mihi vero gratissimum medius fidius fecisti. Nam illum tanti facio,
ut non Caesarem magis diligam. Qui si passus esset nos secum,
ut consueveramus, loqui et non se totum etiam ab sermone nostro
avertisset, minus miser, quam sum, essem. Nam cave putes hoc tempore
plus me quemquam cruciari, quod eum, quem ante me diligo, video in
consulatu quidvis potius esse quam consulem. Quodsi voluerit tibi
obtemperare et nobis de Caesare credere et consulatum reliquum Romae
peragere, incipiam sperare etiam consilio senatus auctore te, illo
relatore Pompeium et Caesarem coniungi posse. Quod si factum erit, me
satis vixisse putabo.
Factum Caesaris de Corfinio totum te probaturum scio: et, quo modo in
eius modi re, commodius cadere non potuit, quam ut res sine sanguine
confieret. Balbi mei tuique adventu delectatum te valde gaudeo. Is
quaecumque tibi de Caesare dixit, quaeque Caesar scripsit, scio, re
tibi probabit, quaecumque fortuna eius fuerit, verissime scripsisse.
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view; but it is rather a dream of mine than a hope, that he can be
persuaded to come to terms at this time. When he becomes settled and
recovers from fright, I shall have better hopes that your influence may
avail with him.
In desiring my friend the consul Lentulus to remain in Rome, you have
gratified Caesar, and myself too, I may assure you, in the highest
degree. I value Lentulus as much as Caesar. If he had allowed me
to renew my old intercourse, and had not again and again avoided
conversation with me, I should be less unhappy than I am. For do not
think that this crisis causes anyone more torment than it causes me,
when I see him, to whom I am more devoted than to myself, acting in
office in a way quite unfitted for a consul. If he only takes your
advice and believes our professions about Caesar, and serves the
remainder of his office in Rome, then I shall begin to hope that by
the advice of the Senate, on your suggestion and at his formal motion,
there may be effected a reconciliation between Pompey and Caesar. In
that event I shall think my life's mission accomplished.
I know that you will approve entirely of Caesar's action about
Corfinium. Under the circumstances there could have been nothing
better than a settlement without bloodshed. I am delighted that you
are pleased with the arrival of my and your Balbus. Whatever Balbus
has told you about Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to you in his
letters, I am confident Caesar will convince you by his acts, be his
fortune what it will, that his professions were quite sincere.
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XVI
CICERO ATTICO,
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis IV Non. Mart. a. 705_]
Omnia mihi provisa sunt praeter occultum et tutum iter ad mare
superum. Hoc enim mari uti non possumus hoc tempore anni. Illuc autem,
quo spectat animus, et quo res vocat, qua veniam? Cedendum enim est
celeriter, ne forte qua re impediar atque alliger. Nec vero ille me
ducit, qui videtur; quem ego hominem ἀπολιτικώτατον omnium iam ante
cognoram, nunc vero etiam ἀστρατηγητότατον. Non me igitur is ducit,
sed sermo hominum, qui ad me a Philotimo scribitur. Is enim me ab
optimatibus ait conscindi. Quibus optimatibus, di boni! qui nunc
quo modo occurrunt, quo modo autem se venditant Caesari! Municipia
vero deum; nec simulant, ut cum de illo aegroto vota faciebant. Sed
plane, quicquid mali hic Pisistratus non fecerit, tam gratum erit,
quam si alium facere prohibuerit. Propitium hunc sperant, illum
iratum putant. Quas fieri censes ἀπαντήσεις ex oppidis, quos honores!
"Metuunt," inquies. Credo, sed mehercule illum magis. Huius insidiosa
elementia delectantur, illius iracundiam formidant. Iudices de CCCLX,
qui praecipue Gnaeo nostro delectabantur, ex quibus cotidie aliquem
video, nescio quas eius Lucerias horrent. Itaque quaero, qui sint isti
optimates,
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XVI
CICERO TO ATTICUS.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 4_, B.C. _49_]
[Sidenote: Iliad vi, 442]
I have made provision for everything except a secret and safe passage
to the Adriatic. The other route I cannot face at this time of the
year. How can I get to that place on which my mind is set, and whither
fate calls? My departure must be in haste, for fear some obstacle and
hindrance should arise. It is not, as one might think, Pompey who
induces me to go. I have long known him to be the poorest of statesmen,
and I now see he is the poorest of generals. I am not induced by him,
but by the common talk of which Philotimus informs me. He says that the
loyalists are tearing me to tatters. Loyalists, good God! And see how
they are running to meet Caesar, and selling themselves to him. The
country towns are treating him as a god, and there is no pretence about
it, as there was in the prayers for Pompey's recovery from illness.
Any mischief this Pisistratus may leave undone will give as much
satisfaction as if he had prevented another from doing it. People hope
to placate Caesar; they think that Pompey is angered. What ovations
from the towns and what honour is paid him! In fright I dare say, but
they are more afraid of Pompey. They are delighted with the cunning
kindness of Caesar, and afraid of the anger of his rival. Those who are
on the jury list of 360 judges, the especial partisans of Pompey, some
of whom I see daily, shudder at vague Lucerias[79] which they conjure
up. So I ask what sort of loyalists are
[79] Cf. VIII, 11, where Pompey at Luceria is said to have talked of a
proscription.
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qui me exturbent, cum ipsi domi maneant. Sed tamen, quicumque sunt,
αἰδέομαι Τρῶας,. Etsi, qua spe proficiscar, video, coniungoque me cum
homine magis ad vastandum Italiam quam ad vincendum parato dominumque
exspecto. Et quidem, cum haec scribebam, IIII Nonas, iam exspectabam
aliquid a Brundisio. Quid autem "aliquid"? quam inde turpiter fugisset,
et victor hic qua se referret et quo. Quod ubi audissem, si ille Appia
veniret, ego Arpinum cogitabam.
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these, to banish me, while they remain at home? Still whoever they are
"I fear the Trojans." Yet I see clearly with what a prospect I set out,
and I join myself with a man ready to devastate our country rather than
to conquer its oppressor, and I look to serve a tyrant. And indeed on
March 4, the date of this letter, I am expecting every moment some
news from Brundisium. Why do I say "some news," when it is news of his
disgraceful flight, and the route by which the victor is returning and
the direction in which he is moving. On hearing that, I think of going
to Arpinum, if Caesar comes by the Appian way.
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M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM LIBER NONUS
I CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano prid. Non. Mart. a. 705_]
Etsi, cum tu has litteras legeres, putabam fore ut scirem iam, quid
Brundisi actum esset (nam Canusio VIIII Kal. profectus erat Gnaeus;
haec autem scribebam pridie Nonas XIIII die post, quam ille Canusio
moverat), tamen angebar singularum horarum exspectatione mirabarque
nihil allatum esse ne rumoris quidem; nam erat mirum silentium. Sed
haec fortasse κενόσπουδα sunt, quae tamen iam sciantur necesse est;
illud molestum, me adhuc investigare non posse, ubi P. Lentulus noster
sit, ubi Domitius. Quaero autem, quo facilius scire possim, quid acturi
sint, iturine ad Pompeium et, si sunt, qua quandove ituri sint.
Urbem quidem iam refertam esse optimatium audio, Sosium et Lupum,
quos Gnaeus noster ante putabat Brundisium venturos esse quam se,
ius dicere. Hinc vero vulgo vadunt; etiam M'. Lepidus, quocum diem
conterere solebam, eras cogitabat. Nos autem in Formiano morabamur,
quo citius audiremus; deinde Arpinum volebamus; inde, iter qua
maxime ἀναπάντητον esset, ad mare superum remotis sive omnino missis
lictoribus. Audio enim bonis viris, qui et nunc
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CICERO'S LETTERS TO ATTICUS BOOK IX
I
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 6_, B.C. _49_]
Although, when you read this letter, I think I shall know what has
been done at Brundisium, since Pompey left Canusium on the 21st of
February and I am writing this on the 6th of March, fourteen days after
his departure from Canusium, still I am in agonies of suspense as to
what each hour may bring, and I am astonished that I do not even get
a rumour. There is a strange hush. But perhaps this is much ado about
nothing, when we must know all about it soon enough. But it does worry
me that so far I have been unable to discover the whereabouts of my
friend Lentulus and of Domitius. I want to know, that I may be able to
find out what they are going to do, whether they are going to Pompey,
and, if so, by what route and on what date.
Town, I am told, is now crammed full with our party. Sosius and Lupus,
who, Pompey thought, would reach Brundisium before himself, are, it
appears, sitting as magistrates. From here there is a general move:
even M'. Lepidus, with whom I used to spend the day, thinks of starting
to-morrow. I am lingering in my villa at Formiae to get news the
sooner. Then I intend to go to Arpinum: from Arpinum I proceed to the
Adriatic, choosing the least frequented route and leaving behind or
even dismissing my lictors. For I am told that certain
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Page 178
et saepe antea magno praesidio rei publicae fuerunt, hanc cunctationem
nostram non probari multaque in me et severe in conviviis tempestivis
quidem disputari.
Cedamus igitur et, ut boni cives simus, bellum Italiae terra marique
inferamus et odia improborum rursus in nos, quae iam exstincta erant,
incendamus et Luccei consilia ac Theophani persequamur. Nam Scipio vel
in Syriam proficiscitur sorte vel cum genero honeste vel Caesarem fugit
iratum. Marcelli quidem, nisi gladium Caesaris timuissent, manerent.
Appius est eodem in timore et inimicitiarum recentium etiam. Praeter
hunc et C. Cassium reliqui legati, Faustus pro quaestore; ego unus,
cui utrumvis licet. Frater accedit, quem socium huius fortunae esse
non erat aequum. Cui magis etiam Caesar irascetur, sed impetrare non
possum, ut mancat. Dabimus hoc Pompeio, quod debemus. Nam me quidem
alius nemo movet, non sermo bonorum, qui nulli sunt, non causa quae
acta timide est, agetur improbe. Uni, uni hoc damus ne id quidem
roganti nec suam causam, ut ait, agenti, sed publicam. Tu quid cogites
de transeundo in Epirum, scire sane velim.
II
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano Non. Mart. a. 705_]
Etsi Nonis Martiis die tuo, ut opinor, exspectabam epistulam a te
longiorem, tamen ad eam ipsam brevem,
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loyalists, who now and formerly have been a bulwark of the Republic, do
not like my staying in Italy, and that they sit half the day over their
festive boards making caustic remarks about me.
So I must depart, and, to be a good citizen, wage war on Italy, kindle
against myself again the hatred of the disloyal which had died down,
and follow the plans of Lucceius and Theophanes. For Scipio can be
said to set out for Syria, his allotted province, or to accompany his
son-in-law, which is an honourable excuse, or to flee from Caesar's
anger. The Marcelli would of course have stayed, had they not feared
the sword of Caesar. Appius has the same reason for alarm, and
additional reason through a fresh quarrel. Except Appius and C. Cassius
all the others hold military commands, Faustus being proquaestor. I
am the only one who could go or stay as I like. Besides there is my
brother, whom it is not fair to involve in my trouble. With him Caesar
will be even more angry, but I cannot induce him to stay behind. This
sacrifice I will make to Pompey, as loyalty bids. For no one else
influences me, neither talk of loyalists--for there are none--nor our
cause, which has been conducted in panic and will be conducted in
disgrace. To one man, one only, I make this sacrifice, though he does
not even ask it and though the battle he is fighting is, as he says,
not his own but the State's, I should much like to know what you think
about crossing into Epirus.
