Sam. viii. 3), and
defeated him with a loss of 1,000 chariots, 700 cavalry, and 20,000
infantry. Hadadezer’s allies, the Syrians of Damascus, then marched
to his assistance, but they were routed with a loss of 22,000 men, and
became David’s vassals. The wealth of Zobah was considerable. Several
of Hadadezer’s officers carried _shields of gold_ (2 Sam. viii. 7),
that is, probably, “iron or wooden frames overlaid with plates of the
precious metal;” these David brought to Jerusalem, as also large stores
of brass from other Syrian cities (1 Chr. xviii. 7, 8).
4. On the East of Jordan he had hitherto maintained the most amicable
relations with the king of _Moab_[289] (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4), but now
from some unexplained cause, he not only attacked and defeated, but
well-nigh extirpated the nation. Two-thirds of the people were put
to death, the rest were reduced to bondage, and paid regular tribute,
while the spoils were treasured up in Jerusalem (2 Sam. viii. 2;
1 Chr. xi. 22). This campaign, in which the valiant Benaiah greatly
distinguished himself (2 Sam. xxiii. 20), fulfilled the prophecy of
Balaam; _a Sceptre had risen out of Israel, and smitten through the
princes of Moab_, and destroyed the city of _Ar_, that is, Rabbath-Moab,
the capital of the children of Lot (Num. xxiv. 17)[290].
5. It was, however, from the kindred people of _Ammon_ that the royal
conquests experienced the greatest resistance. During the period
of his wanderings David had received much kindness from Nahash the
king of Ammon, and on his death he sent a royal embassy to offer his
condolences to the new king Hanun. But Hanun’s courtiers persuaded
him that this embassy was really dictated by a wish to spy out his
land, and probably add it to the many others that David had conquered.
Accordingly on the arrival of the ambassadors, Hanun treated them with
the utmost indignity. He shaved off the one half of their beards, cut
off their garments in the middle, and so sent them away (2 Sam. x. 1–3;
1 Chr. xix. 1–4).
As soon as David was informed of this aggravated insult, he bade his
ambassadors remain at Jericho till the traces of the indignities they
had suffered were removed, and then made preparations for sending Joab
with the “Mighty Men” and the host to take summary vengeance on the
Ammonites. Truly divining the consequences of their folly, the latter
prepared for the impending war by raising a mercenary force of 32,000
men from the Syrians of Beth-rehob and Zoba, from those owning fealty
to the king of Maacah, a region in the valley of the Jordan south of
Zoba, and from the land of Tob[291]. Aided by these allies the Syrians
awaited the onset of the Hebrews.
On his arrival Joab, perceiving that he was confronted by two very
considerable armies, divided his forces, and assigned to his brother
Abishai the task of assaulting the Ammonites, while he himself with
a picked body of troops attacked the Syrians, situated a little to
the south of Heshbon. At Medeba the latter were quickly routed, and
the Ammonites, in alarm at their speedy defeat, fled to their capital,
Rabbah[292], now called _Ammân_, situated on a very advantageous
position, and well supplied with water.
Meanwhile the Syrians beyond the Euphrates, under the command of
Shophach or Shobach, a general of ♦Hadadezer, assembled their forces
with the intention of avenging the repulse sustained by their kindred,
the allies of the Ammonites. Crossing the Euphrates they joined the
Syrians at Helam, the site of which is unknown. The occasion was deemed
of sufficient importance to justify the personal interference of David.
Gathering all Israel and passing over Jordan, he attacked the Syrians,
and defeated them with great slaughter. Shobach himself was slain,
and the allied princes quitted the Syrian confederacy, and became the
tributary vassals of the Hebrew monarch (2 Sam. xi. 15–19; 1 Chr. xix.
10–19).
Early in the following year the campaign against the Ammonites was
resumed, and the command of the forces, including the royal body-guard
(2 Sam. xi. 1), and the troops of Ephraim and Benjamin as well as Judah
(2 Sam. xi. 11), was again entrusted to Joab, and the army was for the
first time since the disastrous battle of Aphek accompanied by the Ark
and its Levitical guard[293] (2 Sam. xi. 11). On this occasion Rabbah
was the main object of the attack, and after ravaging the country, Joab
drove the Ammonites into their citadel, and commenced a regular siege,
which lasted very nearly two years (2 Sam. xi. 1).
Meanwhile, critical as was the nature of the campaign, instead of
accompanying the Ark, David lingered behind at Jerusalem, and there
wrought that “deed of shame,” which has left so dark a blot upon his
character, and which threw a gloom over all the rest of his life. One
day on rising from his afternoon repose, he saw from the roof of his
palace a woman of extraordinary beauty, for whom he instantly conceived
a most violent passion. On making enquiry, he discovered that her name
was BATHSHEBA, the daughter of Eliam or Ammiel, and wife of URIAH the
Hittite, who was at that time serving in the army against Rabbah, as
one of the famous “Thirty” (2 Sam. xxiii. 39; 1 Chr. xi. 41). The fact
that she was the wife of one of his most distinguished officers did
not make David hesitate, he sent for her, and committed adultery with
her. As time went on, he found it would be no longer possible to screen
her from the death-punishment of an adulteress. Accordingly, after
vainly trying other and most unworthy expedients to cover his own
guilt, he sent a letter to Joab, bidding him expose this chivalrous and
high-minded officer where the contest was hottest, so as to ensure his
death. The unscrupulous Joab did as he was told, and Uriah fell happily
unconscious of his wife’s dishonour. Joab then sent a trusty messenger
to David to inform him that Uriah was dead, and the days of mourning
for her husband were no sooner over, than the king sent for Bathsheba,
and she became his wife (2 Sam. xi. 14–27).
But though David had done all this secretly, an all-seeing Eye had
watched each step in this dreadful crime, and punishment quickly
appeared at the door. The prophet Nathan was sent to him, and with
wonderful tact roused the royal attention by the well-known Parable of
the _Rich man and the Poor man’s ewe lamb_. Unsuspecting its purport,
David’s wrath was kindled, and he denounced death as the penalty of
the rich man, and the restoration of the property fourfold[294]. Then
turning to the king the prophet sped his winged arrow, saying, _Thou
art the man_, and announcing the awful penalty. As David had measured
unto others, so should it be measured to him; evil was to rise up
against him out of the bosom of his own family, and _the sword should
never depart from his house_ (2 Sam. xii. 10).
Unlike other kings of Israel and Judah, unlike any common Eastern
despot, David did not slay or ill-treat the messenger of judgment,
he acknowledged his sin and the justice of the sentence. On this
Nathan went on to tell him that _the Lord had put away his sin_, and
he himself was not to die. But an earnest of future judgments soon
appeared. The Lord struck the child that Uriah’s wife bare unto him,
and it died[295]. But in the midst of judgment God remembered mercy;
and in the course of time a second son was born to Bathsheba, whom
Nathan named JEDIDIAH, _beloved of the Lord_, but David himself called
him SOLOMON, _the peaceful one_ (2 Sam. xii. 15–25).
Meanwhile Joab had been pushing forward the siege of Rabbah, and
eventually succeeded in capturing the _city of waters_, that is, the
lower town, which “contained the perennial stream, which rises in,
and still flows through it[296].” But the citadel, a place of great
strength, still held out. The possession of the perennial stream was,
however, the next step to the capture of the stronghold, and Joab sent
messengers to David bidding him gather the rest of the people, and
come himself, unless he wished him to have the honour of capturing the
place, and calling it after his own name. Accordingly the king set out,
and the fortress was speedily taken. Enraged, it is not improbable,
at the obstinacy of the siege, he wreaked a terrible vengeance on the
inhabitants, some were decapitated, others sawn asunder or crushed
beneath iron instruments, others were passed through the fire in
brick-kilns[297] (2 Sam. xii. 31). The royal crown, “the crown of
Milcom,” weighing a talent of gold with the precious stones, was then
placed on David’s head, and he and his army returned in triumph to
Jerusalem with abundant spoil.
CHAPTER IV.
_THE REBELLION OF ABSALOM._
2 SAM. XIII.–XX. B.C. 1032–1022.
THE reduction of Rabbah was the last of David’s conquests. His kingdom
had reached the limits foretold to the patriarch Abraham, and vied in
extent with some of the great empires of that age. But from this point
dark clouds began to gather round his own personal history, and the
doom denounced by the prophet found its fulfilment. The terrible secret
of his adultery and murder may at first have been known only to a few,
but its results were soon proclaimed upon the housetops. Out of the
numerous harem which, in defiance of the law of the kingdom, he had
multiplied to himself, out of his own household, came the instruments
of his punishment. First, his daughter Tamar was outraged by her
half-brother and his eldest son AMNON. Two years afterwards Amnon
fell a victim to the wrath of Tamar’s own brother ABSALOM (_father of
peace_), who caused him to be murdered at a sheep-shearing festival,
and then, apprehensive of the resentment of David, fled to the court of
Talmai his grandfather, the king of Geshur, a district on the east of
the Jordan south of Mount Hermon (2 Sam. xiii. 36).
