Gold Dust—the value of which appears to be estimated at a higher

rate in Cashna than in Fezzan; for in the former the worth of an ounce

of 640 grains (which is the weight of an ounce in Fezzan, Cashna,

and probably in all the States between that kingdom and the Niger)

is said to be nine mitkals, or 4l. 10s. sterling; whereas an ounce

of the same weight is worth in Fezzan but 4l. In Cashna the value of

an English ounce of 480 grains is consequently 3l. 7s. 6d. whereas

in Fezzan it is only 3l.

Slaves—In what manner these are obtained, does not distinctly

appear; but the value of a male slave is said to be from 15 to 20,000

cowries, or from 3l. to 4l. sterling:

That of a female slave is described as being two-thirds of the former,

or from 10,000 to 13,334 cowries, which in English money would be

from 2l. to 2l. 13s. 4d.

Cotton Cloths—which are the general manufacture of Cashna, of

Bornou, and of the Negro States to the South of the Niger:

Goat-skins—of the red and of the yellow dyes:

Ox and Buffalo Hides:

Civet—the mode of obtaining which, as well as the principal markets

for its sale, were described in the account which has been given of

the trade of Bornou.

In return for these articles the inhabitants of Cashna receive—

Cowries—a sea shell which is brought from the coast, and constitutes

the common specie of the empire:

Horses and Mares—which are purchased from the Merchants of Fezzan;

but whether bred in that country, or procured from the Arabs, or

from the people of Bornou, is not mentioned by the Shereef:

Red Woollen Caps,

Check Linens,[33]

Light coarse Woollen Cloths,

Baize,

Barakans or Alhaiks,

Small Turkey Carpets,

Plain Mesurata Carpets,

Silk, wrought and unwrought,

Tissues and Brocades,

Sabre Blades,

Dutch Knives,

Scizzars,

Coral,

Beads,

Small Looking-Glasses,

Tickera—a paste which is prepared in Fezzan from dates and the

meal of Indian corn, and which, whenever they travel, is in great

request among the people of Fezzan:

Gooroo Nuts—which are brought from the Negro States on the South of

the Niger, and which are principally valued for the pleasant bitter

that they communicate to any liquid in which they are infused.

~CHAPTER VIII.~

_Countries South of the Niger._

* * * * *

The account which the Shereef has given of such of the kingdoms to

the South of the Niger as he himself has visited, is too deficient

in geographical information to furnish a clear and determinate idea

of this part of his travels: and though the names of the principal

States in whose capitals he traded, or through whose dominions he

passed, may be used with advantage as the means of future enquiry, and

are therefore inserted in the map which accompanies this Narrative;

yet the places assigned them must be considered as in some degree

conjectural. That the line of his journey was towards the Gold

Coast, there is, however, the strongest reason to believe; and the

following brief account of his remarks may lead to conclusions which

are neither uninteresting nor unimportant.

From that part of the Niger which forms the southern limit of the

great Empire of Cashna, to the Kingdom of Tonouwah, which borders on

the coast of the Christians, and of which the Town of Assenté is said

to be the capital, a succession of hills, among which are mountains

of a stupendous height, diversifies or constitutes the general face

of the country. Most of the lands are described as already cleared,

but some particular districts are still incumbered with woods of a

vast extent; and though for the most part the highlands are pastured

by innumerable stocks of sheep, and by herds of cows and goats,

and the vales exhibit the captivating view of successive villages,

encompassed with corn and rice, and fruits of various kinds, yet

there _are_ places of native sterility and eternal barrenness.

The combined occupations of the shepherd and of the husbandman compose

the general employment of the people; while the cotton cloth, and

the goat-skins of the red and of the yellow dyes, that are offered

in several of the towns for sale, announce the rudiments of future

manufactures, and perhaps of an extensive commerce.

Exempted by the nature of their climate from many of those hardships

from which, in other countries, dress is the principal protection,

a large proportion of the inhabitants wear only the covering that

decency requires. But most of the Mahometans, as the mark of a

religion which they are proud to profess, adorn their heads with the

folds of the turban, and also adopt, at least in some of the States,

the cotton shirt, which is so much worn in the empires of Cashna

and Bornou.

Tents, which are formed of the hides of cows or of buffaloes,

and which are peculiarly suited to the shepherd life, are the only

dwellings of multitudes of the Negros; while the huts, which others

erect with the branches of trees, are of a construction almost

equally simple.

Several of the towns are described as surrounded by walls; and bows

and arrows are mentioned as the common instruments of war.

In the description of their Governments, a few instances of small

Republics are given; but most of their States are monarchical; and

of these, the inhabitants of the Mahometan Kingdom of Degombah are

distinguished by the custom of taming the Elephant, and by that of

selling for slaves the prisoners they take from such of the bordering

nations as motives of religion or of avarice prompt them to invade.

Such, however, is the mildness of the Negro character, that even the

asperities of religious disagreement appear to have no effect on their

general conduct; for there is reason to believe, from the Shereef’s

account, that the Musselman and the Pagan are indiscriminately mixed,

that their cattle feed upon the same mountain, and that the approach

of evening sends them in peace to the same village: and though the

nations who are attacked by the people of Degombah punish with death,

as guilty of atrocious injustice, such of the invaders as the chance

of war throws into their hands, yet those of the Mahometans who

visit them for the purposes of trade, are received with protection

and respect.

To the Merchants of Fezzan, who travel to the southern States of

the Negros, the purchase of gold, which the dominions of several,

and especially of those of Degombah, abundantly afford, is always

the first object of commercial acquisition. The other articles which

they obtain, consist of

Slaves,

Cotton Cloth,

Goat-Skins, of a beautiful dye,

Hides of Buffaloes and Cows, and

A species of Nut—which is much valued in the kingdoms to the North

of the Niger, and which is called Gooroo. It grows on a large and

broad leafed tree that bears a pod of about eighteen inches in length,

in which are inclosed a number of nuts that varies from seven to

nine. Their colour is a yellowish green; their size is that of a

chesnut, which they also resemble in being covered by a husk of a

similar thickness; and their taste, which is described as a pleasant

bitter, is so grateful to those who are accustomed to its use, and

so important as a corrective to the unpalatable or unwholesome waters

of Fezzan, and of the other kingdoms that border on the vast Zahara,

as to be deemed of importance to the happiness of life.

No commercial value appears to be annexed to the fleeces which

the numerous flocks of the Negro kingdoms afford; for the cotton

manufacture, which, the Shereef says, is established among the tribes

to the South of the Niger, seems to be the only species of weaving

that is known among them. Perhaps the dark colour of the fleece,

as disqualifying it for the dye, may be one reason, and its coarse

and hairy nature may be another, of the little esteem in which it

appears to be held.

In _return_ for the articles which they sell to their foreign

visitors, the Negros receive—

Salt, from the Merchants of Agadez,

Dutch Knives,

Sabre Blades,

Carpets,

Coral,

Beads,

Looking-Glasses,

Civet,

Imperial Dollars and Brass—from both of which the Negro artists

manufacture rings and bracelets for their women.

Fire Arms are unknown to such of the nations on the South of the Niger

as the Shereef has visited; and the reason which he assigns for it

is, that the Kings in the neighbourhood of the coast, persuaded that

if these powerful instruments of war should reach the possession of

the populous inland States, their own independence would be lost,

have strictly prohibited, and by the wisdom of their measures, have

effectually prevented this dangerous merchandize from passing beyond

the limit of their dominions.

~CHAPTER IX.~

_General View of the Trade from Fezzan to Tripoli, Bornou, Cashna,

and the Countries on the South of the Niger._

* * * * *

In the general description of Fezzan, an account was given of

the various articles of native produce which supply the wants,

or contribute to the trade of its people; but of their _Foreign_

Commerce, for which, like the Dutch in Europe, they are eminently

distinguished, the detail was purposely deferred: for till a previous

account of the countries to which that commerce is established had

been exhibited, no adequate conception of its nature or extent could

be easily conveyed.

At the latter end of October, when the ardent heat of the Summer

months is succeeded by the pleasant mildness and settled serenity

of Autumn, the several caravans that are respectively destined for

Tripoli and Bornou and Cashna, and the Negro Nations beyond the Niger,

take their departure from Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan. The parties

which compose them are generally small; for unless information has

been received that the road is infested with robbers, ten or a dozen

Merchants, attended by twice as many camels, and by the necessary

servants, constitute the usual strength of the caravan; but if an

attack is apprehended, an association of forty or fifty men, with

muskets for their defence, is formed; and as none of the Africans to

the South of Fezzan (the people of Agadez and the nations on the coast

excepted) have yet possessed themselves of fire-arms, the collective

force of such a number is sufficient to insure their safety.