II
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 7_, B.C. _49_]
Though the 7th of March, the day I think for your attack of fever,[80]
should bring me a longer letter
[80] Or "your birthday." Cf. ix, 5.
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quam IIII Nonas ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν dedisti, rescribendum putavi. Gaudere
ais te mansisse me et scribis in sententia te manere. Mihi autem
superioribus litteris videbare non dubitare, quin cederem ita, si et
Gnaeus bene comitatus conscendisset, et consules transissent. Utrum
hoc tu parum commeministi, an ego non satis intellexi, an mutasti
sententiam? Sed aut ex epistula, quam exspecto, perspiciam, quid
sentias, aut alias abs te litteras eliciam. Brundisio nihildum erat
allatum.
IIa
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VIII Id. Mart. a. 705_]
O rem difficilem planeque perditam! quam nihil praetermittis in
consilio dando; quam nihil tamen, quod tibi ipsi placeat, explicas! Non
esse me una cum Pompeio gaudes ac proponis, quam sit turpe me adesse,
cum quid de illo detrahatur; nefas esse approbare. Certe; contra
igitur? "Di," inquis, "averruncent!" Quid ergo fiet, si in altero
scelus est, in altero supplicium? "Impetrabis," inquis, "a Caesare, ut
tibi abesse liceat et esse otioso." Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid,
si non impetraro? "Et de triumpho erit," inquis, "integrum." Quid, si
hoc ipso premar? accipiam? Quid foedius? Negem? Repudiari se totum,
magis etiam quam olim in XX viratu, putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat,
in me
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Page 181
from you, still I suppose I ought to answer the shorter note, which you
sent on the 4th on the eve of your attack. You say you are glad that I
have stayed in Italy, and you write that you abide by your former view.
But an earlier letter led me to think you had no doubt I ought to go,
if Pompey embarked with a good following and the consuls crossed too.
Have you forgotten this, or have I failed to understand you, or have
you changed your mind? But I shall either learn your opinion from the
letter I now await: or I shall extract another letter from you. From
Brundisium so far there is no news.
IIa
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 8_, B.C. _49_]
What a difficult and calamitous business! Nothing passed over in the
advice you give, nothing revealed as to your real opinion! You are glad
that I am not with Pompey, and yet you lay down how wrong it would
be for me to be present when he is criticized: it were shameful to
approve his conduct. Agreed. Should I then speak against him? "Heaven
forbid," you say. So, what can happen, if one way lies crime, and the
other punishment? You advise me to get from Caesar leave of absence
and permission to retire. Must I then beg and pray? That would be
humiliating: and suppose I fail? You say the matter of my triumph will
not be prejudiced. But what if I am hampered by that very thing? Accept
it? What dishonour! Refuse it? Caesar will think that I am repudiating
him entirely, more even than when I declined a place among his twenty
land commissioners.[81] And it is his way, when he excuses himself
[81] The _vigintiviri_ for the distribution of Campanian land in 59
B.C. Cf. II, 19.
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Page 182
conferre omnem illorum temporum culpam. Ita me sibi fuisse inimicum, ut
ne honorem quidem a se accipere vellem. Quanto nunc hoc idem accipiet
asperius! Tanto scilicet, quanto et honor hic illo est amplior et ipse
robustior. Nam, quod negas te dubitare, quin magna in offensa sim apud
Pompeium hoc tempore, non video causam, cur ita sit hoc quidem tempore.
Qui enim amisso Corfinio denique certiorem me sui consilii fecit, is
queretur Brundisium me non venisse, cum inter me et Brundisium Caesar
esset? Deinde etiam scit ἀπαρρησίαστον esse in ea causa querelam suam.
Me putat de municipiorum imbecillitate, de dilectibus, de pace, de
urbe, de pecunia, de Piceno occupando plus vidisse quam se. Sin, cum
potuero, non venero, tum erit inimicus, quod ego non eo vereor ne mihi
noceat (quid enim faciet?
Τίς δ' ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν ἄφροντις ὤν;),
sed quia ingrati animi crimen horreo. Confido igitur adventum nostrum
illi, quoquo tempore fuerit, ut scribis, ἀσμενιστὸν fore. Nam, quod
ais, si hic temperatius egerit, consideratius consilium te daturum, qui
hic potest se gerere non perdite? Vetant vita,[82] mores, ante facta,
ratio suscepti negotii, socii, vires bonorum aut etiam constantia.
[82] Vetant vita _Purser_: vita _MSS._: vetant _Boot_.
Vixdum epistulam tuam legeram, cum ad me currens ad illum Postumus
Curtius venit nihil nisi classes loquens et exercitus. Eripiebat
Hispanias,
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Page 183
to throw on me all the blame for that period, and to say I was so
bitter an enemy that I would not even take an office from him. How much
more will this annoy him! Why, as much more as this honour is greater
than that, and he himself is stronger. As for your remark that you
have no doubt I am in bad odour with Pompey at this present time, I
see no reason why it should be so, especially at this time. Pompey did
not tell me his plans till after the loss of Corfinium, and he cannot
complain of my not going to Brundisium, when Caesar was between me and
Brundisium. Besides he knows that complaint on his part is stopped.
He is of opinion that I saw clearer than he did about the weakness of
the municipal towns, the levies, peace, the city, the public funds,
occupying Pisenum. If however I do not go to him, when I can, he will
certainly be angry. From that I shrink--not for fear of harm he may do
me (for what can he do? And who
"Would be a slave but he who fears to die?"[83])
but because I shrink from being charged with ingratitude. So I trust
my arrival will be, as you say, welcome to him, whenever I go. As for
your remark "If Caesar's conduct be more temperate, you will weigh your
advice more carefully," how can Caesar keep himself from a destructive
policy? It is forbidden by his character, his previous career, the
nature of his present enterprise, his associates, the material strength
or even the moral firmness of the loyalist party.
[83] From an unknown play of Euripides.
I had scarcely read your letter, when up comes Curtius Postumus
hurrying off to Caesar, talking of nothing but fleets and armies;
"Caesar is wresting
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Page 184
tenebat Asiam, Siciliam, Africam, Sardiniam, confestim in Graeciam
persequebatur. Eundum igitur est, nec tam ut belli quam ut fugae socii
simus. Nec enim ferre potero sermones istorum, quicumque sunt; non sunt
enim certe, ut appellantur, boni. Sed tamen id ipsum scire cupio, quid
loquantur, idque ut exquiras meque certiorem facias, te vehementer
rogo. Nos adhuc, quid Brundisi actum esset, plane nesciebamus. Cum
sciemus, tum ex re et ex tempore consilium capiemus, sed utemur tuo.
III
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis VII Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Domiti filius transiit Formias VIII Idus currens ad matrem Neapolim
mihique nuntiari iussit patrem ad urbem esse, cum de eo curiose
quaesisset servus noster Dionysius. Nos autem audieramus eum profectum
sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniam. Id cuius modi sit, scire sane
velim. Nam ad id, quod delibero, pertinet, si ille certe nusquam
discessit, intellegere Gnaeum non esse faciles nobis ex Italia exitus,
cum ea tota armis praesidiisque teneatur, hieme praesertim. Nam, si
commodius anni tempus esset, vel infero mari liceret uti. Nunc nihil
potest nisi supero tramitti, quo iter interclusum est. Quaeres igitur
et de Domitio et de Lentulo.
A Brundisio nulla adhuc fama venerat, et erat hic
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Page 185
the Spains from Pompey, occupying Asia, Sicily, Africa, Sardinia, and
forthwith pursuing Pompey into Greece." So I must set out to take part
not so much in a war as in a flight. For I can never put up with the
talk of your friends, whoever they are, for certainly they are not what
they are called, loyalists. Still that is just what I want to know,
what they do say, and I beg you earnestly to inquire and inform me. So
far I know nothing of what has happened at Brundisium. When I know, I
shall form my plans according to circumstances and the moment; but I
shall use your advice.
III
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 9_, B.C. _49_]
The son of Domitius went through Formiae on the 8th of March hastening
to his mother at Naples, and, when my slave Dionysius inquired
particularly from him about his father, he sent me a message that he
was outside the city. But I had heard that he had gone either to Pompey
or to Spain. What the fact is, I should much like to know, for it has
a bearing on the point I am now considering: if it is certain that
Domitius has found no means of departure, Pompey may understand that my
own departure from Italy is difficult, seeing that it is now beset with
troops and garrisons, and especially in the winter season. For, were it
a more convenient time of year, one could even cross the southern sea.
Now there is no choice but the Adriatic, to which passage is barred. So
please inquire both about Domitius and about Lentulus.
From Brundisium no news has come yet, and to-day
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Page 186
dies VII Idus, quo die suspicabamur aut pridie Brundisium venisse
Caesarem. Nam Kal. Arpis manserat. Sed, si Postumum audire velles,
persecuturus erat Gnaeum; transisse enim iam putabat coniectura
tempestatum ac dierum. Ego nautas eum non putabam habiturum, ille
confidebat, et eo magis, quod audita naviculariis hominis liberalitas
esset. Sed, tota res Brundisina quo modo habeat se, diutius nescire non
possum.
IV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis IV Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Ego etsi tam diu requiesco, quam diu aut ad te scribo aut tuas litteras
lego, tamen et ipse egeo argumento epistularum et tibi idem accidere
certo scio. Quae enim soluto animo familiariter scribi solent, ea
temporibus his excluduntur, quae autem sunt horum temporum, ea iam
contrivimus. Sed tamen, ne me totum aegritudini dedam, sumpsi mihi
quasdam tamquam θέσεις, quae et πολιτικαὶ sunt et temporum horum, ut et
abducam animum ab querelis et in eo ipso, de quo agitur, exercear. Eae
sunt huius modi:
Εἰ μενετέον ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς. Εἰ παντὶ τρόπω
τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν πραγματευτέον, κἄν
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Page 187
is the 9th of March. I expect Caesar reached Brundisium to-day or
yesterday. He stayed at Arpi on the 1st. If you choose to listen to
Postumus, Caesar meant to pursue Pompey; for, by calculating the state
of the weather and the days, he concluded that Pompey had crossed the
sea. I thought that Caesar would be unable to get crews, but Postumus
was quite sure about that, and the more so because ship-owners had
heard of Caesar's liberality. But it cannot be long now before I hear
the full story of what has happened at Brundisium.
IV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 12_, B.C. _49_]
Though now I rest only so long as I am writing to you or reading your
letters, still I am in want of subject matter, and feel sure that
you are in the same position, for the present crisis debars us from
the free and easy topics of friendly correspondence, and the topics
connected with the present crisis we have already exhausted. However,
not to succumb entirely to low spirits, I have taken for myself
certain theses, so to speak, which deal with _la haute politique_ and
are applicable to the present crisis, so that I may keep myself from
querulous thoughts and may practise the subject. Here are some:
Whether one should remain in one's country, even under a tyranny.