Here he remained secure in its rocky fastnesses for three years, during
which time the soul of David was _consumed_ (2 Sam. xiii. 39, _margin_)
with longing for his favourite son. Perceiving this, Joab availed
himself of the services of a wise woman of Tekoa[298], who sought an
interview with the king, and addressing him in an apologue similar to
that which Nathan had employed, succeeded in obtaining permission for
the exile’s return. Joab, therefore, went to the court of the king of
Geshur, and thence brought back the young prince, who took up his abode
at Jerusalem, but was not suffered to see his father’s face. Twice
he sent a message to David’s general, begging him to intercede in
his behalf with the king, but Joab deemed he had done enough, and
would take no further steps in the matter. Thereupon Absalom caused a
barley-field belonging to Joab, which was near his own estate, to be
set on fire, and the latter, probably fearing further outrage, informed
the king, who consented to see his son, and gave him the kiss of peace
(2 Sam. xiv. 23–33).
But the ungrateful son was no sooner thus restored, than he began to
form plots against his father. First he surrounded himself with a small
body-guard, with chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him.
Then, to ingratiate himself with the people, he took his stand by “the
way of the gate[299],” a duty which David appears to have neglected,
and conversed with suitors coming up to the city for judgment, lamented
the delays they would encounter in obtaining a hearing of their causes
(2 Sam. xv. 3), and insinuated how different would be the aspect of
affairs if _he_ was made judge in the land. Young, handsome beyond
compare in Israel (2 Sam. xiv. 25), sprung from a royal house both
on his father and his mother’s side (2 Sam. iii. 3), he made a deep
impression on the people, and his insinuating manners and unusual
condescension stole away their hearts (2 Sam. xv. 6). Since the dark
sin of which he had been guilty, the hold of the king upon the nation
appears to have been weakened, and he had become less fitted for the
more personal and more energetic duties of his position. And now the
powerful tribe of Judah, fretting, it has been suggested, under their
absorption into one great kingdom, or looking for some greater degree
of power under the supremacy of a prince like Absalom, showed signs of
a want of confidence in their sovereign, and in the course of two years
Absalom perceived that matters were ripe for a revolt[300].
Under pretence, therefore, of a vow which he had vowed to the Lord
(2 Sam. xv. 7–9), he succeeded in obtaining from David permission to go
to Hebron, the old capital of the tribe of Judah, and repaired thither
accompanied by 200 men from Jerusalem, probably of the chief families,
who were, however, entirely ignorant of his designs. To the same place
also he summoned Ahithophel the Gilonite, the _familiar friend_ and
_counsellor_ of his father, whose advice was deemed to have the value
of a Divine oracle[301].
While Absalom was taking these measures, news of the conspiracy and
of the popular feeling reached the royal palace. Instantly, without
offering any resistance, or striking a single blow in defence of his
crown, David resolved on flight. Accompanied by the royal body-guard
and the 600 Gittites, and a vast concourse of people, he left Jerusalem,
and early in the morning crossed the brook Kidron. As far as the city
boundaries he was also followed by the Levites, and the high-priests
Zadok and Abiathar with the Ark. But David had no wish to expose the
sacred symbol to any risk, and the two chiefs of the Levitical tribe
might do him better service at Jerusalem; accordingly they were bidden
to turn back. Then crossing the ravine of the Kidron, with head covered
and unsandalled feet, his retinue manifesting every sign of profound
sorrow, the king ascended the slopes of Olivet, and as he went received
intelligence that his privy counsellor Ahithophel had gone over to
the ranks of his rebellious son. In the defection of this man, his
_equal_[302], his _guide_, his _own familiar friend_, he instantly saw
his danger, and prayed that the counsel of Ahithophel might be _turned
into foolishness_ (2 Sam. xv. 31).
Reaching the summit of the hill, he encountered Hushai the Archite[303],
_the king’s friend_, with torn robe and dust upon his head. In him
David saw a fitting instrument for counteracting the influence of
Ahithophel, and persuaded him to return to Jerusalem, and undertake
the dangerous task of pretending a devotion to the cause of Absalom,
while really, in conjunction with Zadok and Abiathar and their two
sons, he kept a strict watch over all that occurred. Hushai accordingly
turned back, and David descended the further slopes of Olivet. Here
he met Ziba, the wily servant of Mephibosheth, the son of his old
friend Jonathan, with welcome supplies of wine, bread, and fruit. Ziba
represented that his master was staying behind at Jerusalem, awaiting
any change in his fortunes which the rebellion might bring, and, as
a reward for his services, obtained a ready grant of his estates. At
Bahurim, a little further down the hill, David encountered Shimei, a
Benjamite of the house of Saul, who flung stones at the royal retinue,
and imprecated on them the most furious curses, in which he perhaps
expressed the long pent-up hatred of the family of Saul, as well as
the popular feeling against the author of Uriah’s death. The impetuous
Abishai would have instantly cut off his head, but David stayed his
hand, _Let him curse_, said he, _for the Lord hath bidden him_ (2 Sam.
xvi. 10–12). The way now led into the Jordan valley, and for the first
time the weary retinue halted, and refreshed themselves with Ziba’s
welcome supplies.
Meanwhile Absalom, with Ahithophel and a numerous retinue, had reached
Jerusalem. There he met Hushai, who saluted him with the words, _Long
live the king_. Even Absalom was startled, and reproached him for his
apparent treachery, but kept him by him. The first step of the usurper,
suggested by Ahithophel, was to take possession of his father’s
harem[304], and so render all reconciliation impossible (Comp. 2 Sam.
iii. 7, 8).
The course to be next taken was anxiously debated. Ahithophel was for
instant measures, and offered with 12,000 men to head a pursuit after
David that very night, while he was weary and weak-handed. If he smote
the king, he felt sure the whole people would side with Absalom, and
his triumph would be complete. The advice found favour with the usurper,
and the elders about him. But first he resolved to call in Hushai,
and ascertain his opinion. Hushai pronounced the plan imprudent in the
extreme. To attack the king while surrounded by his _mighty men, all
chafing in their minds, as a she bear robbed of her whelps_, was very
dangerous. From a partial defeat the prince had everything to fear, and
the king everything to gain. He counselled, therefore, delay, and the
mustering of the entire national forces from Dan to Beer-sheba. Absalom
approved of this plan, and Ahithophel, probably seeing the certain
effects of such delay, and chagrined at the adoption of another’s
counsel in preference to his own, retired to Giloh, _put his household
in order, and hanged himself_ (2 Sam. xvii. 23).
Without a moment’s delay Hushai now sought out Zadok and Abiathar,
related all that had occurred in the council, and urged that a
messenger should be instantly sent to David, to bid him not linger in
the Jordan valley, but cross the river with all speed. The two sons
of the high-priests were in concealment at the fountain of En-rogel,
ready for such an errand. A female slave was sent thither to bid them
instantly carry the message to David. They forthwith started, but
narrowly escaped detection. At Bahurim a lad saw them and conveyed
the news to Absalom, and it was only by hiding in a well that they
escaped the vigilance of their pursuers, and announced their errand to
David. Though it must have been midnight, the king instantly crossed
the river, and before the dawn of the following day not one of his
retinue remained on the western side of the Jordan[305]. Mahanaim, the
former capital of Ishbosheth, now became his head-quarters, and here he
mustered his forces, and placed them under the command of Joab, Abishai,
and Ittai, and received a welcome supply of provisions from Shobi, the
son of his old friend Nahash of Rabbah, from Machir of Lodebar, and
Barzillai a wealthy Gileadite.
Meanwhile Absalom also had mustered his forces, and having entrusted
the command to AMASA, the son of Ithra or Jether by Abigail David’s
sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25), he too crossed the Jordan. The decisive
engagement, which was not long delayed, took place not far from
Mahanaim, in the dense forest of Ephraim, a region still “covered
with thick oaks, and tangled bushes, and thorny creepers growing over
rugged rocks and ruinous precipices[306].” Here the army of Absalom was
utterly routed. Entangled in the thick undergrowth, crushing each other
in remediless ruin, upwards of 20,000 perished in that fatal wood,
which _devoured more people that day than the sword devoured_ (2 Sam.
xviii. 8). Amidst the crowd of fugitives Absalom also fled, and as he
rode on his mule where “the strong arms of the trees spread out so near
the ground that one cannot walk erect beneath them[307],” his long hair
caught in an oak, and he hung suspended from the tree. A man chanced to
see him, and forthwith told Joab. He himself had forborne to touch the
prince, having heard the strict injunctions of the loving David to his
three captains before the battle _to deal tenderly with the young man_.