Their store of provisions usually consists of dates; of meal prepared

from barley, or from Indian corn, and previously deprived of all its

moisture in an oven temperately heated; and of mutton, which is cured

for the purpose, by the treble process of being salted and dried in

the sun, and afterwards boiled in oil or fat; a process which gives

it, even in that climate, a lasting preservation.

In all the principal towns to which they trade, the Merchants

of Fezzan have Factors, or confidential Friends, to whose care,

till their return, or till their instructions as to the market

shall arrive, they consign such Negros as they purchase, perfectly

assured that the slaves will be forwarded by the Agents according to

the orders they receive; but their gold dust, as being more easily

conveyed, and less dependent for its value on the choice of the

market, is seldom entrusted to the Factor.

The caravans which proceed to _Tripoli_ are freighted partly with

trona, the produce of their native land, and partly with senna and

gold dust and slaves, the produce of the southern countries with which

they trade; and in return they bring back the cutlery and woollens

(particularly red woollen caps) and silks, wrought and unwrought,

together with the Imperial dollars, the copper and the brass, which

are requisite for the consumption of those countries or for their own.

The caravans which travel to _Bornou_ are loaded with the following

goods:

Brass and Copper—for the currency of Bornou. The caravan which

Mr. LUCAS accompanied from Tripoli to Mesurata, had brought ten

camel loads or forty hundred weight of these metals for the Bornou

market: their value in Bornou is about four shillings sterling for

each pound weight.

Imperial Dollars—which are called in Arabic Real Abotacia, and

the value of which, in comparison with the dollars of Spain, is,

at Tripoli, as 365 piastres to 340, or nearly as 16 to 15:

Red Woollen Caps,

Check Linens,

Light coarse Cloth,

Baize,

Barakans or Alhaiks,

Small Carpets of Turkey,

Small plain Carpets of Mesurata,

Silk, wrought and unwrought,

Tissues and Brocades—for the Royal Family and other persons of rank,

Sabre Blades,

Dutch Knives,

Scissars,

Coral,

Beads,

Small Looking-Glasses,

Gooroo Nuts—that grow on the South of the Niger, and are much valued

in Bornou for the pleasant taste which they communicate to water.

Of the native produce of Fezzan the only article which is brought as

merchandize to Bornou is a preparation of pounded dates, and of the

meal of Indian corn, highly dried in an oven. It is called Tickera,

and is valued, especially by Travellers, as a portable and highly

salubrious food.

In _return_ for the goods which they bring to _Bornou_ the Merchants

_take back_ with them,

Slaves,

Gold Dust,

Civet—for the markets on the South of the Niger.

* * * * *

The _exports_ from Fezzan to _Cashna_ and its dependent States,

consist of the following articles:

Cowries—a sea shell (in Arabic, called Hueddah) which constitutes

the circulating specie of this empire, and of the Negro kingdoms,

and which the Merchants procure from the Southern nations who border

on the coast; 17,062 are considered in Cashna as equivalent to an

English ounce (480 grains) of gold:

Brass—from which the Smiths of the country manufacture rings and

bracelets for their women:

Horses,

Red Woollen Caps,

Check Linens,

Light coarse Cloth,

Baize,

Barakans, or Alhaiks,

Small Turkey Carpets,

Plain Mesurata Carpets,

Silk, wrought and unwrought,

Tissues and Brocades,

Sabre Blades,

Dutch Knives,

Scissars,

Coral,

Beads,

Small Looking-Glasses,

Tickera—a preparation of pounded dates, and the meal of Indian corn,

which is manufactured in Fezzan:

Gooroo Nuts—which are brought from the Negro Countries on the

South of the Niger.

The articles received in _return_, are—

Gold Dust:—of which an English ounce (or 480 grains) appears to

be valued at 3l. 8s. 3d. though in Fezzan it seems to be worth no

more than 3l. The Fezzanners, in all probability, make themselves

amends by the price which they charge upon their goods.

Slaves—a male slave is worth in Cashna, from 3l. 10s. to 5l.—a

female slave is worth two-thirds of the amount, or from 2l. 6s. 8d. to

3l. 6s. 8d.

Cotton Cloths—of various colours, principally blue and white,

of which in the Empire of Cashna, and in the Negro States to the

South of the Niger, great quantities are made:

Goat Skins—dyed red or yellow,

Ox and Buffalo Hides—for tents,

Senna from Agadez—a province of the Cashna Empire; the Agadez senna

is worth at Tripoli, from fourteen to fifteen mahaboobs (4l. 4s. to

4l. 10s. sterling) per hundred weight; that which the Fezzanners

obtain at Tibesti is only worth per hundred weight, from nine to

ten mahaboobs, or from 2l. 14s. to 3l. sterling.

Civet.

* * * * *

To such of the various nations inhabiting _the Country on the South

of the Niger_ as they are accustomed to visit, the Merchants of

Fezzan convey the following articles:

Sabre Blades,

Dutch Knives,

Carpets,

Coral,

Beads,

Looking-Glasses,

Brass,

Imperial Dollars,

Civet.

In _return_ the Merchants receive—

Gold Dust,

Slaves,

Cotton Cloths—of various colours.

Goat Skins—red and yellow.

Ox and Buffalo Hides,

Gooroo Nuts—for sale in Cashna, Bornou, and Fezzan, where they

are purchased at the rate of 12s. for one hundred pods:

Cowries—for sale in Cashna.

Ivory, though very common in the country to the South of the Niger,

is not considered by the Merchants of Fezzan, as an article of

profitable transport, the demand for it on the Coast being such as

induces them to sell to the Negros who traffic there, the teeth which

in the course of their journey, they often find in the woods.[34]

Such are the principal branches of the extensive commerce of the

Merchants of Fezzan; from a view of which it appears, that, vast

as their concerns are, they have little communication with any of

the States that are situated to the West of the Empire of Cashna;

a circumstance which the Shereef ascribes to the want of a proper

conveyance for their goods; for the country on the West of Cashna

furnishes but few camels, and even horses and mules are singularly

scarce and dear.

~CHAPTER X.~

_Rout from Mourzouk to Grand Cairo, according to Hadgee Abdalah

Benmileitan, the present Governor of Mesurata._

* * * * *

Placed in a situation which affords an easy intercourse with the

Mediterranean, and therefore with the States of Europe, on the

one hand, and on the other with the extensive Empires of Bornou

and Cashna, the dominions of Tombuctou, and the various nations of

Negros to the South of the Niger, the Merchants of Fezzan are happily

possessed of the farther advantage of communicating by a safe and

comparatively commodious passage with the Cities of Grand Cairo and of

Mecca. A pilgrimage to the latter, the object, from time immemorial,

of veneration in Arabia, is prescribed to every Musselman; and though

the greatest part of the believers in Mahomet, deterred by distance,

or restrained by the avocations of business and the feelings of

domestic attachment, content themselves with imperfect resolutions

of performing at some future period this arduous journey, yet there

are persons, even from the innermost recesses of Africa, who think,

that a positive injunction of their faith is too solemn for excuses,

and too momentous for delay. Prompted by this urgent consideration,

or allured by the honourable distinction which attends upon the

title of Hadgee, the envied appellation of those who have visited the

sacred Temple, a number of the faithful from the Empires of Bornou

and Cashna, from the extensive kingdom of Caffaba, and from several

of the Negro States, resort to Fezzan, and proceed from thence,

with the caravan, which in the Autumn of every second or third year

takes its departure for Mecca. The caravan, which seldom consists

of less than one hundred, or of more than three hundred Travellers,

assembles at Mourzouk, and begins its journey in the last week of

October, or in the first of the succeeding month.

Temissa, a town in the dominions of Fezzan, and situated to the

East North East of Mourzouk, receives them at the close of the

seventh day; and in two days more, of easy travelling, they arrive

at a lofty mountain, rocky, uninhabited, and barren, of the name

of Xanibba. Having recruited their goat-skin bags from the only

well which these sullen heights afford, they descend to a vast

and dreary desart, whose hilly surface, for four successive days,

presents nothing to the eye but one continued extent of black and

naked rock; to which, for three days more, the equally barren view

of a soft and sandy stone succeeds. Through all this wide expanse

of varied nakedness no trace of animal or vegetable life, not even

the desart thorn, is seen. On the eighth day, the vast mountain

of Ziltan, the rugged sides of which are marked with scanty spots

of brushwood, and are enriched with stores of water, increases the

labour of the journey. Four days are devoted to the toils of this

stupendous passage; four others are employed in crossing the sultry

plain that stretches its barren sands from the foot of the mountain

to the verdant heights of Sibbeel, where the wells of water and the

chearing view of multitudes of antelopes suspend their fatigues, and

anticipate the refreshments that await them on the next evening; for

the close of the following day conducts them to the town of Augéla.