Whether any means are lawful to
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Page 188
μέλλῃ διὰ τοῦτο περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύσειν. Εἰ εὐλαβητέον
τὸν καταλύοντα μὴ αὐτὸς αἴρηται. Εἰ πειρατέον ἀρήγειν τῇ πατρίδι
τυραννουμένῃ καιρῷ καὶ λογῳ μᾶλλον ἢ πολέμῳ. Εἰ πολιτικὸν τὸ ἡσυχάζειν
ἀναχωρήσαντά ποι τῆς πατρίδος τυραννουμένης ἤ δὶα παντὂς ἰτέον κινδύνου
τῆς ἐλευθερίας πέρι. Εἰ πόλεμον ἐπακτέον τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ πολιορκητέον
αὐτὴν τυραννουμένην. Εἰ καὶ μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ πολέμου κατάλυσιν
τῆς τυραννίδος συναπογραπτέον ὅμως τοῖς ἀρίστοις. Εἰ τοῖς εὐεργέταις
καὶ φίλοις συγκινδυνευτέον ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς, κἂν μὴ δοκῶσιν εὖ
βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ τῶν ὃλων. Εἰ ὁ μεγάλα τὴν πατρίδα εὐεργετήσας, δἰ
αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο ἀνήκεστα παθὼν καὶ φθονηθεὶς, κινδυνεύσειεν ἄν ἐθελοντὴς
ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ἤ ἐφετέον αὐτῷ ἑαυτοῦ ποτε καὶ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων
ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν ἀφεμένω τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἰσχύοντας διαπολιτείας.
In his ego me consulationibus exercens et disserens in utramque partem
tum Graece, tum Latine et abduco parumper animum a molestiis et τῶν
προὔργου τι delibero. Sed vereor, ne tibi ἂκαιρος sim. Si enim recte
ambulaverit is, qui hanc epistulam tulit, in ipsum tuum diem incidet.
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abolish a tyranny, even if they endanger the existence of the State.
Whether one ought to take care that one who tries to abolish it may
not rise too high himself. Whether one ought to assist one's country,
when under a tyranny, by seizing opportunities and by argument rather
than by war. Whether one is doing one's duty to the State, if one
retires to some other place and there remains inactive, when there is
a tyranny; or whether one ought to run every risk for liberty. Whether
one ought to invade the country and besiege one's native town, when it
is under a tyranny. Whether one ought to enrol oneself in the ranks
of the loyalists, even if one does not approve of war as a means of
abolishing tyranny. Whether one ought in political matters to share the
dangers of one's benefactors and friends, even if one does not believe
their general policy to be wise. Whether one who has done good service
for his country, and by it has won ill-treatment and envy, should
voluntarily put himself into danger for that country, or may at length
take thought for himself and his dear ones and avoid struggles against
the powers that be.
By employing myself with such questions and discussing the pros and
cons in Greek and Latin, I divert my thoughts a little from my troubles
and at the same time consider a subject which is very pertinent. But
I fear you may find me a nuisance. For, if the bearer makes proper
headway, it will reach you on the very day you have your attack of
ague.
* * * * *
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V CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis VI Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Natali die tuo scripsisti epistulam ad me plenam consilii summaeque
cum benevolentiae tum etiam prudentiae. Eam mihi Philotimus postridie,
quam a te acceperat, reddidit. Sunt ista quidem, quae disputas,
difficillima, iter ad superum, navigatio infero, discessus Arpinum, ne
hunc fugisse, mansio Formiis, ne obtulisse nos gratulationi videamur,
sed miserius nihil quam ea videre, quae tamen iam, iam, inquam, videnda
erunt.
Fuit apud me Postumus, scripsi ad te, quam gravis. Venit ad me etiam Q.
Fufius quo vultu, quo spiritus properans Brundisium, scelus accusans
Pompei, levitatem et stultitiam senatus. Haec qui in mea villa non
feram, Curtium in curia potero ferre? Age, finge me quamvis εὐστομάχως
haec ferentem, quid? illa "DIC, M. TVLLI" quem habebunt exitum? Et
omitto causam rei publicae, quam ego amissam puto cum vulneribus suis
tum medicamentis eis, quae parantur, de Pompeio quid agam? cui plane
(quid enim hoc negem?) suscensui. Semper enim causae eventorum magis
movent quam ipsa eventa. Haec igitur mala (quibus maiora esse quae
possunt?) considerans, vel potius iudicans eius opera accidisse, et
culpa, inimicior eram huic quam ipsi Caesari. Ut
* * * * *
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V
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 10_, B.C. _49_]
On your birthday you wrote me a letter full of advice, full of
great kindness and of great wisdom. Philotimus delivered it to me
the day after he got it from you. The points you discuss are very
difficult--the route to the upper sea, a voyage by the lower sea,
departure to Arpinum, lest I should seem to have avoided Caesar,
remaining at Formiae, lest I should appear to have put myself forward
to congratulate him; but the most miserable thing of all will be to see
what I tell you must very shortly be seen.
Curtius Postumus was with me. I wrote you how tiresome he was. Quintus
Fufius also came to see me--what an air! what assurance!--hastening
to Brundisium denouncing Pompey's wrong-doings and the careless folly
of the House. When I cannot stand this under my own roof, how shall
I be able to endure Curtius in the Senate? But suppose I put up with
all this in good humour, what of the question "Your vote, M. Tullius?"
What will come of it? I pass over the cause of the Republic, which I
consider lost, both from the wounds dealt it and the cures prepared for
them; but what am I to do about Pompey? It is no use denying that I am
downright angry with him. For I am always more affected by the causes
of events than by the events themselves. Therefore considering our
incomparable woes, or rather concluding that they have happened by his
doing and his mistakes, I am more angry with Pompey than with Caesar
himself. Just as our ancestors
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maiores nostri funestiorem diem esse voluerunt Aliensis pugnae
quam urbis captae, quod hoc malum ex illo (itaque alter religiosus
etiam nunc dies, alter in vulgus ignotus), sic ego decem annorum
peccata recordans, in quibus inerat ille etiam annus, qui nos hoc
non defendente, ne dicam gravius, adflixerat, praesentisque temporis
cognoscens temeritatem, ignaviam, neglegentiam suscensebam. Sed ea iam
mihi exciderunt; beneficia eiusdem cogito, cogito etiam dignitatem;
intellego serius equidem, quam vellem, propter epistulas sermonesque
Balbi, sed video plane nihil aliud agi, nihil actum ab initio, nisi ut
hunc occideret. Ego igitur, sicut ille apud Homerum, cui et mater et
dea dixisset:
Αὐτίκα γάρ τοι ἔπειτα μεθ' Ἐκτορα πότμος ἕτοιμος,
matri ipse respondit:
Αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ' ἔμελλον ἑταίρῳ
κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι.
Quid, si non ἑταίρῳ solum, sed etiam εὐεργέτῃ adde tali viro talem
causam agenti? Ego vero haec officia mercanda vita puto. Optimatibus
vero tuis nihil confido, nihil iam ne inservio quidem. Video, ut se
huic dent, ut daturi sint. Quicquam tu illa putas fuisse de valetudine
decreta municipiorum prae his de victoria gratulationibus? "Timent,"
inquies. At ipsi tum se timuisse dicunt. Sed videamus, quid actum sit
Brundisi. Ex eo fortasse alia consilia nascentur aliaeque litterae.
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thought that the day of the battle of Alia was blacker than the day
of the capture of Rome, because the capture was but the consequence
of the battle (and so the former day is still a black letter day and
the latter is commonly unknown), so I too was angry in recalling his
errors of the last ten years, which included the year of my affliction,
when he gave me no help, to put it mildly, and recognizing his
foolhardiness, sloth and carelessness at the present time. But all this
I have forgotten. It is his kindness I think of, and I think of my own
honour too. I understand, later indeed than I could have wished, from
the letters and conversation of Balbus, but I see plainly, that the
sole object is, and has been from the beginning, the death of Pompey.
So I say the same as Achilles to his mother, when she said "For after
Hector's death thy doom is fixed," and he replied, "Then let me die,
since I have failed to save my friend."
[Sidenote: Iliad XVIII, 96-9]
And in my case it is not only a friend but a benefactor, a man so great
and championing so great a cause. Indeed I hold that life should be
paid for the kindnesses that he has done me. But in your loyal party I
have no confidence: nor I do even acknowledge any allegiance to them
now. I see how they surrender and will surrender themselves to Caesar.
Do you think that those decrees of the towns about Pompey's health were
anything compared with their congratulatory addresses to Caesar? You
will say, "They are terrorized." Yes, but they themselves declare that
they were terrorized on the former occasion. But let us see what has
happened at Brundisium. Perhaps from that may spring different plans
and a different letter.
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VI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis V Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Nos adhuc Brundisio nihil. Roma scripsit Balbus putare iam Lentulum
consulem tramisisse, nec eum a minore Balbo conventum, quod is hoc
iam Canusi audisset; inde ad se eum scripsisse; cohortesque sex,
quae Albae fuissent, ad Curium via Minucia transisse; id Caesarem ad
se scripsisse, et brevi tempore eum ad urbem futurum. Ergo utar tuo
consilio neque me Arpinum hoc tempore abdam, etsi, Ciceroni meo togam
puram cum dare Arpini vellem, hanc eram ipsam excusationem relicturus
ad Caesarem. Sed fortasse in eo ipso offendetur, cur non Romae potius.
Ac tamen, si est conveniendus, hic potissimum. Tum reliqua videbimus,
id est et quo et qua et quando.
Domitius, ut audio, in Cosano est, et quidem, ut aiunt, paratus ad
navigandum, si in Hispaniam, non probo, si ad Gnaeum, laudo; quovis
potius certe, quam ut Curtium videat, quem ego patronus aspicere
non possum. Quid alios? Sed, opinor, quiescamus, ne nostram culpam
coarguamus, qui, dum urbem, id est patriam, amamus dumque rem
conventuram putamus, ita nos gessimus, ut plane interclusi captique
simus.
Scripta iam epistula Capua litterae sunt allatae hoc exemplo: "Pompeius
mare transiit cum omnibus militibus, quos secum habuit. Hic numerus est
* * * * *
Page 195
VI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 11_, B.C. _49_]
No news yet from Brundisium. From Rome Balbus has written that he
thinks the consul Lentulus has now gone over, and that the younger
Balbus has not met him, because the latter has just heard the news at
Canusium and from that town has written to him. He adds that the six
cohorts which were at Alba have gone to Curius by the Minucian road,
that Caesar has written to tell him so and will shortly be in Rome. So
I shall follow your advice. I shall not go and bury myself in Arpinum
at the present time, though, since I had wished to celebrate my son's
coming of age there, I thought of leaving that as an excuse to Caesar.
But perhaps that itself will give offence and he might ask why I should
not do it at Rome. Still, if I must meet him, I would much rather meet
him here. Then I shall see the other things, where I am to go, by what
route and when.
Domitius, I hear, is at Cosa, and ready it is said to sail. If it is to
Spain, I do not approve, but, if to Pompey, he has my praise. Better
to go anywhere than to have to see Curtius, of whom, though I have
defended him, I cannot bear the sight, not to speak of others. But I
suppose I had better keep quiet, for fear of convicting myself of folly
in managing to be cut off wholly and made captive through my love of my
country and an idea that the matter could be patched up.
Just as I had finished writing, there came a letter from Capua, of
which this is a copy: "Pompey has crossed the sea with all the soldiery
he has. There
* * * * *
Page 196
hominum milia triginta et consules duo et tribuni pl. et senatores, qui
fuerunt cum eo, omnes cum uxoribus et liberis. Conscendisse dicitur
a. d. IIII Nonas Martias. Ex ea die fuere septemtriones venti. Naves,
quibus usus non est, omnes aut praecidisse aut incendisse dicunt."