But Joab had no such scruples; with three darts in his hand he went
to the spot and transfixed him while yet alive. A great pit was then
dug, and into it the corpse was flung, and covered with a great heap of
stones. With the death of the usurper Joab knew the rebellion was at an
end, he therefore sounded the signal of recall, and the battle closed.
Meanwhile David, who had been sitting at the gate of Mahanaim
anxiously awaiting tidings of the battle, no sooner heard that his son
was dead, than he gave way to the most violent grief. Joab alone dared
to confront him, bidding him bestir himself if he would not see another
popular revolt. Roused at last, the king consented to present himself
at “the gate.” But he could not forget who had given the death-blow
to his favourite son, and even vowed to transfer the chieftaincy of
the troops to Amasa, though he had led the forces on the other side,
and “in this was laid the lasting breach between himself and his
powerful nephew, which neither the one nor the other ever forgave.”
The rebellion ended, the rightful monarch could return to his kingdom.
With a self-control rare in Western no less than Eastern history, every
step in his progress was marked by forgiveness. Shimei was forgiven,
Mephibosheth, proved to have been faithful, was partially reinstated,
and Barzillai rewarded with ample gifts (2 Sam. xix. 16–43).
But the danger was not yet over. In bringing about the king’s return,
his own tribe of Judah had the largest share. This provoked the old
jealousy of the other tribes[308] (Comp. Judg. viii. 1; xii. 1), while
the Benjamites even took up arms, and placed themselves under the
leadership of Sheba, son of Bichri, a man of Mount Ephraim. Many others
also rallied round him, and when Amasa, the new general-in-chief failed
within three days to muster the forces of Judah, David was afraid lest
more harm should come of this fresh rising than had come from that
of Absalom. Accordingly Abishai with the “Mighty Men” was dispatched
to quell the insurrection, and to pursue after Sheba before he reached
any fortified towns. Taking with him the royal body-guard, Abishai,
accompanied by Joab, set out, and at the great stone of Gibeon
encountered Amasa. Joab’s robe was girded round his waist, and in the
folds was a sword, which “by accident or design protruded from the
sheath.” _Art thou in health, my brother?_ he saluted Amasa, and took
him by the beard as if to kiss him. The other rushed into his embrace,
and was instantly stabbed to the heart, his blood spirting out upon his
cousin’s girdle and sandals. Leaving the body in the road, Joab hurried
on after Sheba, who, rousing the tribes as he passed, had made for Abel
Beth-Maachah[309], a town of some importance far up in the north by the
waters of Merom. Thither Joab rushed in pursuit, threw up an embankment,
and battered the walls. A wise woman saved the town from destruction.
Approaching the wall, she gained a parley with the angry general, who
promised to leave the place, if Sheba was put to death. Thereupon she
returned to her people, and the head of the rebel was soon flung into
Joab’s camp, who straightway sounded a trumpet, and with his troops
returned to Jerusalem (2 Sam. xx. 22).
CHAPTER V.
_CLOSE OF DAVID’S REIGN._
2 SAM. XXI.–XXIV. 1 KINGS I. II. B.C. 1022–1015.
SHORTLY after David’s restoration, his kingdom was visited for three
years with a grievous famine. Enquiry was made of the Divine Oracle,
and it was discovered to be a punishment for an act of faithlessness
on the part of Saul, who had broken the solemn covenant made by Joshua
with the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 3–27). In a fit of sudden zeal for the
children of Israel and Judah he had killed some of them, and devised
a general massacre of the rest (2 Sam. xxi. 2, 5). The Gibeonites were
now asked what atonement they were willing to receive for the wrongs
they had suffered. In reply, they demanded neither silver nor gold.
Blood had been spilt, and blood they would have, and nothing would
satisfy them but permission to take seven of Saul’s sons and hang, or
rather crucify, them at Gibeah. Accordingly the two sons of Rizpah,
the daughter of Aiah, and the five sons of Michal, whom they had
borne to Saul, were delivered up, and the Gibeonites crucified them
on the hill of Gibeah. This was done in April, at the beginning of
barley-harvest[310] (2 Sam. xxii. 9), and there the bodies remained
till the periodical rains in October _dropped upon them out of heaven_
(2 Sam. xxii. 10). All this while, spreading on the rock a coarse
sackcloth robe, Rizpah watched over the blackening corpses, and
_suffered neither the birds of the air to rest on them by day, nor the
beasts of the field by night_. The tale of her devoted love at length
was conveyed to David, who had the remains removed, and at the same
time directed that the bones of Saul also and of Jonathan should be
taken from Jabesh-Gilead, and buried in the ancestral sepulchre of
Kish, _after which God was intreated for the land_ (2 Sam. xxi. 14).
Meanwhile, in consequence probably of the intestine feuds of the
Israelites, the Philistines had recovered sufficient strength to
venture on once more attacking them. David himself went with the host
to battle, and in mortal combat with another descendant of the giant
race was near falling a victim to his rashness, when he was succoured
by the valiant Abishai, and the people, fearful lest _the light of
Israel should be quenched_ (2 Sam. xxi. 17), prevailed upon him to
desist from accompanying them to battle in future. Other attempts were
afterwards made by the Philistines, but the valour of David’s captains
served to keep them in check (2 Sam. xxi. 18–22).
The Hebrew kingdom had now attained its farthest limits, even those
which God had revealed many centuries before in vision to Abraham (Gen.
xv. 18). Not only had David given a capital to his people, but he had
conquered all the nations on the immediate frontier of his realm. His
kingdom had become like one of the kingdoms of the world[311]. It had
its court, its palace, its splendour, its tributaries. In this hour
of his prosperity the monarch was tempted (1 Chr. xxi. 1) to yield to
pride and self-exaltation, and gave directions to Joab to carry out a
general census of the people from Dan even to Beer-sheba. His object,
it has been supposed, was either the levying of a poll-tax or the
formation of a standing army with a view to foreign conquests[312].
Whatever was his precise motive, it excited the repugnance of the
captains of the host, and even of Joab himself, who not only warned the
king against being _the cause of a trespass in Israel_, but regarded
the royal proposition as actually _abominable_ (1 Chr. xxi. 6). When,
however, he found that nothing would turn the king from his fixed
purpose, he set out, and after the lapse of 9 months and 20 days
reported 800,000 in Israel as fit for military service, and 500,000 in
Judah. But before he had numbered Benjamin or Levi (2 Sam. xxiv. 10)
David’s heart smote him, and Gad, the seer, was commissioned to offer
him the choice of 7 years’ famine, or 3 months’ defeat before his
enemies, or a 3 days’ pestilence. David chose _to fall into the hands
of God rather than into the hands of man_. Thereupon the plague began,
and during three days swept off upwards of 70,000. But when the hand
of the destroying angel was uplifted over Jerusalem, the Lord, _whose
mercies are great_ (2 Sam. xxiv. 14), repented of the evil, and on
the intercession of the king the angel desisted, when he was by the
threshing-floor of Ornan or Araunah, a wealthy Jebusite. By the advice
of Gad David now bought the site of the threshing-floor and a yoke of
oxen, erected there an altar, and offered thereon burnt-offerings and
peace-offerings. Fire descended in testimony of the acceptance of the
sacrifice, and with the cessation of the plague consecrated the rocky
site of the future altar of Solomon’s Temple on Mount Moriah (2 Chr.
iii. 1).
The remaining years of David’s life were spent in amassing treasures
and materials, and making preparations for the erection of the Temple
(1 Chr. xxii. 5, 14). But even now the truth of the prophet’s words was
forced upon him, that his foes should be those of his own household.
The three eldest of his sons, Amnon, Chileab, and Absalom being dead,
the fourth――ADONIJAH――resolved to put forth his pretensions to the
kingdom. Like Absalom, whom he resembled in personal beauty, he began
by surrounding himself with chariots and horsemen, and succeeded in
drawing over to his side not only the high-priest Abiathar, but even
Joab, the commander-in-chief, whose loyalty at last wavered. Confident
in the support of such old servants of the king, the pretender
proclaimed a great sacrificial festival at the _Stone of Zoheleth_,
south of Jerusalem, near the fountain of En-rogel, and invited to it
all the royal princes, except Solomon, and not a few of the captains
of the royal army (1 K. i. 5–9).