From that place, which is subject to Tripoli, and is famed for the

abundance and excellent flavour of its dates, they proceed in one

day to the little village of Gui Xarrah; another brings them to the

long ascent of the broad mountain of Gerdóbah, from whose inflexible

barrenness the Traveller, in the course of a five days passage, can

only collect a scanty supply of unpalatable water. Descending from

these mournful highlands, he enters the narrow plain of Gegabib,

sandy and uninhabited, yet fertile in dates, which the people of

Duna (a town dependant on Tripoli, and situated on the Coast at the

distance of eight days journey from Gegabib) annually gather.

From this scene of gladsome contrast to the inveterate rocks

of Gerdóbah, a three days march conducts the caravan to another

desolate mountain of the name of Buselema, that furnishes only water;

and in three days more they enter the dominions of the independent

Republic of See-wah.

Governed by a Council of six or eight Elders, whose lasting

dissentions divide the opinions and distract the allegiance of the

people, this unfortunate State is constantly involved in the miseries

of intestine war. Its chief produce is the date tree; for the lands,

though not destitute of water, furnish but little corn.

From See-wah, the capital, the caravan proceeds in a single day to the

miserable village of Umseguér, which is one of the dependencies of

the State, and is situated at the foot of the mountainous Desart of

Le Mágra, where, in the long course of a seven days passage, the

Traveller is scarcely sensible that a few spots of thin and meagre

brushwood slightly interrupt the vast expanse of sterility, and

diminish the amplitude of desolation. The eighth day terminates with

his arrival at the hill of Huaddy L’Ottrón, which is distinguished

by a small convent, of three Christian Monks, who reside there

under the protection of Cairo, and to whose hospitable entertainment

the Traveller is largely indebted. Buildings, surrounded with high

walls, and erected in the neighbourhood of the convent, are opened

for his reception; and for three successive days, if he chuses to

be their guest so long, his wants, as far as their means extend,

are chearfully and liberally supplied.

Their garden, in which is a well of excellent and never-failing water,

affords an ample store of vegetables of various kinds; the maintenance

of a few sheep is furnished by an adjoining pasture; and they raise,

without difficulty, a numerous breed of fowls. All other articles,

except their bread, which they manufacture themselves, they receive

from Cairo.

Respected by the Arabs, who revere their hospitality more than they

hate their religion, these venerable men are apparently secure.—Yet

as too much confidence might invite the meanest plunderers to invade

their peaceful dwelling, they have cautiously guarded their convent

by a separate and lofty inclosure from an opening in which a ladder

of ropes furnishes the means of descent.

Leaving this hospitable hill with such refreshments as the generous

Fathers could supply, the caravan continues its course, and on the

fifth day arrives at the City of Cairo, from whence, at the usual

season, it proceeds by the customary rout to Mecca.

~CHAPTER XI.~

_Conclusions suggested by the preceding Narrative._

* * * * *

From the perusal of the preceding account, the Society are enabled

to judge of the credit which it deserves, and of the value of the

information which it offers. If the evidence of its truth should be

thought insufficient, they will keep their minds in suspence till

Narratives of more confirmed authenticity shall disprove or establish

the relation. But if they should think that the Shereef’s account of

Bornou and of the Niger is too strongly supported by the corresponding

description of Ben Alli, to leave a suspicion of its falsehood;

and that the fidelity of this part of his Narrative warrants the

belief of whatever else is equally described on the authority of

his personal knowledge, then they will feel that conclusions of an

important and interesting nature result from the various, though

imperfect intelligence which he has furnished.

The present state of the Empire of Bornou, compared with its condition

when Leo Africanus, who wrote his account in the year 1526, was its

visitor, exhibits an interesting proof of the advancement of the

Mahometan Faith, and of the progress of imperfect civilization.[35]

A savage nakedness, or the rude covering which the skins of beasts

afford, are now relinquished, for the decency and convenience of a

dress of cotton manufacture. Tempered by the courtesy of commerce,

and the conciliating interchange of important benefits, the antient

barbarism of the people is softened to habits of kindness; and, in

the minds of the greatest part, the absurd superstitions of Paganism

have given place to the natural and sublime idea of the Unity of God.

From the account of the nations to the _South of the Niger_, it

appears, that, among the Mahometan Blacks, the sternness of the

Musselman is softened by the mildness of the Negro; and that if the

zeal of the invader be not inflamed by the value of the captive,

the propagation of the faith is seldom considered as a reason or

pretext for war.

Perhaps the attention of the _Philosopher_ may be engaged by the use

to which the small shells of the Maldive Islands are equally applied

by the inhabitants of Cashna, and by the natives of Bengal. Sameness

of opinion, or resemblance of conduct, when founded in natural

feeling, or a similar state of society, are seen without wonder in

nations unconnected and remote; but that a custom so arbitrary and

artificial as that of employing Cowries as a substitute for coin,

a custom which instinct could not have produced, and chance could

scarcely have occasioned, should equally prevail among the Negros

of Africa and the natives of Bengal, may justly be deemed a curious

and interesting phenomenon.

To the British _Traveller_, a desire of exchanging the usual excursion

from Calais to Naples, for a Tour more extended and important, and of

passing from scenes with which all are acquainted, to researches in

which every object is new, and each step is discovery, may recommend

the Kingdom of Fezzan. If Antiquities be his favourite pursuit, the

ruins which shadow the cottages of Jermah and of Temissa, promise

an ample gratification: or if the study of Nature be his wish, the

expansive scenes and numerous productions of that uninvestigated

soil may equally promote his entertainment and his knowledge. But if

a spirit of more adventurous research should induce him to travel

with the Merchants of Fezzan, discoveries of superior value may

distinguish and reward his toil. The powerful Empires of Bornou

and Cashna will be open to his investigation; the luxurious City of

Tombuctou, whose opulence and severe police attract the Merchants

of the most distant States of Africa, will unfold to him the causes

of her vast prosperity; the mysterious Niger will disclose her

unknown original and doubtful termination; and countries unveiled

to antient or modern research will become familiar to his view. Or

should he be willing to join the Cairo Caravan, the discovery of

the antient scite, and of whatever else may remain of the Temple

of Jupiter Ammon, may perhaps be attempted with success: for the

same causes which gave birth to the springs, and, by their means,

to the luxuriant vegetation of the antient domains of the Temple,

must still continue to distinguish the fortunate soil; and there seems

no reason to doubt that the hospitable convent of Huaddy L’Ottrón,

or the neighbouring Republic of See-wah, will not only furnish a place

of convenient departure and of easy retreat, but will also supply

the requisite information, and the necessary aid. At this time,

an Interpreter, who is equally acquainted with Arabic and English,

may be found in London; and, at all times, the Cities of Tripoli,

of Tunis, and of Ceuta, afford a number of Mahometans who are almost

as conversant with the Italian or the Spanish, as with the Arabic,

their native language.

But of all the advantages to which a better acquaintance with the

Inland Regions of Africa may lead, the first in importance is, the

extension of the Commerce, and the encouragement of the Manufactures

of Britain. That fire-arms are in request with all nations, civilized

and savage, who have the means of obtaining them, experience uniformly

proves; and we now learn, that to the jealousy which the Princes

on the Southern Coast entertain of the powerful Interior States,

and to the total neglect of all opportunities of opening, from more

favourable quarters, an immediate communication with the inland

country, it is owing that the sale of one of the most profitable

manufactures of Great Britain is still in a great measure confined to

the scanty Tribes which inhabit the shores of the Atlantic. From the

same information we are also led to conclude, that the anxious policy

which prohibits the conveyance of fire-arms to the Inland Tribes,

dictates, as a necessary caution, the severest restraints on the

transit of other merchandize. But if, on the system of the Moors,

the effect of which has been tried too long for its wisdom to be

disputed, associations of Englishmen should form caravans, and take

their departure from the highest navigable reaches of the Gambia,

or from the settlement which is lately established at Sierra Leona,

there is reason to believe, that countries new to the fabrics of

England, and probably inhabited by more than a hundred millions

of people, may be gradually opened to her trade. On this system,

much greater would be their profits than those which the Merchants

of Fezzan receive; for they would reach, by a journey of 700 miles

from their vessels, the same markets to which a land-carriage of 3000

conveys from the Mediterranean the goods of the Fezzanners; and they

would also possess the farther advantage of obtaining at prime cost,

the same articles for which the Merchants of Fezzan are subjected to

the complicated disadvantages of a high price, of an inferior quality,

and of the varying exactions that the despotic Governments of Barbary

impose. Now if it be considered, that notwithstanding the vast expence

of land-carriage, and of an exorbitant price on the purchase of the

articles which they sell, the Traders of Fezzan are still enabled

to collect a profit that upholds and encourages their commerce,

it must be evident, that the gain which the Merchants of England

would derive from a similar traffic, conducted as is here proposed,

would be such as few commercial adventures have ever been found to

yield. That no difficulties will attend the execution of the Plan,

the general history of new undertakings forbids us to believe;

but as far as the _climate_ and _religion_ of the Negros are in

question, there seems to be little discouragement; for the long

descent of the rivers is a proof that the elevation of the inland

country is raised above the level of the coast and consequently that

the climate is much more temperate, and probably more salubrious:

and while the Narrative of the Shereef announces that the Merchant

is considered by the Negro as the general friend of Mankind, common

experience convincingly shews that, in the judgement of the Pagan,

the Crescent and the Cross are objects of equal indifference; and

that the comparative welcome of the Musselman and of the Christian

depends on their Merchandize rather than their Creed.

