ON THE RULE OF THE ROAD

That was a jolly story which Mr. Arthur Ransome told the other day in

one of his messages from Petrograd. A stout old lady was walking with

her basket down the middle of a street in Petrograd to the great

confusion of the traffic and with no small peril to herself. It was

pointed out to her that the pavement was the place for foot-passengers,

but she replied: "I'm going to walk where I like. We've got liberty

now." It did not occur to the dear old lady that if liberty entitled

the foot-passenger to walk down the middle of the road it also entitled

the cab-driver to drive on the pavement, and that the end of such

liberty would be universal chaos. Everybody would be getting in

everybody else's way and nobody would get anywhere. Individual liberty

would have become social anarchy.

There is a danger of the world getting liberty-drunk in these days like

the old lady with the basket, and it is just as well to remind

ourselves of what the rule of the road means. It means that in order

that the liberties of all may be preserved the liberties of everybody

must be curtailed. When the policeman, say, at Piccadilly Circus steps

into the middle of the road and puts up his hand, he is the symbol not

of tyranny, but of liberty. You may not think so. You may, being in a

hurry and seeing your motor-car pulled up by this insolence of office,

feel that your liberty has been outraged. How dare this fellow

interfere with your free use of the public highway? Then, if you are a

reasonable person, you will reflect that if he did not, incidentally,

interfere with you he would interfere with no one, and the result would

be that Piccadilly Circus would be a maelstrom that you would never

cross at all. You have submitted to a curtailment of private liberty

in order that you may enjoy a social order which makes your liberty a

reality.

Liberty is not a personal affair only, but a social contract. It is an

accommodation of interests. In matters which do not touch anybody

else's liberty, of course, I may be as free as I like. If I choose to

go down the Strand in a dressing-gown, with long hair and bare feet,

who shall say me nay? You have liberty to laugh at me, but I have

liberty to be indifferent to you. And if I have a fancy for dyeing my

hair, or waxing my moustache (which heaven forbid), or wearing a tall

hat, a frock-coat and sandals, or going to bed late or getting up

early, I shall follow my fancy and ask no man's permission. I shall

not inquire of you whether I may eat mustard with my mutton. I may

like mustard with my mutton. And you will not ask me whether you may

be a Protestant or a Catholic, whether you may marry the dark lady or

the fair lady, whether you may prefer Ella Wheeler Wilcox to

Wordsworth, or champagne to shandygaff.

In all these and a thousand other details you and I please ourselves

and ask no one's leave. We have a whole kingdom in which we rule

alone, can do what we choose, be wise or ridiculous, harsh or easy,

conventional or odd. But directly we step out of that kingdom our

personal liberty of action becomes qualified by other people's liberty.

I might like to practise on the trombone from midnight till three in

the morning. If I went on to the top of Helvellyn to do it I could

please myself, but if I do it in my bedroom my family will object, and

if I do it out in the streets the neighbours will remind me that my

liberty to blow the trombone must not interfere with their liberty to

sleep in quiet. There are a lot of people in the world, and I have to

accommodate my liberty to their liberties.

We are all liable to forget this, and unfortunately we are much more

conscious of the imperfections of others in this respect than of our

own.

I got into a railway carriage at a country station the other morning

and settled down for what the schoolboys would call an hour's "swot" at

a Blue-book. I was not reading it for pleasure. The truth is that I

never do read Blue-books for pleasure. I read them as a barrister

reads a brief, for the very humble purpose of turning an honest penny

out of them. Now, if you are reading a book for pleasure it doesn't

matter what is going on around you. I think I could enjoy "Tristram

Shandy" or "Treasure Island" in the midst of an earthquake.

But when you are reading a thing as a task you need reasonable quiet,

and that is what I didn't get, for at the next station in came a couple

of men, one of whom talked to his friend for the rest of the journey in

a loud and pompous voice. He was one of those people who remind one of

that story of Home Tooke who, meeting a person of immense swagger in

the street, stopped him and said, "Excuse me, sir, but are you someone

in particular?" This gentleman was someone in particular. As I

wrestled with clauses and sections, his voice rose like a gale, and his

family history, the deeds of his sons in the war, and his criticisms of

the generals and the politicians submerged my poor attempts to hang on

to my job. I shut up the Blue-book, looked out of the window, and

listened wearily while the voice thundered on with themes like these:

"Now what French ought to have done..." "The mistake the Germans

made..." "If only Asquith had..." You know the sort of stuff. I had

heard it all before, oh, so often. It was like a barrel-organ groaning

out some banal song of long ago.