De hac re litterae L. Metello tribuno pl. Capuam allatae sunt a Clodia
socru, quae ipsa transiit. Ante sollicitus eram et angebar, sicut res
scilicet ipsa cogebat, cum consilio explicare nihil possem; nunc autem,
postquam Pompeius et consules ex Italia exierunt, non angor, sed ardeo
dolore,
οὐδέ μοι ἦτορ
ἔμπεδον, ἀλλ' ἀλαλύκτημαι.
Non sum, inquam, mihi crede, mentis compos; tantum mihi dedecoris
admisisse videor. Mene non primum cum Pompeio qualicumque consilio uso,
deinde cum bonis esse quamvis causa temere instituta? praesertim cum ii
ipsi, quoram ego causa timidius me fortunae committebam, uxor, filia,
Cicerones pueri, me illud sequi mallent, hoc turpe et me indignum
putarent. Nam Quintus quidem frater, quicquid mihi placeret, id rectum
se putare aiebat, id animo aequissimo sequebatur.
Tuas nunc epistulas a primo lego. Hae me paulum recreant. Primae monent
et rogant, ne me proiciam, proximae gaudere te ostendunt me remansisse.
Eas cum lego, minus mihi turpis videor, sed tam diu, dum lego. Deinde
emergit rursum dolor et ἀισχροῦ φαντασία. Quam ob rem obsecro te, mi
Tite, eripe
* * * * *
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are 30,000 men, two consuls, tribunes and the senators who were with
him, all accompanied by wives and children. He is said to have embarked
on the 4th of March. From that day there have been northerly winds.
They say he disabled or burned all the ships he did not use."
[Sidennote Iliad x, 91]
On this matter a letter has been received at Capua by Lucius Metellus,
the tribune of the plebs, from Clodia, his mother-in-law, who herself
crossed the sea. I was anxious and distracted before, naturally enough
under the circumstances, when I could find no solution of affairs.
But, now that Pompey and the consuls have left Italy, I am not only
distracted, but I blaze with indignation. "Steady my heart no more,
but wild with grief." Believe me, I say I am no longer responsible,
so great the shame I seem to have incurred. To think that in the
first place I should not be with Pompey, whatever his plan, nor again
with the loyalists, however rashly they have mismanaged their cause!
Particularly when those very people, whose interests kept me cautious,
my wife, my daughter and the boys, preferred that I should follow
Pompey's fortunes, and thought Caesar's cause disgraceful and unworthy
of me. As for my brother Quintus, whatever I thought right, he agreed
to, and he followed my course with perfect contentment.
Your letters I am reading now from the beginning of the business. They
afford me some little relief. The first warn and entreat me not to
commit myself. The later ones show you are glad I stayed. While I read
them, my conduct seems to me less discreditable; but only so long as
I read: afterwards up rises sorrow again and a vision of shame. So I
beseech you, Titus,
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Page 198
mihi hunc dolorem, aut minue saltem aut consolatione aut consilio, aut
quacumque re potes. Quid tu autem possis? aut quid homo quisquam? Vix
iam deus.
Equidem illud molior, quod tu mones sperasque fieri posse, ut mihi
Caesar concedat, ut absim, cum aliquid in senatu contra Gnaeum agatur.
Sed timeo, ne non impetrem. Venit ab eo Furnius. Ut quidem scias, quos
sequamur, Q. Titini filium cum Caesare esse nuntiat, sed illum maiores
mihi gratias agere, quam vellem. Quid autem me roget paucis ille quidem
verbis, sed ἐν δυνάμει, cognosce ex ipsius epistula. Me miserum, quod
tu non valuisti! una fuissemus; consilium certe non defuisset; σύν τε
δύ' ἐρχομένω----.
Sed acta ne agamus, reliqua paremus. Me adhuc haec duo fefellerunt,
initio spes compositionis, qua facta volebam uti populari vita,
sollicitudine senectutem nostram liberari; deinde bellum crudele et
exitiosum suscipi a Pompeio intellegebam. Melioris medius fidius
civis et viri putabam quovis supplicio adfici, quam illi crudelitati
non solum praeesse, verum etiam interesse. Videtur vel mori satius
fuisse quam esse cum his. Ad haec igitur cogita, mi Attice, vel potius
excogita. Quemvis eventum fortius feram quam hunc dolorem.
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Page 199
take this grief away from me, or at any rate lessen it by your sympathy
or advice or by any other possible means. Yet what can you or any man
do? God Himself could hardly help now.
But my own aim now is to achieve what you advise and hope, that Caesar
excuse my absence, when any measure is brought forward against Pompey
in the house. But I fear I may fail. Furnius has come from Caesar. To
show you the sort of men I am following, he tells me that the son of Q.
Titinius is with Caesar, but Caesar expresses greater thanks to me than
I could wish. His request put in a few words, but _ex cathedra_, you
may see from his letter. How grieved I am at your ill-health! We should
have been together; assuredly advice would not have been wanting: "Two
heads are better than one."
[Sidenote: Iliad X, 224]
But let us not fight battles over again, let us attend to the future.
Till now two things have led me astray, at first the hope of a
settlement, and, if that were secured, I was ready for private life and
an old age quit of public cares; and then I discovered that Pompey was
beginning a bloody and destructive war. On my honour I thought that
it was the part of a better man and a better citizen to suffer any
punishment rather than, I will not say to take a leading part, but even
to take any part in such atrocities. It seems as though it would have
been preferable to die than to be one of such men. So, my dear Atticus,
think on these problems, or rather think them out. I shall bear any
result more bravely than this affliction.
* * * * *
Page 200
VIa
CAESAR IMP. S. D. CICERONI IMP.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere in. m. Mart. a. 705_]
Cum Furnium nostrum tantum vidissem neque loqui neque audire meo
commodo potuissem, properarem atque essem in itinere praemissis iam
legionibus, praeterire tamen non potui, quin et scriberem ad te et
illum mitterem gratiasque agerem, etsi hoc et feci saepe et saepius
mihi facturus videor. Ita de me mereris. In primis a te peto, quoniam
confido me celeriter ad urbem venturum, ut te ibi videam, ut tuo
consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium rerum uti possim. Ad propositum
revertar; festinationi meae brevitatique litterarum ignosces. Reliqua
ex Furnio cognosces.
VII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiis III Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Scripseram ad te epistulam, quam darem IIII Idus. Sed eo die is,
cui dare volueram, non est profectus. Venit autem eo ipso die ille
"celeripes," quem Salvius dixerat. Attulit uberrimas tuas litteras;
quae mihi quiddam quasi animulae instillarunt; recreatum enim me non
queo dicere. Sed plane τὸ συνέχον effecisti. Ego enim non iam id ago,
mihi crede, ut prosperos exitus consequar. Sic enim video, nec duobus
his vivis nec hoc uno nos umquam rem publicam habituros.
* * * * *
Page 201
VIa
CAESAR THE IMPERATOR SENDS GREETINGS TO CICERO THE IMPERATOR.
[Sidenote: _On the march, March_, B.C. _49_]
Though I have only had a glimpse of our friend Furnius, and have not
yet been able conveniently to speak to him or hear what he has to
say, being in a hurry and on the march, yet I could not neglect the
opportunity of writing to you and sending him to convey my thanks.
Be sure I have often thanked you and I expect to have occasion to do
so still more often in the future: so great are your services to me.
First I beg you, since I trust that I shall quickly reach Rome, to let
me see you there, and employ your advice, favour, position and help
of all kinds. I will return to what I began with: pardon my haste and
the shortness of my letter. All the other information you may get from
Furnius.
VII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 13_, B.C. _49_]
I wrote you a letter dated the 12th of March, but on that day the man
to whom I meant to give it did not set out. However, on that very
day there arrived that "sprinter," as Salvius called him, bringing
your very full epistle which has put just a drop of life into me, for
recovered I cannot profess to be. Clearly you have done the one thing
needful. Believe me I am not acting now with a view to a lucky issue;
for I see that we can never enjoy a Republic while these two men live,
or this one alone. So I
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Ita neque de otio nostro spero iam nec ullam acerbitatem recuso. Unum
illud extimescebam, ne quid turpiter facerem, vel dicam iam ne fecissem.
Sic ergo habeto, salutares te mihi litteras misisse neque solum has
longiores, quibus nihil potest esse explicatius, nihil perfectius, sed
etiam illas breviores, in quibus hoc mihi iucundissimum fuit, consilium
factumque nostrum a Sexto probari, pergratumque mihi tu ...[84]
fecisti; a quo et diligi me et, quid rectum sit, intellegi scio.
Longior vero tua epistula non me solum, sed meos omnes aegritudine
levavit. Itaque utar tuo consilio et ero in Formiano, ne aut ad urbem
ἀπάντησις mea animadvertatur, aut, si nec hic nec illic eum videro,
devitatum se a me putet. Quod autem suades, ut ab eo petam, ut mihi
concedat, ut idem tribuam Pompeio, quod ipsi tribuerim, id me iam
pridem agere intelleges ex litteris Balbi et Oppi, quarum exempla tibi
misi. Misi etiam Caesaris ad eos sana mente scriptas quo modo in tanta
insania. Sin mihi Caesar hoc non concedat, video tibi placere illud, me
πολίτευμα de pace suscipere; in quo non extimesco periculum (cum enim
tot impendeant, cur non honestissimo depecisci velim?), sed vereor, ne
Pompeio quid oneris imponam,
μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου
intorqueat. Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani regni
similitudinem concupivit. Εἰδώς σοι λέγω. Nihil ille umquam minus
obscure tulit.
[84] _After_ tu _there is probably a lacuna which should be filled by
some such words as those suggested by Lehmann_: fecisti, quod me de
iudicio eius certiorem.
* * * * *
Page 203
have no hope of ease for myself and I do not refuse to contemplate as
possible any bitterness. The one thing I dread is doing, or, perhaps I
should say, having done, anything disgraceful.
[Sidenote: Odyssey xi, 663]
So please consider that your letter was good for me, and not only the
longer, most explicit and perfect epistle, but also the shorter, in
which the most delightful thing was to find that my policy and action
is approved by Sextus. You have done me a great kindness....[85] Of
his affection and sense of honour I am sure. But that longer letter of
yours has relieved not only me but all my friends from our sorry state:
so I will follow your advice and remain in the villa at Formiae, that
my meeting with Caesar outside the city may not excite comment, or, if
I do not meet him either here or there, I may not lead him to think
I have shunned him. As for your advice to ask him to allow me to pay
Pompey the same homage as I did to him, you will understand I have been
doing that long since, when you see the copies I forward of letters
of Balbus and Oppius. I send also a letter addressed by Caesar to
them, which is sane enough considering these mad times. But, if Caesar
should refuse my request, I see that you think I should undertake to
be a peace-maker. In that rôle I do not fear danger--for, with so many
dangers overhanging, why should I not compound by taking the most
respectable--but I fear lest I may embarrass Pompey, and he fix on me
"the Gorgon gaze of his dread eye." It is wonderful to see how Pompey
desires to imitate Sulla's reign. I know what I am saying. He has made
no secret of it. Then why
[85] Adopting Lehmann's suggestion "in telling me of his opinion."