As little discouragement is suggested by a view of the purchasable

goods of which the natives are possessed; for, independently of

their cotton, which in all the interior nations is described as of

common manufacture, and therefore as of general growth, their mines

of gold (the improveable possession of many of the Inland States)

will furnish, to an unknown, and probably boundless extent, an

article that commands, in all the markets of the civilized world,

a constant and unlimited sale.

Such are the important objects of mercantile pursuit, which the

various intelligence obtained by the first efforts of the Association,

enables them to point out and recommend to their Country: and

while the contemplation of national interests, and of the still

more extended interests of philosophy, directs their efforts and

animates their hopes, they cannot be indifferent to the reflection,

that in the pursuit of these advantages, and by means as peaceable

as the purposes are just, the conveniencies of civil life, the

benefits of the mechanic and manufacturing arts, the attainments

of science, the energies of the cultivated mind, and the elevation

of the human character, may in some degree be imparted to nations

hitherto consigned to hopeless barbarism and uniform contempt.

_FOR the following Memoir, and for the Map which it describes, the

Society are indebted to the eminent talents and ardent zeal in the

Promotion of Geographical Improvement that distinguish the character

of MAJOR RENNELL._

~CHAPTER XII.~

_Construction of the Map of Africa._

* * * * *

That the Geography of Africa has made a slower progress towards

improvement than that of every other part of the world, during

the last, and the present century, is to be attributed more to

natural causes, than to any absolute want of attention on the part

of Geographers. Formed by the Creator, with a contour and surface

totally unlike the other Continents, its interior parts elude all

nautic research; whilst the wars and commerce in which Europeans

have taken part, have been confined to very circumscribed parts of

its borders. These most productive means of geographical information

failing, the next resource is to collect materials from the best

informed amongst the travelled _natives_: I say _natives_, because

the generality of European Travellers reckon upon some degree of

solace, as well as the gratification of curiosity, during their

peregrinations: not to mention, that it is more the practice to

see what has been already seen, than to strike into a new path,

and dare to contemplate an unfashionable subject. To the lovers of

adventure and novelty, Africa displays a most ample field: but the

qualification of local manners, and, in some degree, of habits,

must in this case, be superadded to that of language: and this,

unquestionably, renders the undertaking more arduous than that of

an ordinary Tour. But the Adventurer in quest of fame, will readily

appreciate the degrees of glory attendant on each pursuit.

The 18th century has smiled propitiously on the Science of GEOGRAPHY

throughout the globe; and an Englishman may be allowed to pride

himself that his countrymen have had their full share of the glory

attending this, and other kinds of researches tending to increase

the general stock of knowledge. It is to this spirit that we are to

attribute the acquisition of the materials which form the subject of

the present Work. It is no less to this spirit that we are indebted

for the progressive improvements in the North-American and Asiatic

Geography: our systems embracing objects far superior to the limited

views with which Geographical Surveys are ordinarily undertaken: not

the topography of townships, districts, counties; but the Geography

of Empires, Regions, and Continents!

As both EUROPE, and its adjacent Continent, ASIA, are spread over

with inland seas, lakes, or rivers of the most extended navigations,

so as collectively to aid the transport of bulky articles of

merchandize from one extreme of them to the other; and to form (like

stepping-stones over a brook) a more commodious communication: so

likewise the northern part of the new Continent appears to have an

almost continuous Inland Navigation, which must prove of infinite

advantage to the inhabitants, when fully peopled; and contribute to

their speedier civilization, in the mean time. But Africa stands

alone in a geographical view! Penetrated by no inland seas, like

the Mediterranean, Baltic, or Hudson’s Bay; nor overspread with

extensive lakes, like those of North America; nor having in common

with the other Continents, rivers running from the center to the

extremities: but, on the contrary, its regions separated from each

other by the least practicable of all boundaries, arid Desarts of

such formidable extent, as to threaten those who traverse them, with

the most horrible of all deaths, that arising from thirst! Placed

in such circumstances, can we be surprised either at our ignorance

of its Interior Parts, or of the tardy progress of civilization in

it? Possibly, the difficulty of conveying merchandize to the coasts,

under the above circumstances, may have given rise to the _traffic_

in _men_, a commodity that can transport itself! But laying this out

of the question, as an abstract speculation, there can be little

doubt but that the progress of civilization amongst the Africans

has been as slow as can be conceived, in any situation: and it has

also happened, of course, that the destined Instruments of their

civilization have remained in a proportional degree of ignorance

concerning the nature of the country.

Nothing can evince the low state of the African Geography, more than

M. D’Anville’s having had recourse to the Works of PTOLOMY and

EDRISI, to compose the Interior Part of his Map of Africa (1749.) It

is well known, that those Authors wrote in the second and in the

twelfth centuries of our æra. Most of the positions in the Inland

Part of the great body of Africa are derived from EDRISI; and it is

wonderful how nearly some of the positions agree with those furnished

by the present materials. Such was the transcendant judgement of

D’Anville in combining the scanty notices that are furnished by

the Nubian Geographer!

But the Public are not to expect, even under an improved system

of African Geography, that the Interior Part of that Continent

will exhibit an aspect similar to the others; rich in variety;

each region assuming a distinct character. On the contrary, it will

be meagre and vacant in the extreme. The dreary expanses of desart

which often surround the habitable spots, forbid the appearance of

the usual proportion of towns; and the paucity of rivers, added

to their being either absorbed or evaporated, instead of being

conducted in flowing lines to the ocean, will give a singular cast

to its hydrography; the direction of their courses being, moreover,

equivocal, through the want of that information, which a communication

with the sea usually affords at a glance. Little as the Antients knew

of the Interior Part of Africa, they appear to have understood the

character of its surface; one of them comparing it to a leopard’s

skin. Swift also, who loses no opportunity of being witty at the

expence of mathematicians, diverts himself and his readers both with

the _nakedness_ of the land, and the absurdity of the map-makers.

“Geographers, in _Afric_ maps,

With savage pictures fill their gaps,

And o’er unhabitable downs

Place elephants, for want of towns.”

The Society for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of

Africa has been fortunate in collecting much geographical information,

in so early a stage of the African researches; and there is little

doubt but that in a few years all the great features of this Continent

(within the reach of their enquiries) may be known and described. But

to accomplish this, it will be necessary that intelligent Europeans

should trace some of the principal routes; as well to apportion the

distances, as to establish some kind of criterion for the parole

information derived from the natives. As yet, in the wide extent of

near thirty degrees on a meridian, between BENIN and TRIPOLI, not

one celestial observation has been taken, to determine the latitude.

But as far as materials composed by a scale founded on estimated

distances (that is, days journeys of caravans) may go towards

the establishment of geographical positions, the itineraries made

use of for constructing the new matter in the accompanying map,

are less discordant than might be expected in so wide an expanse,

and on the foundation of rules so vague as those which necessity has

compelled me to apply. On this, however, the Reader must exercise

his own judgement, after the following exposition of the _data_,

and the rules by which I have determined the scale.

