The German claim--not the Austrian nor the Turk, for the alliance
following Germany is to be allowed little force--is that, the
civilization of Europe now being defeated, a Roman pride may be generous
to the fallen. Before modern Germany is routed, as may be seen in the
features of its citizens, the nobility of its public works, and the
admirable, restrained, and classic sense of its literature, this
generosity to a humbled world will take the form of letting nations, of
right independent, enjoy some measure of freedom under a German
suzerainty. In the matter of property the magnanimous descendants of
Frederick and William the Great will restore the machines which cannot
be wrenched from their concrete beds, and the walls of the
manufactories. More liquid property, such as jewellery, furniture,
pictures--and coin--it will be more difficult to trace. In any case,
Europe may breathe again, though with a shorter breath than it did
before Germany conquered at the Marne.... This is the majestic vision
which the subtle diplomats of Berlin present to the admiration of the
neutral Powers, happily free from wicked passions of war, and not
blinded, as are the British, French, Russians, Italians, Belgians, and
the Serbians, by petty spite. Their audience, their triple audience, is
part of Greece, some of the public of Spain, and sections of that of the
United States. To the French and the British armies in the West, to the
Russians in the East, and to the Italians upon their frontiers, the
terms appear insufficient. Therein would seem to lie the gravity of
Prussia's case. These belligerent Powers will go so far as to demand
more than the mere restoration of stolen property, from cottage
furniture to freedom. And their anger has risen so high that they even
propose to make the acquirer of these goods suffer very bitterly indeed.
What plea he will then raise under discomforts more serious than those
he has caused to the peasants of Flanders and of Poland, and how those
pleas will affect his neutral audience, will have no effect whatever on
the result of the war, or on his own unpleasing fate. Those appeals will
have a certain interest, however, because we know from the past that the
German mind is unstable. Within fifteen short months it proposed the
annihilation of the French armies and the occupation of Paris. It
failed. It next offered terms upon suffering defeat. It withdrew them.
It next made certain at least of a conquest of Russia, failed again,
offered terms again, withdrew them again; was directed to the blockading
of England, failed; thought Egypt better, and then changed its mind. It
was but yesterday in the mood that this cartoon suggests; to-morrow its
mood will have utterly changed again, probably to a whine, perhaps to a
scream. Such instability is rare in the history of nations which purpose
a conquest of others, and it is a very poor furniture for the mind.