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Page 204
"Cum hocne igitur," inquies, "esse vis?" Beneficium sequor, mihi crede,
non causam, [ut in Milone, ut in.... Sed hactenus].[86] "Causa igitur
non bona est?" Immo optima, sed agetur, memento, foedissime. Primum
consilium est suffocare urbem et Italiam fame, deinde agros vastare,
urere, pecuniis locupletum non abstinere. Sed, cum eadem metuam ab hac
parte, si illim beneficium non sit, rectius putem quidvis domi perpeti.
Sed ita meruisse illum de me puto, ut ἀχαριστίας crimen subire non
audeam, quamquam a te eius quoque rei iusta defensio est explicata.
[86] _The words in brackets are probably a gloss which has crept into
the text._
De triumpho tibi adsentior, quem quidem totum facile et lubenter
abiecero. Egregie probo fore ut, dum agamus, ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος obrepat.
"Si modo," inquis, "satis ille erit firmus." Est firmior etiam, quam
putabamus. De isto licet bene speres. Promitto tibi, si valebit,
tegulam illum in Italia nullam relicturum. "Tene igitur socio?" Contra
mehercule meum iudicium et contra omnium antiquorum auctoritatem, nec
tam ut illa adiuvem, quam ut haec ne videam, cupio discedere. Noli
enim putare tolerabiles horum insanias nec unius modi fore. Etsi quid
te horum fugit, legibus, iudicibus, iudiciis senatu sublato libidines,
audacias, sumptus, egestates tot egentissimorum hominum nec privatas
posse res nec rem publicam sustinere? Abeamus igitur inde qualibet
navigatione; etsi id quidem, ut tibi videbitur,
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do I wish to be associated with such a man? Believe me I follow
gratitude, not a cause [and I did in the case of Milo and in.... But
enough of this.] "Then the cause is not good?" Yes, the best in the
world; but remember it will be handled in the most disgraceful way. The
first plan is to throttle Rome and Italy and starve them, then to lay
waste and burn the country, and not to keep hands off the riches of
the wealthy. But, since I have the same fears on Caesar's side too, if
it were not for favours on the other side, I should think it better to
stay in Rome and suffer what comes. But so bounden do I consider myself
to Pompey that I cannot endure to risk the charge of ingratitude. But
you have said all that can be said for that course too.
About my triumph I agree with you. I can throw it away willingly and
with ease. I am delighted with your remark that it may be, while I am
considering, "the chance to sail" may arise. "Yes," you say, "if only
Pompey is firm enough." He is more firm than I imagined. In him you
may be confident. I promise you, if he succeeds, he will not leave a
tile in Italy. "Will you help him, then?" By heaven, against my own
judgement and against all the lessons of the past I desire to depart,
not so much that I may help Pompey, as that I may not see what is being
done here. For please do not think that the madness of these parties
will be endurable or of one kind. However, it is obvious to you that
when laws, juries, courts and Senate are abolished, neither private nor
public resources will be able to bear up against the lusts, daring,
extravagance and necessity of so many needy men. So let me depart on
any kind of voyage: be it whatever you will, only let me depart.
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sed certe abeamus. Sciemus enim, id quod exspectas, quid Brundisi actum
sit.
Bonis viris quod ais probari, quae adhuc fecerimus, scirique ab iis
nos non profectos, valde gaudeo, si est nunc ullus gaudendi locus. De
Lentulo investigabo diligentius. Id mandavi Philotimo, homini forti ac
nimium optimati.
Extremum est, ut tibi argumentum ad scribendum fortasse iam desit. Nec
enim alia de re nunc ulla scribi potest, et de hac quid iam amplius
inveniri potest? Sed, quoniam et ingenium suppeditat (dico mehercule,
ut sentio) et amor, quo et meum ingenium incitatur, perge, ut facis, et
scribe, quantum potes.
In Epirum quod me non invitas, comitem non molestum, subirascor. Sed
vale. Nam, ut tibi ambulandum, ungendum, sic mihi dormiendum. Etenim
litterae tuae mihi somnum attulerunt.
VIIa
BALBUS ET OPPIUS S. D. M. CICERONI.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae VI aut V Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Nedum hominum humilium, ut nos sumus, sed etiam amplissimorum virorum
consilia ex eventu, non ex voluntate a plerisque probari solent. Tamen
freti tua humanitate, quod verissimum nobis videbitur, de eo, quod ad
nos scripsisti, tibi consilium dabimus. Quod si non fuerit prudens, at
certe ab optima fide et optimo animo proficiscetur.
Nos, si id, quod nostro iudicio Caesarem facere
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For I shall know the news you are waiting for, what has happened at
Brundisium.
If, as you say, my conduct hitherto has been approved by the loyal
party and they are aware I have not gone away, I am very glad indeed,
if now there is any place for gladness. As for Lentulus I will make
more careful inquiries. I have entrusted the matter to Philotimus, a
man of courage and excessive loyalty.
The last thing I have to say is, that perhaps you lack a theme for your
letters--for one can write on no other topic, and what more can be said
on this? But since there is plenty of ability in you (and upon my soul
I speak as I feel) and affection which also spurs my own wit, go on as
you are doing and write as much as you can.
I am rather annoyed that you do not invite me as your guest to Epirus
when you know I should give you no trouble. But good-bye. You want your
walk and perfumery and I want my sleep: for your letter has induced
sleep.
VIIa
BALBUS AND OPPIUS TO M. CICERO, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 10 or 11_, B.C. _49_]
Advice--even the advice of distinguished persons, let alone nobodies
like ourselves--is generally judged by results and not by intentions.
However, relying on your kindness of heart, we will give you the
soundest advice we can on the point about which you wrote, and, even if
its wisdom may be doubted, there will be no doubt that it springs from
good faith and good feeling.
If we had heard from Caesar's own lips that he
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oportere existimamus, ut, simul Romam venerit, agat de reconciliatione
gratiae suae et Pompei, id eum facturum ex ipso cognovissemus,
deberemus[87] te hortari, ut velles iis rebus interesse, quo facilius
et maiore cum dignitate per te, qui utrique es coniunctus, res tota
confieret, aut, si ex contrario putaremus Caesarem id non facturum,
et etiam velle cum Pompeio bellum gerere sciremus, numquam tibi
suaderemus, contra hominem optime de te meritum arma ferres, sicuti
te semper oravimus, ne contra Caesarem pugnares. Sed, cum etiam nunc,
quid facturus Caesar sit, magis opinari quam scire possimus,[88]
non possumus nisi hoc, non videri eam tuam esse dignitatem neque
fidem omnibus cognitam, ut contra alterutrum, cum utrique sis maxime
necessarius, arma feras, et hoc non dubitamus quin Caesar pro sua
humanitate maxime sit probaturus. Nos tamen, si tibi videbitur, ad
Caesarem scribemus, ut nos certiores faciat, quid hac re acturus sit. A
quo si erit nobis rescriptum, statim, quae sentiemus, ad te scribemus,
et tibi fidem faciemus nos ea suadere, quae nobis videntur tuae
dignitati, non Caesaris actioni esse utilissima, et hoc Caesarem pro
sua indulgentia in suos probaturum putamus.
[87] deberemus _added by Lehmann_.
[88] possimus _added by Ascensius_.
VIIb
BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae V aut IV Id. Mart. a. 705_]
S. V. B. Posteaquam litteras communes cum Oppio ad te dedi, ab Caesare
epistulam accepi, cuius exemplum
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was going to do, what in our opinion he ought to do, as soon as he
reaches Rome, that is to say try to effect a reconciliation with
Pompey, we should feel it our duty to exhort you to take part in
the negotiations, as the whole thing could most easily and with the
greatest dignity be carried through by you, who have ties with both
parties. If on the contrary we thought Caesar was not going to follow
that course, and knew that he even wished to wage war with Pompey,
we should never advise you to bear arms against a man who has done
you such good service, just as we have always begged you not to
fight against Caesar. But, since Caesar's intentions are still mere
guesswork, we can only say that it does not seem consonant with your
dignity or your well-known sense of honour to bear arms against either
of them, as you are intimate with both: and we have no doubt that
Caesar will be generous enough to approve of this course. If you wish
it, however, we will write to Caesar to ascertain his intentions in
this matter. If he sends us an answer, we will let you know our opinion
at once, and convince you that we are giving the advice which seems
to us to be best for your dignity, not for Caesar's policy, and, such
is Caesar's consideration for his friends, that we feel sure he will
approve of such a course.
VIIb
BALBUS TO CICERO, THE IMPERATOR, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Rome, March 11 or 12_, B.C. _49_]
I hope you are well.[89] After sending you a letter in conjunction with
Oppius I had a note from Caesar, of which I am forwarding a copy. From
it you can
[89] The letters _S.V.B._ stand for _si vales bene (est)_.
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tibi misi. Ex quibus perspicere poteris, quam cupiat concordiam suam
et Pompei reconciliare, et quam remotus sit ab omni crudelitate; quod
eum sentire, ut debeo, valde gaudeo. De te et tua fide et pietate
idem mehercule, mi Cicero, sentio quod tu, non posse tuam famam et
officium sustinere, ut contra eum arma feras, a quo tantum beneficium
te accepisse praedices. Caesarem hoc idem probaturum exploratum pro
singulari eius humanitate habeo, eique cumulatissime satis facturum te
certo scio, cum nullam partem belli contra cum suscipias neque socius
eius adversariis fueris. Atque hoc non solum in te, tali et tanto viro,
satis habebit, sed etiam mihi ipse sua concessit voluntate, ne in iis
castris essem, quae contra Lentulum aut Pompeium futura essent, quorum
beneficia maxima haberem, sibique satis esse dixit, si togatus urbana
officia sibi praestitissem, quae etiam illis, si vellem, praestare
possem. Itaque nunc Romae omnia negotia Lentuli procuro, sustineo,
meumque officium, fidem, pietatem iis praesto. Sed mehercule rursus
iam abiectam compositionis spem non desperatissimam esse puto, quoniam
Caesar est ea mente, quam optare debemus.
Hac re mihi placet, si tibi videtur, te ad eum scribere et ab eo
praesidium petere, ut petiisti a Pompeio me quidem adprobante
temporibus Milonianis. Praestabo, si Caesarem bene novi, eum prius tuae
dignitatis quam suae utilitatis rationem habiturum.
Haec quam prudenter tibi scribam, nescio, sed illud
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see how eager he is for a reconciliation between himself and Pompey,
and how far removed all cruelty is from his thoughts: and I am, as in
duty bound, very glad that he takes that view. As for yourself and
your honour, and loyalty to your friends, I give you my word, my dear
Cicero, that I think as you do, that your reputation and your duty will
not admit of your bearing arms against a man, from whom you acknowledge
that you have received such favours. I have not the slightest doubt
that Caesar with his extraordinary kindness will agree, and that you
will satisfy him abundantly, by taking no part against him in the war
and not siding with his opponents. And this he will count sufficient
not only in the case of so important a personage as yourself, but even
to me of his own free will he has granted the same permission not to
enter a camp which would be opposed to Lentulus and Pompey, to whom I
am under great obligations: and he has said he is quite satisfied, if I
should perform peaceful civic functions for him, which I am at liberty
to perform for them too, if I wish. So I am acting now as Lentulus'
deputy at Rome and carrying out his business, fulfilling my duty and
maintaining my honour and loyalty to them. But really, though I had
given up hope of peace, I am no longer in despair of it, since Caesar
is in the mood in which we would wish him to be.