It will easily be conceived by the Reader, that all roads, except

such as are made through a country, in which the public works are

in the highest state of improvement, and where also the face of

it is perfectly level (the curvature of the earth excepted) must

have some degree of inflexion, both horizontally and vertically;

and either of these will occasion a Traveller to trace a line of

greater length by the road, than can be measured on a straight line,

drawn from the point of commencement, to that of the termination of

his journey. The quantity of the difference must vary with the nature

of the country; but in ordinary cases, still more with the extent of

the line of distance: for a different ratio between the road distance

and horizontal distance must obtain, as the line of distance is

increased. Let it be admitted, that in stages of ten or twelve miles,

the winding of the road occasions a loss of only one-tenth part,

which may be termed the _simple_ winding: yet as the different stages

in an extent of 100 or 150 miles, do not lie in a straight line, drawn

through the whole extent, but often very far to the right and left of

it, a _compound_ winding arises: and I have found by long experience,

that one mile in eight must be deducted, to reduce the road measure,

on such a length, to horizontal measure. When a line of distance is

extended to 500 miles and upwards, the rule becomes much more vague

than when applied to moderate distances; because it often happens

(and more particularly in unimproved countries) that obstacles

present themselves, and give an entire new direction to the course

of the road; although the two parts of it, considered separately,

may have only an ordinary degree of crookedness. However, as some of

the lines of distance applied to the present subject, are from thirty

to forty days journey, it becomes necessary that some general rules

should be adopted. It happens that examples are furnished, in two

cases, on very long journies, where the real distances between the

terminating points of the routes are nearly known: such is that of

fifty-three days journey, between the Capital of _Fezzan_ and _Cairo_;

and the mean horizontal distance for each day, is fourteen and a

half geographic miles, or those of sixty to a degree. I confess I

should have expected much less. The other example is between _Arguin_

and _Gallam_: there forty days produce thirteen miles for each day;

and this is conformable to my expectations. In the examples of small

distances, such as six days journey, sixteen miles per day is the

result, and is consistent. For a caravan journey, taken at twenty-two

British miles of _road_ distance, will produce, when the allowance for

winding is deducted, and the remainder reduced to geographic miles,

about sixteen and a half such miles for a single day.

The following are the proportions which I have established, for the

application of a scale, to the different degrees of distance.

For one day, sixteen miles and a half; for seventeen to twenty-five

days, fifteen miles; for forty to fifty days, thirteen miles. These

numbers are particularly selected, because they occurred in the

course of the Work. The Reader will be pleased to observe, that the

miles spoken of in the construction, are always those of sixty to

a degree of a great circle. However tedious this investigation may

appear to the generality of readers, it is absolutely necessary;

as it is the hinge upon which the whole turns: and a neglect of

attention to this particular subject, would warrant the Reader’s

taking the whole for granted, without further examination.

Mr. BEAUFOY having given, from the materials in his possession,

so full an account of each road and country, nothing remains for

me to do, but simply to describe, from the same materials, the mode

of fixing the principal positions, in the Map. As the object of it

is to exhibit the new matter only, care has been taken to exclude

all that has already appeared, except what was absolutely necessary

towards explaining the other: and as the borrowed particulars are

distinguished from the rest, the Reader cannot be mistaken. The

outline of the great body of Africa, together with the courses of the

Nile, Gambia, Senegal, and Wad-drah, are copied from Mr. D’Anville.

Fezzan (or rather its capital, Mourzouk) is given in the Itineraries

at the distance of seventeen days and half from Mesurata. These,

taken at fifteen miles per day, produce two hundred and sixty-two

miles. The bearing is said to be South from Mourzouk; and this latter

is placed according to D’Anville. Mourzouk, then, falls in latitude

27° 20′.

Agadez, the next principal station, is, at a medium forty-one days

from Mourzouk, on a South West course, or thereabouts: and these,

at thirteen miles per day, produce four hundred and fifty-five miles;

and place Agadez in latitude 20° 20′; and nearly in the meridian

of Tripoli. Agadez is the Agadost of Edrisi.

From Agadez to Cashna is seventeen days; which, at fifteen miles

per day, give a distance of two hundred and fifty-five miles. The

bearing is said to be South South West. Cashna, then, will stand in

or about the latitude of 16° 20′ North, and about a degree and

half West from Tripoli.

D’Anville’s _Casseenah_ (undoubtedly meant for Cashna) is placed

about thirty-seven miles to the North West of the position assumed in

the accompanying Map; whence I consider mine as a near approximation,

especially as the distance from Mesurata is upwards of nine hundred

and seventy miles.

Cashna may be regarded as the central kingdom of the great body

of Africa; and as a part of the region named SOUDAN, of which at

present but few particulars are known.

Ghanah, or Ghinnah, is placed, in respect of Cashna, according

to M. D’Anville’s Map. It does not appear whether he had any

authority for placing it ninety miles to the North East of Cashna:

but its position, in respect of the City of Nuabia, (antiently Meroé,

on the Nile) is on the authority of Edrisi. This Author also allows

twelve days between Agadez and Ghanah: and by my construction, they

are two hundred and eight miles asunder. See _Geog. Nubiensis_,

p. 39. Ghanah was in the twelfth century a city of the first

consequence. Wangara and Kanem, were also known to Edrisi.

The river known to Europeans by the name of NIGER, runs on the

South of the kingdom of Cashna, in its course towards Tombuctou; and

if the report which Ben Alli heard in that town, may be credited,

it is afterwards lost in the sands on the South of the country of

Tombuctou. In the Map, only the known part of its course is marked

by a line; and the suppositious part by dots. It may be proper to

observe, that the Africans have two names for this river; that is,

NEEL IL ABEED, or RIVER OF THE NEGROS; and NEEL IL KIBEER, or THE

GREAT RIVER. They also term the NILE, (that is, the Egyptian River)

NEEL SHEM: so that the term NEEL, from whence our NILE, is nothing

more than the appellative of River; like GANGES, or SINDE.

From Cashna the road leads Westward to the Kingdom of GONJAH,

ninety-seven days journey from the former. _Gonjah_, is, from

circumstances, the _Conche_ of M. D’Anville, and the _Gonge_

of M. Delisle; and the similitude of names, however great, is the

least proof it: for the Itinerary of the SHEREEF IMHAMMED says,

that eighteen or twenty days from Gonjah, towards the North West (or

between the West and North) lies the Country of YARBA: and eight days

farther West, that of AFFOW. Now the countries of YARRA and YAFFON,

will be found in Delisle’s Map of Senegal (1726), nearly in the

position that _Yarba_ and _Affow_ take in respect of Gonjah; supposing

D’Anville’s _Conche_ to be meant for it. It is extremely difficult

to assign a ratio for the decrease of the horizontal distance, on so

extended a line as ninety-seven days journey; and therefore it would

be losing time to attempt it. Gonjah, by circumstances, is about eight

hundred and seventy miles from Cashna, which allows only nine miles

for each day. I therefore conclude that the road is very circuitous.

Gonjah is reported by the Shereef to be forty-six days journey from

the Coast of Guinea, to which the Christians trade. It is probable

that the Gold Coast is the part meant, and that may be taken at five

hundred and thirty miles from D’Anville’s Conché. The ratio, at

thirteen per day, would give near six hundred. Here again, it would

be losing of time, to reason on such a point of uncertainty, since

neither of the extreme points of the line of distance are correctly

known. The Reader must therefore determine for himself. Of this

space of forty-six days travelling, from Gonjah towards the Coast,

the Shereef had travelled only the first ten days, to the City of

Kalanshee, a dependency of the Kingdom of _Tounouwah_; the capital

of which, according to his report, is ASSENTAI (the Assianté of

D’Anville) situated midway between Kalanshee and the sea coast:

that is, eighteen days journey from each. The Shereef also reports,

that there is no communication between this coast (which we may

suppose to be the Gold Coast) and the country of Gonjah: for that

the King of Assentai, who possesses the space between, prohibits

his Inland Neighbours from passing through his country.

But Mr. NORRIS, a gentleman who resided many years in Whydah,

&c. reports differently: for he says, that there are other States,

(that is, the Fantees, and their confederates) lying between Assentai

and the sea; and that the Assentais have often attempted, but without

success, to open a communication with the Coast.

To return to the route from Cashna to Gonjah. There are between them

some extensive kingdoms or states, most of which appear to preserve

their antient religion. I have generally marked the progress of

the Mahomedan Religion, by a crescent; and the Caffre States by an

arbitrary mark of a different kind.

It will appear by a slight inspection of the Map, that the Mahomedan

Religion, as far as respects the Interior Part of the Country,

has spread southward, to about the parallel of twelve degrees of

North latitude. Probably though, in some of those countries where

the Court religion is Mahomedan, the bulk of the people may profess

the antient religion.