While they assembled at Zoheleth, Nathan the prophet persuaded
Bath-sheba to seek an interview with the king, and inform him of what
was going on. Bath-sheba did so, and had hardly concluded her tale,
when Nathan himself entered, confirmed her account, and demanded to
know whether Adonijah’s actions had the royal approval. Though old and
feeble, David had sufficient energy to rise to the present emergency,
and solemnly assured Bath-sheba of his unalterable determination that
Solomon should succeed to the throne. Then summoning Zadok and Benaiah
he bade them, together with Nathan, convey Solomon in state down to
Gihon, and there formally anoint and proclaim him king. Accordingly
these officers, accompanied by the royal guards, escorted Solomon
thither, mounted on the royal mule (1 K. i. 38), and there Zadok
anointed him with oil from the sacred horn of the Tabernacle, amidst
the sound of trumpets and loud shouts of _God save the King_. Thence
the new monarch was escorted in triumph back through the city, and
sat on the royal throne amidst general applause, in the sight of his
aged father, who blessed God that during his own lifetime he had been
permitted to behold his successor (1 K. i. 45–48). Intelligence of
these transactions was conveyed to the conspirators, in the midst of
their festivities at En-rogel, by Jonathan the son of Abiathar. They
had already heard the noise of the people shouting as Solomon passed
in procession through the city, and no sooner learnt the cause than,
seized with alarm, they instantly dispersed, and _every man went his
way_ (1 K. i. 49). Dreading the vengeance of the new king, Adonijah now
fled to the Tabernacle, put himself in sanctuary by grasping the horns
of the altar, and refused to quit the spot till Solomon had promised
with an oath to spare his life. The young and politic monarch, on
being informed of this, abstained from binding himself by any oath,
and simply assured Adonijah of safety _so long as he shewed himself a
worthy man_, but threatened him with death, _if wickedness should be
found in him_ (1 K. i. 49–52). On these conditions he quitted his place
of refuge, and, having made obeisance to the new king, returned to the
privacy of his own house (1 K. i. 53).
The days of David were now rapidly drawing to a close. He therefore
convened a solemn assembly of all the chiefs and elders of his people,
the royal princes, the captains of his army, and his public officers,
and standing up, aged as he was, gave them his last charge, and
exhorted his son to constancy in the service of Jehovah. He then
solemnly delegated to him the accomplishment of the desire of his life,
the erection of the Temple, and committed to him in trust the abundant
materials he had amassed for this purpose, as well as a pattern of the
building, and of everything belonging to it. This address, confirmed
as it was by the sight of the gold and silver, the brass and iron and
precious stones, which the royal prudence had collected, had a great
effect upon the people, and they also joyfully contributed to the
execution of their sovereign’s design. Then, in language of unequalled
pathos and beauty, the aged monarch solemnly thanked God for all His
goodness, and prayed that He would bestow upon his son “a perfect
heart,” enabling him to keep His testimonies and statutes, and build
the Temple for which he had made provision. Amidst sacrifices of
unusual abundance and great feastings and rejoicings, Solomon was then
for the second time anointed king, and received the formal submission
of all the royal princes, and the chiefs of the nation. In another
and more secret interview David gave his son his last counsels, not
only concerning his own deportment as ruler, but also respecting Joab
and Shimei, who were committed to his vigilance, and Barzillai the
Gileadite, who was entrusted to his regard. Then after a reign of
7½ years at Hebron, and of 33 years at Jerusalem, _in a good old age,
full of years, riches, and honour_, the son of Jesse, the Shepherd,
the Warrior, the King, the Psalmist, was gathered to his fathers, and
buried in the city which had been once the fortress of the heathen
Jebusites, but was now the capital of an empire that realised the
loftiest ideal of prophecy, stretching from the “river of Egypt” to
the Euphrates, and from the range of Lebanon to the gulf of Akaba[313].
CHAPTER VI.
_ACCESSION OF SOLOMON._
1 KINGS II.–VIII. 1 CHRON. I.–IX. B.C. 1015.
THE new king was hardly seated on the throne before he was called
upon to repress with a high hand a second and dangerous attempt of
Adonijah to obtain the kingdom. As is usual in Oriental countries,
the influence of Bath-sheba the queen-mother was very great. To her
Adonijah preferred a request that she would intercede with the king
in obtaining for him the hand of ABISHAG the Shunammite, his father’s
latest wife (1 Kings ii. 17). Bath-sheba sought an interview with
Solomon, who instantly saw in this petition a design upon the throne,
and declaring that Adonijah had forfeited his claim to the indulgence
extended to him after the late rebellion, directed that he should be
put to death by the hand of Benaiah. But he divined that others were
concerned in the insinuating request, and notably the high-priest
Abiathar, and Joab the commander-in-chief. The former, in consideration
of his past services, was not put to death, but simply degraded from
his high office, and ordered to live in retirement at Anathoth, a
Levitical city, about 3 miles north of Jerusalem, whereby the word of
the Lord concerning the house of Eli was fulfilled (1 Sam. ii. 31–33).
News of these events no sooner reached the ears of Joab than he
fled for refuge within the curtains of the Tabernacle at Gibeon, and
caught hold of the horns of the altar. Thither, however, Solomon sent
Benaiah with orders to put him to death. Benaiah went and told his old
companion-in-arms the king’s command. But Joab refused to stir from
sanctuary, and the other returned to the king for fresh instructions.
Solomon bade him not spare, but fall upon him even at the altar, urging
his execution as a just recompense for the murder of Abner and Amasa.
Thereupon he returned once more, and fell upon him at the altar,
and obtained the important post of commander-in-chief, while Zadok
succeeded to the high-priesthood (1 K. ii. 28–34).
Though David had spared the life of Shimei, he had on his death-bed
cautioned Solomon against him, and now, possibly owing to some
unrecorded symptoms of disaffection, the young king renewed the
concession, but on condition that Shimei confined himself to the
city of Jerusalem, and did not stray beyond the brook Kidron, which
separated him from the road to his old home at Bahurim. For three years
Shimei carefully complied with this condition. But two of his slaves
fleeing to Achish king of Gath, he went thither and brought them back.
This sealed his fate. Intelligence of what he had done was conveyed to
Solomon, who sent for him, and ordered his execution by the hands of
Benaiah (1 K. ii. 36–46).
Shortly before this last event the king convened a general assembly
of all the notables of the realm at Gibeon, where was not only the
venerable Tabernacle of the Wanderings, but the brazen altar of
burnt-sacrifice (2 Chr. i. 3, 5). There accordingly were gathered
together all the great officers of state, the judges, the governors,
and the chief of the fathers, and a thousand burnt-offerings were
consumed on the Altar. On the night following this solemn ceremonial,
the Lord appeared in vision to Solomon as he slept, and bade him prefer
any petition he desired. Impressed with the magnitude of the office to
which he had been called, as yet _humble in his own sight_, and mindful
of the mercy bestowed upon his father, the young king prayed not for
riches, or honour, or long life, or the life of his enemies, but _for
a wise and understanding heart_, that he might know how to rule his
people. His prayer pleased the Lord, and because he had requested
nothing for himself, He, who is wont to give to the sons of men “more
than they ask or think,” not only promised him wisdom and knowledge,
but assured him that all the blessings he had not asked should be
“added unto him,” including length of days, if he, for his part, took
heed to observe the statutes and commandments of Jehovah, as his father
had done before him (1 K. iii. 6–14). Returning to Jerusalem the king
offered burnt-offerings and thank-offerings to the Lord before the
Ark of the Covenant, and celebrated a sacrificial feast with his whole
court (1 K. iii. 15).
Very shortly he was called upon to give proof of that sagacity and
clearness of judgment, especially in judicial cases, so much prized
by Orientals. Of two women inhabiting one house together, each had an
infant child. The mother of one overlaid hers while she was asleep,
and rising at midnight, laid it in the bosom of the other woman, taking
her live child in its place. In the morning the latter discovered the
deception that had been practised upon her, and demanded the living
infant. This the other woman refused, claiming it for her own, and
both of them appealed to Solomon, who commanded the living child to
be divided into two halves, one of which should be given to each.
The anguish of the real, and the cruel acquiescence of the pretended
mother in this sentence, decided the point in a moment, and proved
the sagacity of the king. But besides judicial sagacity, Solomon was
eminent for his attainments. He was deeply versed in all the knowledge
of his age, his _wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the
East country, and all the wisdom of Egypt_ (1 K. iv. 30). In the course
of his life he spake 3,000 proverbs, of which a considerable portion
remain in the “Book of Proverbs,” and his Songs, of which the “Song of
Songs” alone survives, were a thousand and five. He spoke or wrote also
of trees, from the lofty cedar of Lebanon to the humble hyssop _that
springeth out of the wall, of beasts, of fowl, of creeping things, and
of fishes_. His fame spread abroad among surrounding nations; and there
came of all people to hear his wisdom (1 K. iv. 34).
CHAPTER VII.
_THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE._
1 KINGS V.–VIII. 2 CHRON. II.–VII. B.C. 1012–1005.
MINDFUL of the repeated instructions of his father, Solomon no sooner
received the congratulations of Hiram, king of Tyre, upon his coming to
the throne, than he sent to that monarch requesting that he would let
him have Sidonian artisans, and a supply of cedar wood from the forests
of Lebanon, for the construction of the Temple. Hiram responded with
alacrity to the request, and a regular treaty was entered into between
the two kings. Solomon bound himself to send yearly 20,000 cors[318]
of wheat, and 20 cors of oil to the Phœnicians, while Hiram undertook
to float cedar trees and fir-trees to Joppa, and to send a number of
skilled artificers to Jerusalem. For the purpose of felling the timber,
a levy of 30,000 Israelites was made, who were placed under Adoniram;
10,000 were employed at a time, and relieved each other every month,
spending a month in the mountains of Lebanon, and the other two
months at their own homes (1 K. v. 13, 14). Besides these, 70,000
were employed as porters, and 80,000 as hewers in the various quarries.
These latter were bondslaves, remnants of the Canaanites, who had not
been expelled from the land. Under the eye of Tyrian master-builders,
they hewed, and squared, and bevelled the stupendous blocks, some
measuring even 17 and 18 feet, for the foundation of the sacred edifice.
The site, which had been already selected by David, was the eminence
of Moriah, on the east of the city, rendered sacred at once as the
spot where Abraham had offered up Isaac, and where the plague had been
stayed during the last reign[319]. “Its rugged top was levelled with
immense labour; its sides, which to the east and south were precipitous,
were faced with a wall of stone, built up perpendicular from the
bottom of the valley, so as to appear to those who looked down, of most
terrific height; a work of prodigious skill and labour, as the immense
stones were strongly mortised together and wedged into the rock.”
On this site, after 3 years of preparation, in the 4th year of
Solomon’s reign, and the 480th after the departure from Egypt, the
foundations were laid. No sound of hammer or axe, or any tool of iron,
was heard as the structure rose (1 K. vi. 7). Every beam already cut
and squared, every stone already hewn and bevelled, was laid silently
in its appointed site,
_Like some tall palm the noiseless fabric sprung_[320].
Within a quadrangle formed by a solid wall was an open court,
afterwards known as the _Court of the Gentiles_. Within this,
surrounded by another wall and on a higher[321] level, was the _Court
of the Israelites_, and within this, and on a still higher level, the
_Court of the Priests_. The Temple itself was built on the model of the
ancient Tabernacle, but of more costly and durable materials, and like
it consisted of the Porch, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies[322].
(1) The _Porch_ or Hall, which faced the East, was 10 cubits deep
from E. to W., by 20 in width from N. to S., and 30 cubits high[323].
Either within, or, as some think, on either side of it, rose two
brazen Pillars, the one called JACHIN (_durability_), the other BOAZ
(_strength_), their capitals ornamented with network, chainwork,
and pomegranates. (2) _The Holy Place_, the dimensions of which were
exactly double those in the Tabernacle[324], was 40 cubits long, by
20 wide, and 30 high. Its walls were of hewn stone, wainscotted with
cedar and overlaid with gold[325], and adorned with beautiful carvings
representing cherubim, fruit, and flowers. It was entered by folding
doors, similarly overlaid with gold and richly embossed. The floor
was of cedar, boarded over with planks of fir or cypress; the ceiling
was of fir, but both, as indeed every part, overlaid with gold in the
richest profusion. In the Holy Place, as in the Tabernacle, stood the
golden Altar of Incense, the Table of Shew-bread, and the Candlesticks
of pure gold, five on the right, and five on the left. (3) A rich veil
of the brightest colours separated the Holy Place from _the Holy of
Holies_, which was a perfect cube of 20 cubits. Here was the original
Ark overshadowed by two colossal Cherubim of olive wood overlaid with
gold, 10 cubits in height. These stood at each end, N. and S., and
faced each other, each having two wings expanded, so that one wing of
each touched over the Ark, and the other touched the wall. Outside the
Holy Place stood a great Tank or “Sea” of molten brass, 10 cubits in
diameter, 30 round, 5 high, and capable of holding 2000 baths. It was
supported on 12 oxen, three turned each way, and its rim was ornamented
with blossoms. Besides this there were 10 Lavers, for the purpose of
ablutions, which stood on moveable bases of brass; each side of these
was formed in three panels, and adorned with figures of oxen, lions,
and cherubim. The great Brazen Altar of Burnt-sacrifice, 20 cubits long
and 10 high, stood on the exact site of the threshing-floor of Araunah.
At length, by the 7th month in the 11th year of Solomon’s reign, the
work was completed, and the king invited the chiefs of the different
tribes, all the notables of the realm, as also the entire priestly and
Levitical body[326], to the solemn dedication. He himself took his seat
on a raised throne of brass; the sacrificers stood before the Altar
of Burnt-offering, surrounded by the choir arrayed in white robes, and
playing on cymbals, psalteries, and harps; while the assembled nation
crowded the courts without. Countless sheep and oxen were first laid
on the brazen altar. Then from under the covering, where David had
placed it, the priests solemnly brought the Ark of the Covenant to
the folding-doors of the Temple. These were opened, and then past the
Table of Shew-bread, and the golden Candlesticks, and the Altar of
Incense, it was conveyed through the Veil to its appointed place,
and the Cherubim spread over it their wings, and “received it, as
it were, under their protection.” At this moment the choir lifted up
their voices _with the trumpets and cymbals, and instruments of music,
and made one sound to be heard in praising and thanking the Lord[327],
whose mercy endureth for ever_, and simultaneously the Temple was
filled with a cloud (1 K. viii. 10, 11), the “Glory” of the Lord
descended, and Jehovah took possession of His new abode. Thereupon the
king, rising on his brazen throne, and kneeling down upon his knees,
spread forth his hands toward heaven, and offered up a solemn and
sublime prayer. As he concluded with the petition, _Arise, O Lord God,
into Thy resting-place, Thou and the Ark of Thy strength_, fire flashed
forth from the “Glory” already filling the Temple, and consumed the
burnt-offerings and the sacrifices (2 Chr. vii. 3), while the priests
stood without, blinded with the excess of splendour, and the people
bowing with their faces to the ground, worshipped and praised the Lord.
The ceremony of dedication lasted seven days, and was succeeded by
the Feast of Tabernacles, which was continued for two weeks, or twice
the usual time[328]. During it, upwards of 22,000 oxen and 120,000
sheep were partly offered in sacrifice, and partly made the materials
of a great sacrificial feast, from which, on the 23rd day of the 7th
month, the king sent the people away, _glad and merry in heart for the
goodness that the Lord had shewed unto David, and to Solomon, and to
Israel His people_ (2 Chr. vii. 10).
CHAPTER VIII.
_SOLOMON’S REIGN CONTINUED._
2 KINGS IX.–XI. 2 CHR. VIII. IX. B.C. 1005–975.
BEFORE the Temple was thus completed, Solomon had proceeded to
construct other magnificent buildings. Amongst these was a sumptuous
palace for himself, surrounded with beautiful pleasure-grounds, which
stood within the city opposite to the Temple, and occupied 13 years in
building (1 K. vii. 1). Another palace he built for Pharaoh’s daughter,
whom he had espoused, and besides it the house of the forest of
Lebanon[329], 175 ft. long, half that measurement in width, and 50 ft.
high. The roof, which was made of cedar, was supported by 4 rows of
cedar columns, and the whole received light from 3 rows of windows on
each side. Adjoining it were the women’s apartments, a banqueting-hall,
and spacious and luxuriant gardens.
Other works were designed for use and security; among these were
artificial reservoirs for supplying the city with water, and the
strengthening or repairing of a fortress called Millo (1 K. ix. 15),
already begun by David (2 Sam. v. 9). Solomon also fortified
Baalath[330]; Gezer[331] and the two Beth-horons on the great road
towards the sea-coast; the strong and important post of Hazor[332]
to defend the entrance from Syria and Assyria; Megiddo to guard the
Esdraelon plain; while, for the protection of his eastern caravans, he
built Tadmor, afterwards called _Palmyra_, in the Syrian wilderness,
and Tiphsah or _Thapsacus_[333] on the Euphrates (2 Chr. viii. 3–6).
Illustration: SOLOMON’S DOMINIONS,
THE
KINGDOMS OF JUDAH & ISRAEL
AND THE
LANDS OF THE CAPTIVITIES.
London: Macmillan & Co.
His reign was a period of great commercial activity. On the North-west
the important kingdom of Phœnicia was united with him by the bonds
of a strict alliance. Once only did Hiram, king of Tyre, express any
dissatisfaction with the dealings of his powerful friend. Solomon had
bestowed upon him twenty cities which he had conquered in the land of
Galilee, on the borders of Asher. But when the Tyrian king came forth
to see them, he was much dissatisfied. One of them named Cabul, now
_Kabûl_, about 8 or 9 miles east of _Akka_, in his own Phœnician tongue
denoted _displeasure_, and this name he gave to them all (1 K. ix.