If I had asked him to be good enough to talk in a lower tone I daresay

he would have thought I was a very rude fellow. It did not occur to

him that anybody could have anything better to do than to listen to

him, and I have no doubt he left the carriage convinced that everybody

in it had, thanks to him, had a very illuminating journey, and would

carry away a pleasing impression of his encyclopaedic range. He was

obviously a well-intentioned person. The thing that was wrong with him

was that he had not the social sense. He was not "a clubbable man."

A reasonable consideration for the rights or feelings of others is the

foundation of social conduct. It is commonly alleged against women

that in this respect they are less civilised than men, and I am bound

to confess that in my experience it is the woman--the well-dressed

woman--who thrusts herself in front of you at the ticket office. The

man would not attempt it, partly because he knows the thing would not

be tolerated from him, but also because he has been better drilled in

the small give-and-take of social relationships. He has lived more in

the broad current of the world, where you have to learn to accommodate

yourself to the general standard of conduct, and his school life, his

club life, and his games have in this respect given him a training that

women are only now beginning to enjoy.

I believe that the rights of small people and quiet people are as

important to preserve as the rights of small nationalities. When I

hear the aggressive, bullying horn which some motorists deliberately

use, I confess that I feel something boiling up in me which is very

like what I felt when Germany came trampling like a bully over Belgium.

By what right, my dear sir, do you go along our highways uttering that

hideous curse on all who impede your path? Cannot you announce your

coming like a gentleman? Cannot you take your turn? Are you someone

in particular or are you simply a hot gospeller of the prophet

Nietzsche? I find myself wondering what sort of a person it is who can

sit behind that hog-like outrage without realising that he is the

spirit of Prussia incarnate, and a very ugly spectacle in a civilised

world.

And there is the more harmless person who has bought a very blatant

gramophone, and on Sunday afternoon sets the thing going, opens the

windows and fills the street with "Keep the Home Fires Burning" or some

similar banality. What are the right limits of social behaviour in a

matter of this sort? Let us take the trombone as an illustration

again. Hazlitt said that a man who wanted to learn that fearsome

instrument was entitled to learn it in his own house, even though he

was a nuisance to his neighbours, but it was his business to make the

nuisance as slight as possible. He must practise in the attic, and

shut the window. He had no right to sit in his front room, open the

window, and blow his noise into his neighbours' ears with the maximum

of violence. And so with the gramophone. If you like the gramophone

you are entitled to have it, but you are interfering with the liberties

of your neighbours if you don't do what you can to limit the noise to

your own household. Your neighbours may not like "Keep the Home Fires

Burning." They may prefer to have their Sunday afternoon undisturbed,

and it is as great an impertinence for you to wilfully trespass on

their peace as it would be to go, unasked, into their gardens and

trample on their flower beds.

There are cases, of course, where the clash of liberties seems to defy

compromise. My dear old friend X., who lives in a West End square and

who is an amazing mixture of good nature and irascibility, flies into a

passion when he hears a street piano, and rushes out to order it away.

But near by lives a distinguished lady of romantic picaresque tastes,

who dotes on street pianos, and attracts them as wasps are attracted to

a jar of jam. Whose liberty in this case should surrender to the

other? For the life of me I cannot say. It is as reasonable to like

street pianos as to dislike them--and vice versa. I would give much to

hear Sancho Panza's solution of such a nice riddle.

I suppose the fact is that we can be neither complete anarchists nor

complete Socialists in this complex world--or rather we must be a

judicious mixture of both. We have both liberties to preserve--our

individual liberty and our social liberty. We must watch the

bureaucrat on the one side and warn off the anarchist on the other. I

am neither a Marxist, nor a Tolstoyan, but a compromise. I shall not

permit any authority to say that my child must go to this school or

that, shall specialise in science or arts, shall play rugger or soccer.

These things are personal. But if I proceed to say that my child shall

have no education at all, that he shall be brought up as a primeval

savage, or at Mr. Fagin's academy for pickpockets, then Society will

politely but firmly tell me that it has no use for primeval savages and

a very stern objection to pickpockets, and that my child must have a

certain minimum of education whether I like it or not. I cannot have

the liberty to be a nuisance to my neighbours or make my child a burden

and a danger to the commonwealth.

It is in the small matters of conduct, in the observance of the rule of

the road, that we pass judgment upon ourselves, and declare that we are

civilised or uncivilised. The great moments of heroism and sacrifice

are rare. It is the little habits of commonplace intercourse that make

up the great sum of life and sweeten or make bitter the journey. I

hope my friend in the railway carriage will reflect on this. Then he

will not cease, I am sure, to explain to his neighbour where French

went wrong and where the Germans went ditto; but he will do it in a way

that will permit me to read my Blue-book undisturbed.

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