TOMBUCTOU, is placed on the following authorities: First, Mr. MATRA,

the British Consul in the dominions of Morocco, says, on the

authority of the natives, that Tombuctou is fifty days _caravan

travelling_ from TATTAH, a place situated on the common frontiers of

Morocco, Drah, and Zenhaga; and in the route from Morocco, and Suz,

to Tombuctou. Tattah is ascertained in position, by a route of Ben

Alli’s. He found it to be nine days and half from Morocco, and one

day short of a station on the Wad-drah (or Drah River) which station

was four days, or sixty-six miles lower down than _Tinjuleen_, a

place in D’Anville’s and Delisle’s Maps of Africa. It was also

twelve days journey from the City of Nun or Non, which city by Ben

Alli’s account, is two days from the sea coast; and well known to

be opposite to the Cape of the same name. These authorities enable us

to place Tattah one hundred and seventy miles South South East from

Morocco. Then, fifty days from Tattah to Tombuctou, at thirteen each

day, produces six hundred and fifty miles. By Ben Alli’s report,

Tombuctou is forty-eight days from the capital of Sultan Fullan,

lying within the district of Gallam, on the River Senegal. The

position of this place is not known to me; but by circumstances it

must be near the river: and in using materials of so coarse a kind,

trifles must not be regarded. Forty-eight days at thirteen each day,

produce six hundred and twenty miles; and this line of distance meets

that from Tattah, in latitude 19°. 40′. and nearly midway between

Gallam and Cashna. In this position, it falls only twenty-eight

miles to the North West of D’Anville’s Tombuctou.

It appears that most of the road from Tattah to Tombuctou, lies across

the vast Desart, commonly known by the name of ZAHARA, or properly,

THE DESART. Geography is at present, very bare of particulars, in this

quarter. Ben Alli went from Tombuctou, direct to Fezzan, skirting the

South East border of this great Desart. He reckoned only sixty-four

days between Tombuctou and Fezzan, which at twelve miles and half

per day, produce only eight hundred miles. The interval on the Map

is nine hundred and seventy. Reason, however, points out, that the

distance from the nearest place, Gallam, ought to be preferred. And

as it is understood, that Agadez and Tombuctou are about fifty-five

days asunder, it appears yet more probable that the interval between

Fezzan and Tombuctou, ought not to be reduced. It must be recollected,

that Ben Alli’s Communications were given from memory, after an

interval of twenty years.

The point of the next importance, is Bornou, the capital of an

extensive kingdom situated on the South East of Fezzan, and between

the two NEELS or NILES; that of Egypt, and that of the Negros.

Bornou, is given by the Shereef, at about fifty days from Mourzouk

(or Fezzan) which may be taken at six hundred and fifty miles. He

also reports that it is twenty-five days journey from the course of

the Nile, where it passes the country of Sennar; or in distance about

three hundred and sixty miles. This would place Bornou in a direction

of South East, somewhat southwardly, from Mourzouk; and about the

parallel of 19° 40′. It is not probable that Bornou has a more

westerly position. Edrisi’s account would place it more easterly;

for he says, that _Matthan_, a city of _Kanem_, lies thirty-one

days from _Nuabia_ (on the Nile) through _Tegua_. _Geog. Nub._

p. 15. Edrisi’s day’s journey is equal to eighteen Arabic miles,

or nearly nineteen geographic ones: consequently the thirty-one days

give five hundred and eighty-seven miles. Matthan is not reported

in the Itinerary; but Kanem is, both as Province and a capital

City: and the position of the latter according to my construction,

is seven hundred miles from Nuabia. Whether the error lies on the

side of Edrisi, or the Shereef; or arises from the faulty position

of Nuabia in D’Anville, cannot easily be discovered.

Ben Alli travelled the road between Bornou and Alexandria; but was

too much indisposed to make any observations, otherwise than that

the Kingdom of Bornou extends fifteen days journey, or about two

hundred and thirty miles, in that direction. This was particularly

unfortunate; for whichsoever route he went, he must have crossed

some one or more of the OASES; and of course some important matter

would have been added to the Map.

The only route of importance that remains to be discussed, is that

from Fezzan or Mourzouk, to Cairo, leading to Mecca; for, at Mourzouk

the Mahomedans from the southern and western parts of Africa, who

intend to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, assemble at the proper season,

as at a common point of departure. The route to Cairo, which requires

fifty-three days to atchieve, appears on the Map to be seven hundred

and seventy miles; being equal to fourteen and half for each day:

and is on the whole, seventy more than I should have expected

that number of days to produce. To what degree of accuracy the

difference of longitude between Mesurata and Cairo, is ascertained,

I am ignorant: as also whether the bearing of Mourzouk from Mesurata,

be right. Fourteen miles and half of horizontal distance for each

day, on so long a line of distance, and on so rugged a way as the

Itinerary describes, is too great a proportion; and we may suspect

an error somewhere.

A circumstance occurs in the Itinerary, which would determine how

near this route approaches to the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea; if

we might depend on the accuracy of the Itinerist. The dates produced

in the Plain of _Gegabib_, are gathered by the people of _Duna_, who

inhabit the sea coast, eight days journey off; or about one hundred

and thirty miles. No such place as _Duna_ appears in the modern maps;

but _Derna_ (antiently _Darnis_) does: and it is situated within the

confines of Tripoli, as Duna is said to be. But the distance must be

faulty; because _Augela_ is the nearest point in this route, to Derna,

though ten days from it: and _Gegabib_, is seven days from Augela,

in a direction that still increases the distance.

Augela is found in Herodotus, Book IV. under the name of _Ægila_;

and in Ptolemy and Pliny it is written _Augila_. In Ptolemy,

Africa Tab. III. it is placed about 197 miles from the sea coast,

and about a degree of longitude to the eastward of _Darnis_. Its

longitudinal position from Mourzouk and Cairo, agrees very well:

and considering the extent of Ptolemy’s local knowledge in this

quarter, we may suppose him well acquainted with its distance from

the coast. Allowance must be made for an excess of distance given

by Ptolemy’s scale, in this Map; and it being in the proportion

of twenty-seven to twenty-three, the one hundred and ninety-seven

miles should be reduced to one hundred and sixty-eight: and according

to this, Augela ought to stand in latitude 29° 20′; and nearly

midway between Mourzouk and Cairo.

Gegabib, as has been said before, is seven days journey from Augela,

towards Cairo; and as I have a particular pleasure in producing

any authority that serves to prove the veracity of such an Author

as HERODOTUS, I shall just mention, that (in B. IV.) he says, that

the _Nasamones_ in the Summer season, leave their cattle on the

coast, and go to the plains of Ægila, to gather the fruit of the

Palm trees, which abound in that place. The portion of this coast,

is marked by its lying on the West of Teuchira,[36] a sea-port that

lay within the district of _Cyrene_, now better known by the names

of Curin and Barca.

Ptolemy’s Nasamones, occupy, in respect of _Augila_, the very

spot where the dates are now gathered in the plain of _Gegabib_: and

therefore we may conclude that the Nasamones’ Territories extended

at least from that plain, to the Eastern Coast of the Great Syrtis. It

may, perhaps, in future, be known where the Port or Coast of Duna is;

whether it be Derna, the antient Darnis, or some place on the Syrtis.

Between _Augela_ and _See-wah_, the next town towards Cairo (and

probably the _Siropum_ of Ptolemy) the road passes over a chain of

very high mountains, named in these times _Gerdobah_: and this is

unquestionably the same ridge that terminates on the Mediterranean,

a few days journey farther on; and which by the suddenness of its

descent towards the sea, was antiently named _Catabathmus_. This

chain or ridge divided _Cyrene_ from _Marmarica_.

The scite of the antient Temple of _Jupiter Ammon_, was a few days

journey (perhaps four or five) inland from the plain of Gegabib, so

often mentioned. I think I may venture to say this on the authority

of Herodotus, Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian; from each of whom, some

particulars may be collected respecting its situation. First,

Herodotus says, (Book IV.) that the Temple is situated ten days

from _Ægila_; (frequented by the Nasamones on account of the dates)

and on the road from Thebes to _Ægila_. Next, Arrian says, on the

authority of Aristobulus, that Alexander went to it, from the scite

of his new city of Alexandria, along the sea coasts of Egypt and

Marmarica, to _Paraetonium_: which latter was situated, according to

the same authority, sixteen hundred stadia from Alexandria. Pliny

gives it at two hundred Roman miles (Book V.) These accounts are

perfectly conclusive; and the position of _Paraetonium_, is also very

clear in Ptolemy; and is moreover known to the Moderns under the

name of _Al Bareton_: so that no difficulty can arise here. Arrian

says farther, that Alexander struck inland from _Paraetonium_,

and entered the Desart: but he does not say how far the Temple lay

from the sea coast. This is supplied by Strabo, (Book XXVII.) who

gives the distance at thirteen hundred stadia. Allowing these to

produce one hundred and thirty, or one hundred and forty miles; and

taking Herodotus’s ten days from Augela at one hundred and seventy

(we must not consider them as _caravan_ journies, but as _ordinary_

ones) the meeting of these lines of distance, place the Temple in

latitude twenty-nine degrees, and a small fraction; and in a South

Westerly direction from Parætonium. Pliny says, (Book V.) that the

Temple is four hundred [Roman] miles from Cyrene; that is, twice

as far as Parætonium is from Alexandria: and this agrees with the

former position. Lastly, Ptolemy places it one hundred and ninety-five

geographic miles from _Paraetonium_; and from _Cyrene_ three hundred

and forty.—But Ptolemy’s scale, in Africa Tab. III. gives too

much distance (as I have said before), and corrected, it should be

one hundred and sixty-six from Parætonium. As these authorities do

not vary amongst themselves more than thirty miles, I consider them

as conclusive.