10–13).
1. But Phœnician enterprise was turned to account in other directions.
Having possession of the Eastern shore of the Red Sea, Solomon
strengthened the ports of Elath and Ezion-geber (_the giant’s
backbone_), and with the assistance of Tyrian shipwrights, constructed
a fleet, which sailed to Ophir[334], and returned with gold, silver,
ivory, and other products (1 K. ix. 26–28).
2. The Tyrian alliance opened up also the traffic of the Mediterranean.
On every shore washed by this sea Phœnician energy had founded
colonies, and opened trading ports, of which the chief was Tarshish,
or Tartessus――“the Peru of Tyrian adventure[335]”――on the southern
coast of Spain, at this time abounding in gold and silver mines. Hither
Solomon’s fleet sailed in company with that of Hiram, and brought back
every three years of its precious products (1 K. x. 22).
3. Another important outlet for trade was supplied by Egypt. Not only
had Solomon espoused a daughter of Pharaoh, but in defiance of the
Mosaic Law (Deut. xvii. 16) he exchanged the produce of his own country
for the horses and chariots of Egypt, as also for the linen-yarn,
spun from the flax which the Nile valley yielded in abundance (1 K.
x. 28, 29).
4. Last, but not least important, was the inland trade of the Arabian
peninsula. Caravans of the native tribes transported on camels the
spices, incense, gold, precious stones, and valuable woods of the
country, especially the almug or sandal, and brought them into the
dominions of Solomon, or, if they were intended for his Tyrian allies,
to Gezer and Beth-horon, whence they were transported to the port of
Joppa.
But though these several branches of commerce opened up to the Hebrew
kingdom many and various sources of national prosperity, and tended to
multiply the luxuries and magnificence of the court, this prosperity
was on the surface only. Hidden beneath its external splendour were
several cankers, which surely though secretly undermined the true
life of the nation. First of all, this massing of gold and silver, as
doubtless the Jewish Lawgiver had foreseen, could only be brought about
by a process of severe taxation. And while forced to bear burdens heavy
and grievous, the nation saw the tide of commercial profits, instead of
being fairly distributed among the people, flowing only into the royal
exchequer. Secondly, these commercial alliances seriously affected the
nation’s allegiance to Jehovah. In imitation of other Oriental empires
Solomon surrounded himself with a numerous harem, having 700 wives
and 300 concubines (1 K. xi. 1–3). Besides the daughter of Pharaoh,
he espoused women of the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians,
and Hittites, and, as he grew old, they turned away his heart from
the worship of the true God. Three times, indeed, during the year he
celebrated the Festivals of Jehovah (1 K. ix. 25), but the licentious
worship of Baal and Ashtaroth, of Moloch and Chemosh, found its way
even into the Holy City, and their hideous orgies were enacted “hard
by the oracles of God” (1 K. xi. 5–8).
At first, perhaps, there may have been few signs of weakness in a
fabric so vast and so magnificent. In the figurative language of the
sacred record, _silver was in Jerusalem as stones, and cedar-trees as
sycamores; Judah and Israel were many, as the sand which is by the sea
in multitude, eating and drinking and making merry_; in the enjoyment
of profound peace, _every man dwelt safely under his vine and under his
fig-tree_. Princes administered the government of various portions of
the empire (1 K. iv. 1–6); officers deputed for the purpose provided
victual for the royal table, and barley and straw for Solomon’s 40,000
chariot-horses, his 12,000 war-horses (1 K. iv. 26), and his swift
mules; kings and princes of subject-provinces brought in their tribute
at a fixed rate year by year (1 K. x. 25); and when the queen of Sheba
came with her great train from distant Yemen in Arabia to prove the
king with hard questions, and beheld his palace, _and the meat of
his table, and the sitting of his servants, and the attendance of his
ministers, and their apparel, and his cup-bearers_, and the ascent from
his own palace to the Temple[336], there was no spirit left in her, and
she confessed that the half of his fame and magnificence had not been
told her (1 K. x. 1–9).
Before long, however, clouds began to gather portending the coming
storm. Once at Gibeon, on the occasion of his accession, again after
the dedication of the Temple (1 K. iii. 5; ix. 2), the Lord had
appeared to Solomon, and on condition that he continued to walk in
the ways of his father, had promised to crown him with prosperity, and
establish his dynasty, but at the same time had warned him that any
apostasy would bring down severe punishment. But promise and warning
had been alike forgotten, and when the Lord appeared for the third
time, it was to announce that the kingdom should be rent from him
(1 K. xi. 9–13).
i. The quarter, whence danger first threatened, was on the south,
in the land of Edom. When Joab invaded that country during the late
reign, and for six months directed an indiscriminate massacre of the
male population, HADAD, who was of the blood royal, and at that time
a little child, was carried off into Egypt, where he was hospitably
received by the reigning Pharaoh, and rapidly rising in the royal
esteem, obtained the hand of Tahpenes, the sister of the Egyptian
queen. On the death of David and of Joab, he returned from Egypt, and
thirsting to break off the hard yoke of Jacob from the neck of Esau,
organized a revolt in his native land, and began to threaten Solomon’s
communication with the Elanitic Gulf (1 K. xi. 15–22).
ii. A second adversary appeared in the north-eastern provinces of
the empire. ♦REZIN, the Syrian, the son of Eliadah, flying from the
defeat which his feudal lord Hadadezer, king of Zobah, had sustained
at the hands of David, put himself at the head of a band of adventurers
and seized Damascus. Here he set up a petty kingdom, and _became an
adversary to Israel all the days of Solomon_, and an impediment to the
king’s commerce with Tadmor and the Euphrates (1 K. xi. 23–25).
iii. But a far more formidable adversary appeared nearer home. When
Solomon was constructing the fortifications of Millo under the citadel
of Zion, he observed the industry and activity of JEROBOAM, already
known as a man of valour, the son of an Ephraimite, named Nebat.
Perceiving his worth, the king not only employed him on the works,
but elevated him to the rank of collector of the taxes from his native
tribe. On one occasion as he was going out of Jerusalem, Jeroboam
encountered the prophet Ahijah of the ancient sanctuary of Shiloh,
and accompanied him to a neighbouring field. When they were alone, the
prophet rent the new outer robe in which he was attired into twelve
pieces, and gave ten of them to Jeroboam, assuring him at the same
time that he should reign over ten of the tribes, and that if he proved
faithful to His laws God would establish his dynasty as he had done
that of David (1 K. xi. 26–39). News of this mysterious intimation in
some way reached the ears of Solomon, and he sought to put Jeroboam
to death, but the latter fled for refuge to the court of Shishak
(_Sheshonk_ I.), a powerful monarch, who was bent on restoring Egypt
to its former greatness. Here he remained during the rest of Solomon’s
reign. Departing from his earlier policy the king had laid the burden
of compulsory labour not only on the remnant of the Canaanites, but
on the Israelites themselves (1 K. v. 13, 14). This increased the old
jealousy of the great house of Joseph, and a man like Jeroboam was
certain at any time to rally round him all the national discontent and
ill-feeling against the once prosperous monarch.
While the signs of coming danger were thus becoming more and more
evident, Solomon’s reign of 40 years came to a close, B.C. 975. The
hopes he might have inspired when first elevated to the throne had
not been fulfilled. He had, indeed, built the promised Temple; he had
adorned Jerusalem with sumptuous palaces; his wisdom and learning had
attracted the notice and roused the envy of distant monarchs; but he
had not been mindful, save for a short time, while the example of David
and the instructions of his preceptor Nathan were fresh in his memory,
of the vocation to which he had been called. His kingdom exhibited some
of the worst faults of other Oriental monarchies. He had violated each
and all of the fundamental principles of the kingdom as laid down by
the great Lawgiver of his nation. He had encouraged the worst forms
of idolatry, had multiplied wives, had amassed enormous wealth, had
laid heavy burdens on the people, and sated with pomp and splendour
and selfish luxuries, he had confessed the vanity of his life (Eccles.
i. 12–18). The kingdom which Abraham had seen in vision stretching from
the river of Egypt to the gates of Damascus had, indeed, been realized,
but its unity was not destined to survive the reign of the son of
David[337].
BOOK X.
KINGDOMS OF JUDAH AND ISRAEL.
PART I.
_Period of mutual hostility._
CHAPTER I.