Under the circumstances I see no objection, if you think fit, to
your writing and asking for his protection, as you did for Pompey's,
with my approval, at Milo's trial. If I know anything of Caesar, I
will guarantee that he will consider your dignity more than his own
advantage.
How far the advice I am sending may be right, I
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certe scio, me ab singulari amore ac benevolentia, quaecumque scribo,
tibi scribere, quod te (ita incolumi Caesare moriar!) tanti facio, ut
paucos aeque ac te caros habeam. De hac re cum aliquid constitueris,
velim mihi scribas. Nam non mediocriter laboro, utrique, ut vis, tuam
benevolentiam praestare possis, quam mehercule te praestaturum confide.
Fac valeas.
VIIc
CAESAR OPPIO, CORNELIO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere paulo ante ep. 7 B._]
Gaudeo mehercule vos significare litteris, quam valde probetis ea,
quae apud Corfinium sunt gesta. Consilio vestro utar lubenter, et hoc
lubentius, quod mea sponte facere constitueram, ut quam lenissimum me
praeberem et Pompeium darem operam ut reconciliarem. Temptemus, hoc
modo si possimus omnium voluntates recuperare et diuturna victoria
uti, quoniam reliqui crudelitate odium effugere non potuerunt neque
victoriam diutius tenere praeter unum L. Sullam, quem imitaturus non
sum. Haec nova sit ratio vincendi, ut misericordia et liberalitate
nos muniamus. Id quem ad modum fieri possit, non nulla mi in mentem
veniunt, et multa reperiri possunt. De his rebus rogo vos ut
cogitationem suscipiatis.
N. Magium, Pompei praefectum, deprehendi. Scilicet meo instituto usus
sum et eum statim missum
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do not know; but one thing I do know, that, in sending what I am
sending to you, I am actuated by more than ordinary affection and
goodwill. Though I am ready to die for Caesar's sake, there are few
that I esteem as highly as I esteem you. When you have made up your
mind on the point, I should like you to let me know, for I am much
concerned that you should be able to show your goodwill to both
parties, as you desire: and I have not the faintest doubt that you
will. Take care of your health.
VIIc
CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _On the road, shortly before 7 B._]
I am very glad to hear from your letters how strongly you approve
of what happened at Corfinium. I shall follow your advice with
pleasure--with all the more pleasure, because I had myself made up my
mind to act with the greatest moderation, and to do my best to effect
a reconciliation with Pompey. Let us see if by moderation we can win
all hearts and secure a lasting victory, since by cruelty others have
been unable to escape from hatred and to maintain their victory for
any length of time except L. Sulla, whose example I do not intend to
follow. This is a new way of conquering, to strengthen one's position
by kindness and generosity. As to how this can be done, some ideas have
occurred to me and many more can be found. I should like you to turn
some attention to the matter.
I have taken N. Magius, a praefect of Pompey. Of course I kept to my
policy and set him free at once.
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feci. Iam duo praefecti fabrum Pompei in meam potestatem venerunt et
a me missi sunt. Si volent grati esse, debebunt Pompeium hortari, ut
malit mihi esse amicus quam iis, qui et illi et mihi semper fuerunt
inimicissimi; quorum artificiis effectum est, ut res publica in hunc
statum perveniret.
VIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano prid. Id. Mart. a. 705_]
Cenantibus II Idus nobis, ac noctu quidem,, Statius a te epistulam
brevem attulit. De L. Torquato quod quaeris, non modo Lucius, sed
etiam Aulus profectus est, alter multos.[90] De Reatinorum corona quod
scribis, moleste fero in agro Sabino sementem fieri proscriptionis.
Senatores multos esse Romae nos quoque audieramus. Ecquid potes dicere,
cur exierint? In his locis opinio est coniectura magis quam nuntio aut
litteris Caesarem Formiis a. d. XI Kal. Apriles fore. Hic ego vellem
habere Homeri illam Minervam simulatam Mentori, cui dicerem:
Μέντορ, πῶς τ' ἄρ' ἴω, πῶς τ' ἂρ προσπτύξομαι αὐτόν;
Nullam rem umquam difficiliorem cogitavi, sed cogito tamen nec ero
ut in malis imparatus. Sed cura, ut valeas. Puto enim diem tuum heri
fuisse.
[90] _For the unintelligible_ alter multos _Reid suggests_ ante multo;
_Purser_ alter duos aliquos dies abest, alter multos.
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So now two of Pompey's praefects of engineers have fallen into my hands
and I have set them free. If they have any gratitude, they ought to
exhort Pompey to prefer my friendship to that of men who were always
the bitterest enemies both to him and to me. It is their machinations
that have brought the State into its present plight.
VIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 14_, B.C. _49_]
[Sidenote: Odyssey iii, 22]
As I was dining on the 14th, and indeed after nightfall, Statius
brought a short letter from you. For your query about L. Torquatus, not
only Lucius but also Aulus has gone [the former some two days],[91] the
latter a long time ago. For your news about the sale of prisoners at
Reate, I am sorry that the seeds of a proscription should be sown in
the Sabine district. That many members of the House are at Rome, I also
have heard. Can you give any reason why they ever left it? Here there
is an idea based on guesswork rather than message or dispatch that
Caesar will be at Formiae on March the 22nd. I wish I could have here
Homer's Minerva disguised as Mentor, that I might say to her, "Mentor,
how shall I go, and how shall I welcome him, pray?" I have never had a
more difficult step to think of. But I think of it nevertheless: nor
shall I be unprepared, so far as the evil days permit. Take care of
yourself, for I fancy yesterday was the day for your fever.
[91] Adopting Purser's suggestion.
* * * * *
Page 216
IX
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XVI K. Apr. a. 705_]
Tres epistulas tuas accepi postridie Idus. Erant autem IIII, III,
pridie Idus datae. Igitur antiquissimae cuique primum respondebo.
Adsentio tibi, ut in Formiano potissimum commorer, etiam de supero
mari, temptaboque,[92] ut antea ad te scripsi, ecquonam modo possim
voluntate eius nullam rei publicae partem attingere. Quod laudas, quia
oblivisci me scripsi ante facta et delicta nostri amici, ego vero ita
facio. Quin ea ipsa, quae a te commemorantur, secus ab eo in me ipsum
facta esse non memini. Tanto plus apud me valere beneficii gratiam
quam iniuriae dolorem volo. Faciamus igitur, ut censes, colligamusque
nos. Σοφιστεύω enim, simul ut rus decurro, atque in decursu θέσεις
meas commentari non desino. Sed sunt quaedam earum perdifficiles ad
iudicandum. De optimatibus sit sane ita, ut vis; sed nosti illud
Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθω.
[92] temptaboque _Nipperdey_: plaboque _M_: perlabor _I_.
Titini filius apud Caesarem est. Quod autem quasi vereri videris,
ne mihi tua consilia displiceant, me vero nihil delectat aliud nisi
consilium et litterae tuae. Quare fac, ut ostendis, ne destiteris ad
me, quicquid tibi in mentem venerit, scribere. Mihi nihil potest esse
gratius.
Venio ad alteram nunc epistulam. Recte non credis de numero militum;
ipso dimidio plus scripsit
* * * * *
Page 217
IX
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 17_, B.C. _49_]
I got three letters from you on the 16th. They were dated the 12th,
13th and 14th. So I will take the earliest first. I agree with you that
it is best for me to stay at Formiae. I also agree about the Adriatic.
But as I wrote you before, I will strive to discover how I may be able
with Caesar's goodwill to keep quite clear of politics. You praise me
for saying that I forget Pompey's former misdeeds and ill-doings, but
it is a fact. Nay, those very actions you call to mind, in which he did
harm to me myself, have no place in my memory. I am so determined to
feel gratitude for his kindness rather than resentment for injuries.
Let me act then as you decree, and pull myself together. For I
philosophize as I walk about my estate, and in my perambulations I do
not cease to ponder my themes. But some of them are very difficult to
decide. As for the loyalists, let it be as you wish. You know the old
saying "Dionysius in Corinth."[93]
[93] Dionysius, when expelled from the throne of Syracuse, fled to
Corinth and according to some authorities set up a school there. But
whether the saying here mentioned refers merely to his exile and means
"There are ups and downs in life," or to his schoolmastering, as Jeans
suggests, referring to a passage in _Tusc._ III, 27, where Cicero
says Dionysius took to schoolmastering because he wished to tyrannize
over somebody, is uncertain. If the latter, it would mean that the
_optimates_ would ill-use Cicero again as soon as they got the power.
Titinius' son is with Caesar. You seem to fear that your advice irks
me; but nothing indeed pleases me except your counsel and your letters.
So do as you promise. Do not omit to write to me anything that comes
into your mind; for nothing can delight me more.
I turn now to your next letter. You are right not
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Page 218
Clodia. Falsum etiam de corruptis navibus. Quod consules laudas, ego
quoque animum laudo, sed consilium reprehendo; dispersu enim illorum
actio de pace sublata est, quam quidem ego meditabar. Itaque postea
Demetri librum de concordia tibi remisi et Philotimo dedi. Nec vero
dubito, quin exitiosum bellum impendeat; cuius initium ducetur a
fame. Et me tamen doleo non interesse huic bello! In quo tanta vis
sceleris futura est, ut, cum parentes non alere nefarium sit, nostri
principes antiquissimam et sanctissimam parentem, patriam, fame
necandam putent. Atque hoc non opinione timeo, sed interfui sermonibus.
Omnis haec classis Alexandria, Colchis, Tyro, Sidone, Arado, Cypro,
Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodo, Chio, Byzantio, Lesbo, Zmyrna, Mileto, Coo
ad intercludendos commeatus Italiae et ad occupandas frumentarias
provincias comparatur. At quam veniet iratus! et iis quidem maxime,
qui eum maxime salvum volebant, quasi relictus ab iis, quos reliquit.
Itaque mihi dubitanti, quid me facere par sit, permagnum pondus adfert
benevolentia erga illum; qua dempta perire melius esset in patria quam
patriam servando evertere. De septemtrione plane ita est. Metuo,
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Page 219
to believe the reports about the number of Pompey's soldiers.
Clodia's letter made them just double. It was untrue also about the
destruction of the vessels. You praise the consuls; so do I praise
their courage, but I blame their policy. Their departure has destroyed
the negotiations for peace, the very thing which I was contemplating.
So after that I returned you Demetrius' book on Concord and gave it to
Philotimus. And I have no doubt a disastrous war is imminent, which
will be ushered in by famine. And here I am lamenting that I have no
hand in the war, a war which will be so criminal, that though it is
wicked not to support one's parents, yet our chiefs will not hesitate
to destroy by starvation their country, that most reverend and holiest
of parents! And my fears are not based on mere surmise. I have heard
their talk. All this fleet from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon,
Aradus, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodes, Chius, Byzantium, Lesbos,
Smyrna, Miletus, Cos, is being got ready to cut off the supplies of
Italy and to blockade the grain-producing provinces. And how angry
Pompey will be when he comes, particularly with those who particularly
desire his safety, as if he were abandoned by those whom he has
abandoned! So in my doubt what I ought to do, I am greatly swayed by my
good feeling towards Pompey. Without that it were better to perish in
my country, than to destroy my country by saving it. As to the north
wind, it is clearly as you write. I fear Epirus
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Page 220
ne vexetur Epirus; sed quem tu locum Graeciae non direptum iri
putas? Praedicat enim palam et militibus ostendit se largitione ipsa
superiorem quam hunc fore. Illud me praeclare admones, cum illum
videro, ne nimis indulgenter, et ut cum gravitate potius loquar. Plane
sic faciendum. Arpinum, cum eum convenero, cogito, ne forte aut absim,
cum veniet, aut cursem huc illuc via deterrima. Bibulum, ut scribis,
audio venisse et redisse pridie Idus.