M. D’Anville’s position of this Temple is about thirty miles

farther to the Southward; that is, from the Mediterranean; but

he does not quote his authorities. In his _Geographie Ancienne

Abregee_, vol. iii. p. 42. he has the following passage: “Selon la

Géographie actuelle, ce qu’on trouve sous le nom de _Sant-rieh_,

paroit en tenir la place; & par la Nature du pays, qui ne laisse

point distinguer d’autre objet, on n’est point embarrassé sur

le choix.” Edrisi (_Geo. Nub._ p. 41.) places _Sant-rie_ ten days

Eastward from Augela, and nine days from the Mediterranean; which

carries Sant-rie farther from the sea-coast, than Strabo allows to the

Temple; but accords with Ptolemy. Savary, vol. ii. Lett. VIII.) quotes

Abulfeda, to shew that the _Oases_ were only three days journey

West of the Nile; and Ptolemy places the largest of them, named EL

WAH by the Arabs, under the parallel of 27°. I suspect Abulfeda

is wrong; and that Ptolemy is nearer the truth, when he allows one

hundred and twenty-three miles, (or one hundred and five corrected)

for the distance of the Great Oasis from Ptolemais on the Nile, in

the direction of West, something Southwardly. Then Edrisi allows

only nine days between Sant-rie and El Wah; whereas the scite of

the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, by the above authorities, should be,

according to my apprehension, at least twelve days from EL WAH. But

we are young in African Geography: and as I have said before, the

_data_ furnished by Arrian, Strabo, and Pliny, may satisfy us.

The description of the _Oasis_ (or Island in the midst of the sandy

Desart) which contained the Temple, is pretty generally known:

but for the sake of those who may not recollect the particulars,

I have extracted the following account.

Arrian says, that it is not more than forty stadia in extent; Diodorus

fifty; say, six or seven miles. All accounts agree, that it has one

or more fountains of water; and that it was planted with divers kinds

of fruit trees: Arrian particularly notices the Palm and Olive. What

appeared to be a very great natural curiosity, was, a fountain,

which according to Arrian, (whose account is the least extravagant)

varied in its temperature, in a greater degree than any other that

has been heard of: that is, it was very warm, or hot, at midnight;

very cold in the heat of the day. I presume these phenomena will not

appear very extraordinary to those, who consider, that a deep-seated

spring will preserve a mean degree of temperature at all seasons:

so that, in effect, it was the atmosphere that underwent the change;

and with it, the bodies of those who made the observations.

The Temple was surrounded by a triple wall, forming three distinct

quarters or divisions; one of which was appropriated to the use of

the Monarch. In the time of Herodotus, when probably the Temple

was in its glory, the dominions of the Ammonites reached within

ten days journey of the City of Thebes: the people were a colony of

Egyptians and Ethiopians, and spoke a mixed language, (Herod. Book

III.) Ammon, or Hammon, was the Egyptian name of Jupiter; and the

image of the god, similar to that at Thebes; that is, it had the

head of a Ram. (Book IV.)

In the time of Strabo, about four hundred and fifty years after

Herodotus, the Temple was almost deserted; as the Oracle was grown

out of fashion.

It is probable that some remains either of the triple wall, or of

the Temple, may be found at this day; although the materials may

have undergone a different kind of arrangement. The transport of

the materials across the Desart could only have been accomplished

by the strong impulse of superstition: and being once collected,

nothing but a like cause could remove them. See-wah appears to be

the nearest town to this Oasis; and is probably not more than six

days journey on the North East of it: the spring, together with the

ruins of the Temple, and the triple wall, might ascertain the spot,

if the curiosity of the present age demanded it.

* * * * *

MARCH, 1790.

* * * * *

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: _In the Arabic, the word Friend is often employed,

as in this passage, to express the same meaning as the English

term servant._]

[Footnote 2: BEN ALLI, a native of Morocco, who was lately in

England, and of whom an account is given in the Introduction to

Chapter IV. relates, that in proceeding from Fezzan to Gharien,

on his way to Tripoli, he was met by several parties of Arabs, who

were robbers by profession, and who rendered the rout so dangerous,

that every individual in the caravan was obliged to carry a gun,

a brace of pistols, and a yatagan or sabre. He describes the country

as partially cultivated; and remarks, that it is furnished with few

springs, and is wholly destitute of rivers.

By his account, the distance from Fezzan to Gharien is that of a

journey of sixteen days.

He represents the rout from Gharien to Tripoli as a sandy desart,

and its length as that of a seven days journey.]

[Footnote 3: The capital of Fezzan is situated on the banks of a

small river, and is also supplied with water from a multitude of

springs and wells.

Being formerly built with stone, it still retains the appellation of

a Christian Town; and the medley which it presents to the eye, of the

vast ruins of antient buildings, and of the humble cottages of earth

and sand that form the dwellings of its present Arab inhabitants,

is singularly grotesque and strange.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 4: _In this estimate of distance, the rate of travelling

is supposed to be twenty-two miles per day:—a conclusion that

arises from the time that was employed by_ Mr. LUCAS _in travelling

from Tripoli to Mesurata; for in that journey of 150 miles, seven

days were consumed; and though the caravan was detained for a few

hours on the sea coast, and was employed during four more in passing

to and from the tents of the Arab, yet these losses were probably

compensated by the extraordinary dispatch with which, in consequence

of their fears, the greatest part of the journey was performed._]

[Footnote 5: The people are of a deep swarthy complexion.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 6: _To these sentiments of constant regard and of deep

veneration for their King, his acknowledged descent from the Prophet

has undoubtedly contributed: for such, if united to the temporal

power, is the effect of this claim to religious authority, that in

Morrocco, when in the hour of his wrath the sword of the Emperor is

drawn, the submissive victims whom chance or official attendance on

the Court presents to his fury, stretch forth their necks with silent

and humble acquiescence; perfectly convinced that the stroke of death,

when given by so sacred a hand, is an instant admission to Paradise._]

[Footnote 7: When I was at Fezzan, about twenty years ago, the

actual government was committed to an Alcaid, who received his annual

appointment from the Bashaw of Tripoli.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 8: _In Morrocco, as in Fezzan, the Founder of the reigning

family was indebted for the diadem to the respect and reverence

which the title of Shereef bestows._]

[Footnote 9: _From the appearance of the supposed berries, there is

reason to suspect that they belong to the class of leguminous plants,

and are in fact two species of pease._]

[Footnote 10: In the neighbourhood Tombuctou a gold mitgan is worth

about 10s. 6d. sterling.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 11: Mr. LUCAS _found by his medicine scales, that the pea

called habbat ell goreth, which is used in Fezzan for a weight of

four grains, is exactly equal to four grains English._

_In England one grain of gold is worth 2d.—one penny-weight is

worth 4s.—and one ounce is worth 4l. sterling._

REES’s Edition of Chambers’s Dictionary, Article “GOLD.”]

[Footnote 12: Its depth is from ten to twelve peeks, each of which

is twenty-seven inches.

The Shereef IMHAMMED.]