_THE REVOLT OF THE TEN TRIBES._
1 KINGS XII. 2 CHRON. X. B.C. 975.
REHOBOAM, the successor of Solomon, was 41 years of age when he came
to the throne. Though his title does not seem to have been disputed
at Jerusalem, he deemed it right to obtain a more general and public
recognition, and probably as a concession to the powerful house of
Joseph, convened a solemn assembly of the tribes at Shechem, its
ancient but ruined[338] capital. On his arrival there he encountered
JEROBOAM, who had been summoned from his retreat in Egypt, and now
boldly appeared at the head of a deputation from all the tribes
requesting a remission of the taxes and other heavy burdens, which had
been laid upon the nation during the late reign. Thus directly appealed
to, Rehoboam requested a space of three days for deliberation, and
during this period first consulted the old advisers of his father. They
unanimously suggested that he should accede to the nation’s request,
and lighten its burden. But besides these experienced counsellors
there were young men of rank, who had been the king’s companions,
and were now about his court. They could ill brook any line of policy
that seemed likely to lower the power of their patron, and advised him
to take up the matter with a high hand, and by a firm denial of the
nation’s request put down once and for all any similar demand. In an
evil hour Rehoboam listened to their counsel, and at the end of the
three days, when the envoys, again headed by Jeroboam, were summoned
into his presence, announced to them his final resolve. _My father made
your yoke heavy_, said he in the true spirit of an Oriental despot,
_and I will add to your yoke; my father chastised you with whips, but
I will chastise you with scorpions_ (1 K. xii. 1–15).
This senseless reply was no sooner made known to the tribes than it
roused a general spirit of rebellion. _What portion have we in David?_
exclaimed the great tribe of Ephraim, _and what inheritance in the son
of Jesse? To your tents, O Israel; now see to thine own house, David_
(comp. 2 Sam. xx. 1). The assembly broke up in confusion, and each
man returned to his home. But Rehoboam did not yet discern the full
force of the rising storm. He was unwise enough to send Adoram, who had
been chief receiver of the tribute during the reigns of his father and
grandfather (2 Sam. xx. 24; 1 K. v. 14), to levy the usual dues. But
the fate of his envoy proved the strength of the popular feeling. _All
Israel stoned him with stones, that he died_, and the king himself was
obliged to fly in haste to Jerusalem. His first impulse on his return
was to punish the rebellious tribes, and for this purpose he gathered
together an army of 180,000 men. But his preparations for a civil war
were forbidden by Shemaiah, a man of God, who declared it to be the
will of Jehovah that all hostilities should be laid aside, for the
rending of the kingdom _was from Him_ (1 K. xii. 18–24). Thereupon the
projected war was given up, and the rebellion was complete[339].
According to the new division of the land, (i) _The kingdom of Judah_
included that tribe itself, together with Benjamin, which transferred
to it its allegiance probably because Jerusalem was within its borders,
and, at least eventually, a part if not all of the territory of Simeon
and of Dan. For the present Edom appears to have remained its faithful
vassal, and guarded the caravan trade with Ophir, while Philistia
continued, for the most part, quiet. (ii) _The kingdom of Israel_,
on the other hand, included that of the remaining eight tribes, _i.e._
Ephraim, and half Manasseh, Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali,
as well as the coast line between Accho and Joppa, on the west of the
Jordan; Reuben, Gad, and the remaining half tribe of Manasseh on the
east of that river. Its vassal states were Moab (2 K. iii. 4), and so
much of Syria as had remained subject to Solomon (1 K. xi. 24)[343].
The first act of Jeroboam, on being declared ruler of the Ten Tribes,
was to give a capital to his kingdom. For this purpose he rebuilt and
fortified Shechem. His next step was to secure his dominions against
his powerful northern neighbour, Syria. He, therefore, fortified
Penuel[344] beyond the Jordan, which commanded the fords of Succoth,
and was on the great caravan road leading over Gilead to Damascus.
But it required little reflection to convince him, that so long as the
yearly pilgrimages summoned their thousands and tens of thousands to
Jerusalem, his authority was but nominal. The Levitical class would
constantly require to go up to the City of David in the order of their
courses[345], and the majority of them began to leave his kingdom for
that of Judah. Without a Temple, without the Ark, without a Priesthood,
he felt he could not maintain his power. Within the boundaries, however,
of his realm were two sanctuaries, Bethel in the south, and Dan in the
north. These, after some deliberation (1 K. xii. 28), he resolved to
elevate into seats for national worship, which he hoped might rival
the Temple at Jerusalem. Instead, however, of erecting altars there in
honour of Jehovah, he made two calves of gold, figures probably of Apis
or Mnevis, whose worship he had often witnessed during his residence in
Egypt, and set them up at either sanctuary, with the address, _Behold
thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt_
(1 K. xii. 28). Moreover, at both places he established a new order of
priests, not taken from the sons of Levi, but from the lowest of the
people, and therefore absolutely dependent on himself, and into this
order any one could obtain admission on sacrificing a young bullock and
seven rams (2 Chr. xiii. 9).
Having taken these measures, on the 15th day of the eighth month[346]
he proclaimed a solemn Festival of Dedication, and went up to Bethel,
to offer incense in person on the altar. But at this critical moment,
as he was standing there, a man of God from Judah appeared, who boldly
confronted the king, denounced the idolatrous service, and foretold
the desecration of the altar by a future king of the house of Judah,
JOSIAH by name, who would offer upon it the priests of the high-places,
and burn men’s bones upon it (See 2 K. xxiii. 15). Enraged at this
out-spoken defiance, Jeroboam stretched forth his hand, and bade the
bystanders seize the bold stranger. But at the moment his hand became
suddenly paralysed, and at the same time the altar was rent asunder,
and the ashes of the victims were poured out. Now thoroughly alarmed,
the king implored the prophet to intercede with the Lord for him, that
the heavy judgment he had incurred might be removed. The other complied,
and the king’s hand was restored. Grateful for this signal favour,
Jeroboam would now have hospitably entertained the man of God. But
the latter had been sent on a special errand, and his commands had
been precise, and peremptory, neither to eat bread, nor drink water
in a place so openly profaned with idolatry, nor even to return thence
by the same road that he had come. Accordingly he declined the royal
invitation, and went his way (1 K. xiii. 10).
On the road, however, as he lingered under an oak, he was overtaken
by an old prophet of Bethel, who had heard from his sons of the day’s
occurrences at the festival. His own guilty silence had wellnigh
made him a partaker in the sins of the king, and the bold bearing
of the stranger reminded him of what he himself should have done.
Either, therefore, from a wish to win respect for himself once more by
intercourse with such an accredited messenger of the Most High, or with
the full intention of deceiving him, and so bringing discredit on his
words, he hurried after him, and now announced himself as the bearer
of a distinct Divine command that he should return to Bethel. Overcome
by this solemn declaration, the other accompanied him to the town. But
as they were seated at the meal, the Spirit of the Lord came upon the
guilty host, and the Deceiver was constrained to pronounce the doom
of the Deceived. The man of God had been faithless to the terms of his
commission, and a certain death awaited him, nor should his body ever
come into the sepulchre of his fathers. With his doom upon him he went
his way, and a lion met and slew him (1 K. xiii. 24).
But though dead, he was yet to speak, and testify to the solemnity of
the mission on which he had been sent. When he was found lying dead on
the road, the lion also was standing there, as well as the ass on which
he had ridden; the beast of prey had not eaten the corpse, nor torn the
ass. Thus the mysterious circumstances of the prophet’s death confirmed
that sign of his authority, which he had weakened during his life; and
the old prophet of Bethel, by laying him in his own sepulchre with all
honour, and charging his sons after his death to bury him beside the
victim of his own deceit, preserved in Jeroboam’s new religious capital
a silent witness against the idolatries there practised (1 K. xiii.
30–32).
CHAPTER II.
_REHOBOAM AND ABIJAH, JEROBOAM AND NADAB._
1 KINGS XIII.–XV. 2 CHR. XI.–XIII. B.C. 975–955.
THIS warning, however, though confirmed by signs and wonders, had
little or no effect on Jeroboam himself. He persisted in his evil
courses, and his dynasty was destined to pass away, a fact before
long revealed to him under very mournful circumstances. His son ABIJAH
fell sick. In his anxiety to know the fate of the hope of his kingdom,
Jeroboam bade his wife disguise herself, and repair to Shiloh, and
there consult the now blind and aged prophet, who had foretold his
own elevation to the throne. Though she was effectually disguised, and
presented only the gift of an ordinary person, a few loaves, some cakes,
and a cruse of honey, the prophet detected his visitor as soon as he
heard the sound of her feet at the door, and confirmed her worst fears.
In words of utmost sternness he denounced her husband’s idolatries,
and distinctly told her that her son would die. He, indeed, as one in
whom _was found some good thing towards the Lord God of Israel_, would
descend into the grave mourned and lamented by the whole people. But
no other of his family would thus receive an honourable funeral, and
his death would be but the prelude of the destruction of his father’s
dynasty. With a heavy heart the mother returned, and as she entered
the town of Tirzah, Abijah sickened, and the blind prophet’s words came
true (1 K. xiv. 1–18).