Philotimum, ut ais in epistula tertia, exspectabas. At ille Idibus a
me profectus est. Eo serius ad tuam illam epistulam, cui ego statim
rescripseram, redditae sunt meae litterae. De Domitio, ut scibis,
ita opinor esse, ut et in Cosano sit, et consilium eius ignoretur.
Iste omnium turpissimus et sordidissimus, qui consularia comitia a
praetore ait haberi posse, est idem, qui semper in re publica fuit.
Itaque nimirum hoc illud est, quod Caesar scribit in ea epistula,
cuius exemplum ad te misi, se velle uti "consilio" meo (age, esto;
hoc commune est), "gratia" (ineptum id quidem, sed, puto, hoc simulat
ad quasdam senatorum sententias), "dignitate" (fortasse sententiae
consularis). Illud extremum est: "ope omnium rerum." Id ego suspicari
coepi tum ex tuis litteris aut hoc ipsum esse aut non multo secus. Nam
permagni eius interest rem ad interregnum non venire. Id adsequitur, si
per praetorem consules creantur. Nos autem in libris
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Page 221
may be harassed, but do you suppose there is any part of Greece that
will not be robbed? Pompey openly declares and shows his men that he
will be more liberal even than Caesar in largesse. You do well to
advise me, when I see Caesar, not to be too complacent, and to speak
rather with dignity. Clearly I must do so. I am thinking of going to
Arpinum after I have met him; for I do not want to be absent on his
arrival, or to have to travel to and fro in the wretched condition of
the roads. I hear, as you write, that Bibulus came and went back on the
14th.
[Sidenote: Iliad iv, 182]
You say in your third letter that you were awaiting Philotimus. He set
out from me on the 15th. That was why my reply to your letter, which
I wrote immediately, was late in reaching you. I think you are right
about Domitius, that he is in his place at Cosa; but what his plan
is, is not known. That disgraceful mean blackguard M. Lepidus, who
says that the consular elections may be held by a praetor, is playing
his old part in politics. So that was the meaning of the passage in
Caesar's letter of which I sent you a copy, that he wanted to enjoy my
"advice" (well, that is a general expression), my "influence" (that
is flattery, but I suppose he affects to want it with a view to the
votes of certain senators), my "position" (perhaps he means my vote as
an ex-consul). His last phrase is "help in every way." I have begun
to suspect from your letter that that is the point, or something very
like it. For it is highly important to him that there should not be
an interregnum. That point is attained, if consuls are created by a
praetor. But in our state books it is set down that it is illegal not
only for
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habemus non modo consules a praetore, sed ne praetores quidem creari
ius esse, idque factum esse numquam; consules eo non esse ius, quod
maius imperium a minore rogari non sit ius, praetores autem, quod ita
rogentur, ut collegae consulibus sint, quorum est maius imperium.
Aberit non longe, quin hoc a me decerni velit neque sit contentus
Galba, Scaevola, Cassio, Antonio:
Τότε μοι χάνοι εὐρεῖα χθών!
Sed, quanta tempestas impendeat, vides. Qui transierint senatores,
scribam ad te, cum certum habebo. De re frumentaria recte intellegis,
quae nullo modo administrari sine vectigalibus potest; nec sine causa
et eos, qui circum illum sunt, omnia postulantes et bellum nefarium
times. Trebatium nostrum, etsi, ut scribis, nihil bene sperat, tamen
videre sane velim. Quem fac horteris, ut properet; opportune enim ad me
ante adventum Caesaris venerit. De Lanuvino, statim ut audivi Phameam
mortuum, optavi, si modo esset futura res publica, ut id aliquis emeret
meorum, neque tamen de te, qui maxime meus es, cogitavi. Sciebam enim
te "quoto anno" et "quantum in solo" solere quaerere neque solum Romae,
sed etiam Deli tuum διάγραμμα videram.[94] Verum tamen ego illud,
quamquam est bellum, minoris aestimo, quam aestimabatur Marcellino
consule, cum ego istos hortulos propter domum Anti, quam tum habebam,
iucundiores mihi fore putabam et minore impensa, quam si Tusculanum
refecissem. Volui HS. Q. Egi per praedem, ille daret tanti, cum haberet
venale.
[94] διάγραμμα _Malespina_; digamma _MSS._
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consuls to be created by the praetors, but for the very praetors
themselves, and that it has never been done; that it is illegal for
consuls, because it is illegal for persons with greater powers to be
proposed for election by those with less; for praetors, because they
are proposed as colleagues of the consuls who have the greater powers.
The next thing will be, he will want me to vote for it, and he will
not be content with Galba, Scaevola, Cassius and Antonius, "then let
the wide earth swallow me." But you see what a storm is coming. Which
senators have crossed over to Pompey I will tell you as soon as I
know. You are right about the corn supply: it cannot be done without
taxation: and you have cause to fear the exorbitant demands of Pompey's
associates and a wicked war. I should much like to see my friend
Trebatius, although you tell me he is in despair. Do bid him hurry,
for it will be convenient, if he comes before Caesar's arrival. As for
that estate at Lanuvium, as soon as I heard of the death of Phamea, I
longed, if the constitution was going to last, that one of my friends
should buy it, and yet I did not think of you, my best friend of all.
For I know that it is your custom to inquire in how many years you
may recoup yourself of a purchase, and the value of fixtures, and I
had seen your inventory not only at Rome but at Delos. But, though it
is a pretty property, I rate it at a lower value than it was rated in
Marcellinus' consulship, when I thought that, owing to the house I then
had at Antium, those little gardens would please me better and cost
less than the repair of my villa at Tusculum. I wanted the property for
£4,500.[95] I made an offer to that amount through a third party, when
he was putting
[95] Q. = quingentis millibus, i.e. 500,000 sesterces.
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Noluit. Sed nunc omnia ista iacere puto propter nummorum caritatem.
Mihi quidem erit aptissimum vel nobis potius, si tu emeris; sed eius
dementias cave contemnas. Valde est venustum. Quamquam mihi ista omnia
iam addicta vastitati videntur.
Respondi epistulis tribus, sed exspecto alias; nam me adhuc tuae
litterae sustentarunt. D. Liberalibus.
X
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XV K. Apr. a. 705_]
Nihil habebam, quod scriberem. Neque enim novi quicquam audieram et
ad tuas omnes rescripseram pridie. Sed, cum me aegritudo non solum
somno privaret, verum ne vigilare quidem sine summo dolore pateretur,
tecum ut quasi loquerer, in quo uno acquiesco, hoc nescio quid nullo
argumento proposito scribere institui.
Amens mihi fuisse videor a principio, et me una haec res torquet, quod
non omnibus in rebus labentem vel potius ruentem Pompeium tamquam
unus manipularis secutus sim. Vidi hominem XIIII K. Febr. plenum
formidinis. Illo ipso die sensi, quid ageret. Numquam mihi postea
placuit, nec umquam aliud in alio peccare destitit. Nihil interim ad
me scribere, nihil nisi fugam cogitare. Quid quaeris? sicut ἐν τοῖς
ἐρωτικοῖς alienant immundae, insulsae, indecorae, sic me illius fugae
neglegentiaeque deformitas
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it up for sale: but he refused. Nowadays I suppose all such property
is depreciated on account of the scarcity of money. It will suit me
admirably, or rather us, if you buy it. Don't despise the late owner's
folly: it is a most charming place. However, all these seats seem now
to be doomed to destruction.
I have answered three of your letters; but I await others. So far your
letters have been my support.
March 17.
X
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 18_, B.C. _49_]
I have nothing to write. There is no news that I have heard, and all
your letters I answered yesterday. But as a sick heart not only robs
me of sleep, but will not allow me even to keep awake without the
greatest pain, I have begun to write to you something or other without
any definite subject, that I may have a sort of talk with you, the only
thing that gives me relief.
I seem to myself to have been mad from the very beginning, and the one
thing that tortures me is that I did not follow Pompey like a private
soldier, when he was slipping or rather rushing to ruin. I saw he was
terrified on the 17th of January: on that day I felt what he would do.
Since then I have never approved his course, and he has never ceased to
commit one blunder after another. Meantime not a letter to me, nothing
but thoughts of flight. Well! Just as in love affairs men are repelled
by untidiness, stupidity and indelicacy, so the ugliness of
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avertit ab amore. Nihil enim dignum faciebat, quare eius fugae comitem
me adiungerem. Nunc emergit amor, nunc desiderium ferre non possum,
nunc mihi nihil libri, nihil litterae, nihil doctrina prodest. Ita
dies et noctes tamquam avis illa mare prospecto, evolare cupio. Do, do
poenas temeritatis meae. Etsi quae fuit illa temeritas? quid feci non
consideratissime? Si enim nihil praeter fugam quaereretur, fugissem
libentissime, sed genus belli crudelissimi et maximi, quod nondum
vident homines quale futurum sit, perhorrui. Quae minae municipiis,
quae nominatim viris bonis, quae denique omnibus, qui remansissent!
quam crebro illud "Sulla potuit, ego non potero?"! Mihi autem haeserunt
illa. Male Tarquinius, qui Porsenam, qui Octavium Mamilium contra
patriam, impie Coriolanus, qui auxilium petiit a Volscis, recte
Themistocles, qui mori maluit, nefarius Hippias, Pisistrati filius,
qui in Marathonia pugna cecidit arma contra patriam ferens. At Sulla,
at Marius, at Cinna recte, immo iure fortasse; sed quid eorum victoria
crudelius, quid funestius? Huius belli genus fugi, et eo magis, quod
crudeliora etiam cogitari et parari videbam. Me, quem non nulli
conservatorem istius urbis, quem parentem esse dixerunt, Getarum et
Armeniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam adducere? me meis civibus famem,
vastitatem inferre Italiae? Hunc primum mortalem esse, deinde etiam
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his flight and his carelessness have estranged my love. For he has
done nothing of a kind to induce me to share his flight. But now my
old love breaks forth: now I miss him intolerably: now books, letters,
philosophy, do not help me one whit. Day and night, like that bird,[96]
I gaze at the sea, and long to take flight. Sorely am I punished for my
rashness. Yet what rashness was there? I acted with all deliberation.
For, if flight were his only object, I would have fled gladly enough.
But I was aghast at warfare so cruel and desperate, the upshot of which
is still unknown. What threats against the country towns, against
the loyalists by name, in fact against all who should stay behind!
How frequently has he remarked "Sulla could do it, and shall not I?"