[Footnote 13: _The rout which_ BEN ALLI _pursued from Fezzan to

Bornou is not distinctly described._

_His relation is, that on the 26th day from the time of his leaving

Fezzan, he arrived at a place which in Arabic is called Wéddan, or

the Rivers, for Wéddan is the plural of Wed which signifies a river._

_The first part of the country through which he passed is represented

as a sandy Desart, in which the Shé (a plant that resembles the Wild

Thyme of England) and a few bushes of shrubs and short trees are

thinly scattered, and wells of water are extremely rare. Wandering

Arabs, of the powerful but hospitable Tribes of Booaish and Duhassin,

appear to be its only inhabitants; and Wéddan itself is said to

contain but 130 houses, which are built of earth and sand; and to

furnish no articles of trade but dates and salt; yet the country

around it is called prolific: the rice grounds are described as

numerous, and multitudes of sheep and goats, of camels and of horses,

swell the list of its possessions._

_He represents the Duhassin Arabs, as Merchants journeying to Bornou,

who carried with them for sale an assortment of goods; among which

he enumerates wheat, barley, dates, salt, tobacco, and alhaiks:

and he observes, that he purchased from the Chief the permission

of accompanying the Tribe, and the consequent assurance of a safe

passage to Bornou._

_From Wéddan, by forced marches, they arrived in twenty days at

Bornou. A desart of sand, in some places interrupted by woods,

and occasionally watered with rivulets of a strong mineral taste,

constitutes the general description of the country. But as he entered

the kingdom of the Bornoos, the limit of which he represents as seven

days distant from the capital, he passed through several poor villages

of Blacks, who live upon the charity of Travellers; for though there

be no regular marked road, yet the caravans always take the same rout,

and pass by those villages both in going and returning._

BEN ALLI _seems to have travelled from Mourzouk to Bornou by a

different rout from that which is usually taken by the Merchants of

Fezzan: nor can it be supposed, that the independent and powerful

Arabs with whom he journeyed, would either obtain, or solicit

the permission of the Sovereign of Fezzan to pass in so large a

body through his small and unguarded dominions. And though the

corresponding accounts that are given in the narratives of the

Shereef and of_ BEN ALLI, _of some villages of miserable Blacks,

may suggest an idea that the two roads intersected each other on the

frontier of Bornou, yet as on that supposition, the different times

within which the several parts of the two journeys were respectively

performed cannot be easily reconciled, there is reason to believe

that the villages described by_ BEN ALLI, _though peopled by similar

inhabitants, may not be the same with those which attracted the

compassionate notice of the Shereef._]

[Footnote 14: The dress of the greatest part of the people is composed

of shirts of blue cotton, which is manufactured in the country; of a

red cap, which is imported from Tripoli; and of a white muslin turban,

which is brought from Cairo by the pilgrims who return through that

City from Mecca. Nose-rings of gold are worn by the principal people

as a mark of distinction.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 15: The country in the neighbourhood of the City of Bornou

is fertile in Indian corn and rice. Of barley and wheat the quantity

raised is small. A species of bean, which resembles the horse-bean

of Europe, though larger, and of a darker hue, is a much more common

produce. Gum-trees are thinly scattered. Cotton, hemp, and indigo,

are also among the various produce of its soil.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 16: The country abounds in different species of fruit trees,

but that which produces the date is not of the number.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 17: Horses and horned cattle, goats and sheep, and camels,

are the common animals of the country.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 18: _Giraffa is the name by which the camelopardalis is

called in the old zoological books.—The description here inserted,

seems to have arisen from a blended recollection of that animal,

and of the hippopotamus, whose hide is extremely tough._]

[Footnote 19: In form, the houses are similar to those of Tripoli.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 20: The walls of the greatest part of the houses are built

of a composition of earth and sand, and are often washed down by the

heavy rains; but others are formed of the more durable materials of

stones and bricks.

The roofs are composed of the branches of trees, which are covered

with layers of earth, and the whole building is white-washed with

a species of chalk.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 21: Bornoo is situated in a flat country, on the banks of

a small river.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 22: Bornoo, though a town of greater extent than Tripoli,

consists of a multitude of houses, so irregularly placed that the

spaces between them cannot be called streets. It is furnished with

mosques, which are constructed of brick and of earth; and with

schools, in which the Koran is taught, as in the principal towns

of Barbary.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 23: In time of peace the Sultan always resides in the

capital.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 24: Bornoo is surrounded by a wall, on which, however,

there are no guards.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 25: A small quantity of gold dust is produced in Bornoo;

but the principal medium of exchange consists of pieces of a metal

which has some resemblance to tin.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 26: The language of the common people of Bornoo, though

different from, has a strong resemblance to that of the neighbouring

Negros, and is very unlike the Arabic, in which, however, the Nobles

and principal families converse.

The art of writing is known among them, and they are taught to

express the Bornoo tongue in the characters of the Arabic.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 27: The Sultan and his subjects are Musselmen.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 28: Bornoo is governed by a King, who takes the title

of Sultan.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 29: The Sultan of Bornoo commands a vast army of horsemen,

and is a much more powerful Monarch than the Emperor of Morrocco.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 30: At Bornoo I exchanged for gold dust and ostrich feathers

the merchandize which I had brought from Tripoli.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 31: The Sultan of Bornou is continually at war with the

various idolatrous tribes of Blacks who border on his dominions. Those

who are taken prisoners are sold to the Arabs, and this traffic

constitutes the principal commerce of the country.

Slaves are every day brought to him, for the acquisition of this

sort of plunder is his constant occupation.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 32: From the hemp of the country, a coarse linen is

manufactured by the people of Bornoo. Their cotton, which is also

a native produce, is spun to a thread of remarkable fineness, and

is then converted to callicoes and muslins of about nine inches

in breadth, and of a length which varies from fifteen to twenty

yards. Such of these cotton manufactures as are enriched with the

blue dye of the country, which, from the superiority of the indigo,

is preferable to that of the East Indies, are valued more highly

than silk; yet their only supply of the latter is that which the

Merchants of Barbary convey.

They also fabricate a species of carpet, as a covering for their

horses. Tents, from wool and the hair of goats and of camels, are

made for the use of the army.

The little silver they have is converted by their own artists

into rings.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 33: The dress of the people of Fullan (a country to the

West of Cashna) resembles the cloth of which the plaids of the Scotch

Highlanders are made.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 34: The goods _imported_ by the Merchants of Fezzan,

consist of

Slaves—in which they have a great trade,

Gold Dust,

Ivory,

Ostrich Feathers,

Senna—which is brought from the neighbouring countries,

European goods of various species, from Tripoli.

The goods _exported_ from Fezzan, consist of the following European

articles:

Woollen Cloths,

Linens of different Sorts,

Gun Barrels,

Gun and Pistol Locks,

Small Shot,

Ball,

Iron Bars,

Tin,

Copper,

Brass,

Brass Dishes,

Nails,

Spices,

Musk,

Benzoin,

Dying Wood,

Allum,

Tartar for Dying,

Green Vitriol,

Verdigrease,

Brimstone,

Looking-Glasses.

BEN ALLI.]

[Footnote 35: Leo’s History of Africa, book 7th, pages 293 and 294.

English edition.

“OF THE KINGDOM OF BORNO.”

“The inhabitants in Summer go all naked, except at their waists,

which they cover with a piece of leather: but all Winter they are

clad in skins, and have beds of skins also. They embrace no religion

at all, being neither Christians, Mahometans, nor Jews, nor of any

other profession, but living after a brutish manner, and having wives

and children in common: and (as I understood of a certain Merchant

that abode a long time among them) they have no proper names at all,

but every one is nick-named according to his length, his fatness, or

some other qualitie. They have a most puissant Prince, being lineally

descended from the Lybian people called Bardoa: horsemen he hath in

a continual readiness, to the number of 3000, and an huge number of

footmen, for all his subjects are so serviceable and obedient unto

him, that whensoever he commandeth them, they will arme themselves and

follow him whither he pleaseth to conduct them. They paye unto him

none other tribute but the tithes of all their corne: neither hath

this King any revenues to maintain his Estate, but only such spoils

as he getteth from his next enimes by often invasions and assaults.”

—“Yet the King seemeth to be marveilous rich; for his spurs,

his bridles, platters, dishes, pots, and other vessels wherein his

meat and drink are brought to the table, are all of pure gold: yea,

and the chains of his dogs and hounds are of gold also. Howbeit this

King is extremely covetous, for he had much rather pay his debts in

slaves than in gold. In this kingdome are great multitudes of Negros

and of other people, the names of whom (bicause I tarried here but

one month) I could not well note.”]

[Footnote 36: _Teuchira_ was situated near the present _Tolemata_;

antiently _Ptolemais_.]

Transcriber's note:

Changes in the _Errata_ have been made.

pg vii Changed: C. A. Pelham to: Charles A. Pelham

(in accordance to catchword in previous page)

pg 75 Changed: had carrried off sixty to: carried

pg 85 (footnote 3) Changed: singulary grotesque to: singularly

pg 130 (footnote 13) Changed: not distincty described to: distinctly

pg 152 Changed: of those crimimals to: criminals

pg 166 Changed: 7 -- Nuskoo to: Huskoo

pg 222 Changed: _Gonjah_, is, from circumstamces to: circumstances

pg 231 Changed: the plain of _Gebabib_ to: _Gegabib_

Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.

Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.

Underlined text is indicated with '~'.