Meanwhile, the relations between the rival kingdoms had been marked
by continued hostility (1 K. xiv. 30; 2 Chr. xii. 15). The first step
taken by Rehoboam, when the disruption of the kingdom was complete,
was to fortify 15 cities in the neighbourhood of his capital, and in
the southern and south-western portions of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 5–12).
All these he stored with provisions and arms, and placed over them
commandants. During the first three years of his reign he walked in the
ways of the Lord, and was strengthened in upholding the principles of
true religion by numerous bodies of priests and Levites, who flocked
into the territory of Judah from that of Jeroboam, as also by many of
the tribes of Israel, who still remained faithful to the Lord God of
their fathers (2 Chr. xi. 13–17). But soon, like Solomon before him,
he too was found wanting. Surrounding himself with a numerous harem,
he took 18 wives and 60 concubines, by whom he became the father of
numerous sons and daughters. Reserving the throne for Abijah, the son
of Maachah daughter of Absalom, he dispersed the rest of the royal
princes among his fortified cities, and in the splendour of his court
and the security of his now established throne, forgat the law of the
Lord (2 Chr. xii. 1), and set an evil example to his subjects, who
speedily began to build high places, and set up _images and groves
on every high hill, and under every green tree_ (1 K. xiv. 22–24).
Five years, however, after his accession, his peace was rudely
disturbed. Shishak the Egyptian king, instigated probably by Jeroboam,
whom as we have already seen, he had befriended in exile, advanced
against Judah with 1200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, and an enormous
host of Libyans, Nubians, and Ethiopians. Having made himself master
of Rehoboam’s fenced cities, he penetrated as far as his capital,
and forced him to purchase an ignominious peace by delivering up the
treasure of the royal palace and the Temple, even to the shields of
gold, which Solomon had made for the purpose of being borne before him
whenever he visited the Temple in state[347] (1 K. x. 16, 17). More
than this the Egyptian monarch did not attempt, as Shemaiah the prophet
had promised would be the case, if the king and his people displayed
signs of real contrition for their idolatries. After this deep
humiliation, the moral condition of Judah seems to have improved, and
the rest of Rehoboam’s reign is not marked by any remarkable event. He
died, B.C. 957, at the age of 58, after a reign of 17 years, and was
succeeded by his son ABIJAH.
The new king continued the war with Jeroboam, and made a determined
effort to recover the ten tribes. At Mount Zemaraim, in the range of
Ephraim, he confronted with 400,000 troops twice that number of the
enemy; and previously to the battle endeavoured by a solemn address
to win over the subjects of his rival to their former allegiance. He
reminded them of the Divine election of David to the throne of the
entire nation, and the emphatic manner in which the monarchy had been
covenanted to him; he recounted the circumstances under which Jeroboam
had usurped the regal power, and contrasted the idolatrous worship he
had established with the time-honoured ritual of the Temple, and its
divinely-ordained priests. While he thus sought to awaken the loyalty
of the tribes, his rival had posted an ambuscade behind the men of
Judah, who found themselves entrapped. But, nothing daunted, they cried
unto the Lord, and, while the priests sounded with the silver trumpets,
raised a shout, and fell upon the foe. The forces of Jeroboam were
utterly routed, and Abijah succeeded in capturing the towns of Bethel,
Jeshanah, and Ephraim with the surrounding villages. From this signal
defeat the king of Israel never _recovered strength again_ (2 Ch.
xiii. 20), and soon after died, bequeathing his throne to his son
NADAB, while his rival Abijah, after a brief reign of three years, also
died, and was succeeded by his son ASA, B.C. 954.
CHAPTER III.
_ASA AND BAASHA, ELAH, ZIMRI, OMRI._
1 KINGS XV. XVI. 2 CHR. XIV.–XVI. B.C. 955–918.
THE reign of NADAB was very brief, lasting only two years. As he
was besieging Gibbethon, a town allotted to Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and
afterwards given to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. xxi. 23), but which
was now in the hands of the Philistines, BAASHA, the son of Abijah,
of the house of ♦Issachar, conspired ♦against him, and, usurping
the throne, smote all the house of Jeroboam till he left none that
breathed, thus fulfilling the words of Ahijah, and destroying the first
Israelitish dynasty, B.C. 953.
Between the new king and Asa constant hostilities were maintained.
The latter, mindful of the conditions on which he held the kingdom,
no sooner ascended the throne, than he commenced a general religious
reform throughout his dominions. He removed the idols his father had
set up, the high places, the images, and the groves; nor did he spare
the idolatrous ritual even of his grandmother Maachah, who held the
special dignity of queen-mother; he removed the symbol of her religion,
and flung the ashes into the brook Kidron. Having thus restored the
worship of Jehovah to something of its former purity, he strengthened
his kingdom by fortifying the frontier towns, and raised and equipped
a large army. He was thus in a condition to confront the enormous host
with which his realm was invaded by Zerah, the Ethiopian, probably
_Osorkon II._[348], the successor of Shishak, and the inheritor of his
quarrel with Rehoboam. The Egyptian host penetrated as far as Mareshah
in the low country of Judah, where they were confronted by Asa, whose
confidence in his God was rewarded by a complete victory, and the
Egyptian host fell back routed as far as Gerar, leaving immense spoils
in the hands of the men of Judah (2 Chr. xiv. 9–15).
After this signal success, encouraged by the assurances of the prophet
Azariah, Asa resolved to continue his religious reforms, and on his
arrival at Jerusalem convoked an assembly of the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin, as well as of the strangers sojourning amongst them from
Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon, and in the 3rd month of the 15th year
of his reign, renewed with solemn sacrifices a national Covenant. _With
a loud voice, and with shouting, and with trumpets, and with cornets_,
the assembly swore fealty to their God and king, and vowed to put to
death all who proved unfaithful to Jehovah (2 Chr. xv. 1–15).
The peace which his kingdom now enjoyed was soon disturbed by the
hostility of Baasha, who marched against Asa, and having recovered the
territory which he had lost, fortified Ramah, about 6 miles north of
Jerusalem, not only to annoy his enemy, and stop the tide of emigration
from his own kingdom into that of Judah, but also to cut off Asa’s
communications with the central portion of Israel. On this that monarch
resolved to purchase the aid of the king of Syria, Benhadad I.[349],
and persuade him to break off his alliance with his rival. Sending,
therefore, all the silver and gold left in the treasuries of the Temple
to the Syrian monarch, he succeeded in inducing him to fling an army
into northern Palestine, which smote Ijon, Dan, Abel-beth-Maachah,
Cinneroth, and all the land of Naphtali. This forced Baasha to withdraw
his forces, and retire to Tirzah; whereupon Asa summoned all Judah,
and having destroyed the works at Ramah, used the stones and timber to
fortify two towers, Geba and Mizpeh, as checks to any similar attempts
in future. This is the first instance of a Hebrew king courting
an alliance with a heathen power in a great crisis of the national
fortunes, and it did not pass unnoticed by the prophetical order.
Hanani the seer denounced such faithless leaning on an arm of flesh,
and foretold that from henceforth he should have wars. The outspoken
rebuke roused the anger of Asa. He flung the bold prophet into prison,
and oppressed some of the people, who probably sympathised in his
denunciations. In other respects he had ruled his kingdom with energy,
loyalty, and piety, and after a severe attack of gout, died in the 41st
year of his reign, and was committed to the tomb amidst general sorrow,
bequeathing his throne to his son JEHOSHAPHAT (2 Chr. xvi. 7–14),
B.C. 914.
Meanwhile there had been great vicissitudes in the kingdom of Israel.
After destroying the whole house of Jeroboam, Baasha made the beautiful
city of Tirzah[350] his capital, and in spite of the warnings of the
prophet Jehu the son of Hanani (1 K. xvi. 1–7), persisted in walking
in the ways of Jeroboam, _wherewith he made Israel to sin_. His reign
of 24 years was chiefly distinguished by his persistent hostility to
his rival Asa, which cost him, as we have seen, several cities in the
northern part of his dominions, in consequence of Asa’s alliance with
Benhadad. He was succeeded in the year B.C. 930 by his son ELAH; who
had barely reigned for the brief space of a year, when on the occasion
of a riotous feast in the house of his steward at Tirzah, he was
assassinated by ZIMRI, _the captain of half his chariots_, B.C. 929.
The usurper signalized his accession by ruthlessly murdering every
member of the family of Baasha, but had barely occupied the throne for
seven days, when OMRI, captain of the army then besieging Gibbethon,
attacked him at Tirzah. Despairing of aid Zimri anticipated the wishes
of his rival by firing the palace over his head, and perished in the
flames.