I could not get rid of thoughts like these. It was base in Tarquin
to egg on Porsena and Octavius Mamilius against his country; it was
wicked in Coriolanus, to seek help from the Volscians. Themistocles
was right who preferred to die. What a dastard was Hippias, the son of
Pisistratus, who fell at the battle of Marathon, bearing arms against
his country! Yes, but Sulla and Marius and Cinna acted rightly, perhaps
one should say within their rights; but then victory brought cruelty
and death. I shrank from a war of that kind, and also because I saw
cruelty even greater was being planned and prepared. Was it for me,
whom some called the saviour and father of Rome, to bring against her
hordes of Getae, Armenians and Colchians? Was it for me to bring famine
on my fellow-townsmen and devastation on Italy? In the first place I
reflected that Caesar was
[96] Cf. Plato, _Ep._ vii, 348A, καθάπερ ὄρνις ποθῶν ποθὲν ἀναπτᾶσθαι
"Like a bird longing to fly somewhither."
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multis modis posse exstingui cogitabam, urbem autem et populum nostrum
servandum ad immortalitatem, quantum in nobis esset, putabam, et tamen
spes quaedam me oblectabat fore ut aliquid conveniret, potius quam aut
hic tantum sceleris aut ille tantum flagitii admitteret.
Alia res nunc tota est, alia mens mea. Sol, ut est in tua quadam
epistula, excidisse mihi e mundo videtur. Ut aegroto, dum anima est,
spes esse dicitur, sic ego, quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit, sperare non
destiti. Haec, haec me fefellerunt, et, ut verum loquar, aetas iam a
diuturnis laboribus devexa ad otium domesticarum me rerum delectatione
mollivit. Nunc, si vel periculose experiundum erit, experiar certe,
ut hinc avolem. Ante oportuit fortasse; sed ea, quae scripsisti, me
tardarunt, et auctoritas maxime tua. Nam, cum ad hunc locum venissem,
evolvi volumen epistularum tuarum, quod ego sub signo habeo servoque
diligentissime. Erat igitur in ea, quam X K. Febr. dederas, hoc modo:
"Sed videamus, et Gnaeus quid agat, et illius rationes quorsum fluant.
Quodsi iste Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male, et, ut ego existimo,
ἀλογίστως, sed tum demum consilia nostra commutanda erunt." Hoc scribis
post diem quartum, quam ab urbe discessimus. Deinde VIII K. Febr.:
"Tantum modo Gnaeus noster ne, ut urbem ἀλογίστως reliquit, sic Italiam
relinquat." Eodem die das alteras litteras, quibus mihi consulenti
planissime respondes. Est enim sic: "Sed venio ad consultationem tuam.
Si Gnaeus Italia cedit, in urbem redeundum puto; quae enim finis
peregrinationis?" Hoc mihi
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mortal, and besides might be got rid of in many ways. But I thought
that our city and our people should be preserved so far as in us lay
for immortality; and anyhow I cherished a hope that some arrangement
might be made before Caesar perpetrated such a crime or Pompey such
iniquity.
Now the case is altered and my mind is altered too. The sun, as you
say in one of your letters, seems to me to have fallen out of the
universe. As a sick man is said to have hope, so long as he has breath,
so I did not cease to hope so long as Pompey was in Italy. This, this
was what deceived me, and to speak the truth after my long labours my
life's evening falling peacefully has made me lazy with the thought of
domestic pleasures. But now, even if risk must be run in fleeing hence,
assuredly I will run it. Perhaps I ought to have done it before: but
the points you wrote about delayed me, and especially your influence.
For, when I got so far, I opened the packet of your letters, which
I keep under seal and preserve with the greatest care. In a letter
dated the 21st of January, you make the following remark: "Let us see
Pompey's policy and the drift of his plans. Now if he leave Italy, it
will be wrong and to my mind irrational: but then and not till then
will be the time to change our plans." This you wrote on the fourth day
after I left Rome. Then on the 23rd of January: "I only pray that our
friend Pompey will not leave Italy, as he has irrationally left Rome."
On the same day you wrote another letter, a frank reply to my request
for advice. It runs: "But to answer the question on which you ask
advice, if Pompey leaves Italy, I think you ought to return to Rome:
for what can be the end to his
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plane haesit, et nunc ita video, infinitum bellum iunctum miserrima
fuga, quam tu peregrinationem ὑποκορίζη. Sequitur χρησμὸς VI K.
Februarias: "Ego, si Pompeius manet in Italia, nec res ad pactionem
venit, longius bellum puto fore; sin Italiam relinquit, ad posterum
bellum ἄσπονδον strui existimo." Huius igitur belli ego particeps et
socius et adiutor esse cogor, quod et ἄσπονδον est et cum civibus?
Deinde VII Idus Febr., cum iam plura audires de Pompei consilio,
concludis epistulam quandam hoc modo: "Ego quidem tibi non sim
auctor, si Pompeius Italiam relinquit, te quoque profugere. Summo
enim periculo facies nec rei publicae proderis; cui quidem posterius
poteris prodesse, si manseris." Quem φιλόπατριν ac πολιτικὸν hominis
prudentis et amici tali admonitu non moveret auctoritas? Deinceps III
Idus Febr. iterum mihi respondes consulenti sic: "Quod quaeris a me,
fugamne[97] defendam an moram utiliorem putem, ego vero in praesentia
subitum discessum et praecipitem profectionem cum tibi tum ipsi Gnaeo
inutilem et periculosam puto, et satius esse existimo vos dispertitos
et in speculis esse; sed medius fidius turpe nobis puto esse de
fuga cogitare." Hoc turpe Gnaeus noster biennio ante cogitavit. Ita
sullaturit animus eius et proscripturit iam diu. Inde, ut opinor, cum
tu ad me quaedam γενικώτερον scripsisses, et ego mihi a te significari
putassem, ut Italia cederem, detestaris hoc diligenter XI K. Mart.:
"Ego vero nulla epistula significavi, si Gnaeus Italia cederet, ut tu
una cederes, aut, si significavi, non dico fui inconstans,
[97] fugamne--putem, as _Otto Müller: M reads_ fugamne fidam (_corr.
from_ fedam) an moram defendam utiliorem putem. _Other suggested
emendations are_ fugamne suadeam an moram defendam utilioremque
putem _(Klotz), and_ fugamne foedam an moram desidem utiliorem putem
(_Manutius_).
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Page 231
wanderings?" This gave me pause, and I see now endless war is attached
to that wretched flight, which you playfully called "wandering." There
follows your prophecy of the 25th of January: "If Pompey stays in Italy
and no arrangement is reached, I fancy there will be a very long war.
If he leaves Italy, I think that for the future there will be war _à
l'outrance_." In this war then _à l'outrance_, this civil war, am I
forced to take part and lot and share? Next on the 7th of February,
when you had heard more of Pompey's plans, you end a letter as follows:
"I would not advise you to flee, if Pompey leaves Italy. You will run
a very great risk, and will not help the country, which you may be
able to help hereafter, if you remain." What patriot and politician
would not be influenced by such advice from a wise man and a friend?
Next on the 11th of February you answer my request for counsel again
as follows: "You ask me whether I hold that flight or delay is more
useful. Well, I think that at the present juncture a sudden departure
and hasty journey would be useless and dangerous both to yourself and
to Pompey, and that it were better for you to be apart, and each on
his own watch tower. But upon my honour I hold it disgraceful of us to
think of flight." This disgrace our Pompey meditated two years ago: so
long has he been eager to play at Sulla and proscriptions. Then, as
I fancy, when you had written to me in more general terms and I had
thought that some of your remarks hinted at my departure from Italy,
you protest emphatically against it on the 19th of February: "In no
letter have I hinted that you should accompany Pompey, if he leaves
Italy, or, if I did hint it, I was worse than inconsistent, I was mad."
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sed demens." In eadem epistula alio loco: "Nihil relinquitur nisi
fuga; cui te socium neutiquam puto esse oportere nec umquam putavi."
Totam autem hanc deliberationem evolvis accuratius in litteris VIII
Kal. Mart. datis: "Si M'. Lepidus et L. Volcacius remanent, manendum
puto, ita ut, si salvus sit Pompeius et constiterit alicubi, hanc
νέκυιαν relinquas et te in certamine vinci cum illo facilius patiaris
quam cum hoc in ea, quae perspicitur futura, colluvie regnare." Multa
disputas huic sententiae convenientia. Inde ad extremum: "Quid, si,
inquis", "Lepidus et Volcacius discedunt? Plane ἀπορῶ. Quod evenerit
igitur, et quod egeris, id στερκτέον putabo." Si tum dubitaras, nunc
certe non dubitas istis manentibus. Deinde in ipsa fuga V Kal. Martias:
"Interea non dubito quin in Formiano mansurus sis. Commodissime enim
τὸ μέλλον ibi καραδοκήσεις." Ad K. Mart., cum ille quintum iam diem
Brundisi esset: "Tum poterimus deliberare non scilicet integra re, sed
certe minus infracta, quam si una proieceris te." Deinde IIII Non.
Martias, ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν cum breviter scriberes, tamen ponis hoc: "Cras
scribam plura et ad omnia; hoc tamen dicam, non paenitere me consilii
de tua mansione, et, quamquam magna sollicitudine, tamen, quia minus
mali puto esse quam in illa profectione, maneo in sententia et gaudeo
te mansisse." Cum vero iam angerer et timerem, ne quid a me dedecoris
esset admissum, III Nonas Mart.: "Tamen te non esse una cum Pompeio non
fero moleste. Postea, si opus fuerit, non erit difficile, et
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In the same letter there is another passage: "Nothing is left for
Pompey but flight, in which I do not think and never have thought that
you should share." This counsel you unroll in detail in your letter
dated the 22nd of February: "If M'. Lepidus and L. Volcacius stay, I
think you should stay, provided, if Pompey wins safety and makes a
stand anywhere, you should leave these _âmes damnées_, and rather share
defeat with him than share Caesar's sovereignty in the mire that will
be." You argue at length in support of this view, then at the end you
say: "What if Lepidus and Volcacius depart? I am quite at a loss. So I
shall think you must face the event and abide by what you have done."
If you had any doubt then, you certainly have no doubt left now, as
those two persons remain in Italy. Next, when the flight was actually
made on Feb. 25: "Meantime I have no doubt you should stay at Formiae.
It will be most convenient there to await the event." On the 1st of
March, when Pompey had been four days at Brundisium: "Then we shall
be able to debate, not indeed with a free hand but assuredly less
hampered, than if you had shared his plunge." Next on the 4th of March,
though you scribbled a line on the eve of your fever bout, nevertheless
you say this: "I will write more to-morrow, and answer all your
questions. But I maintain this, that I am not sorry for advising you
to stay, and, though very anxious, still, because I fancy it is better
than flight, I stick to my opinion and am glad that you have stayed
in Italy." When I was already tortured with fear that my conduct was
disgraceful on the 5th of March you write: "However I am not sorry that
you are not with Pompey. Hereafter, if need arise, it will be easy,
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illi, quoquo tempore fiet, erit ἀσμενιστόν. Sed hoc ita dico, si hic,
qua ratione initium fecit, eadem cetera aget, sincere, temperate,
prudenter, valde videro et consideratius utilitati nostrae consuluero."
VII Idus Martias scribis Peducaeo quoque nostro probari, quod quierim;
cuius auctoritas multum apud me valet. His ego tuis scriptis me
consolor, ut nihil a me adhuc delictum putem. Tu modo auctoritatem tuam
defendito; adversus me nihil opus est, sed consciis egeo aliis. Ego,
si nihil peccavi, reliqua tuebor. Ad ea tute hortare et me omnino tua
cogitatione adiuva. Hic nihildum de reditu Caesaris audiebatur. Ego his
litteris hoc tamen profeci, perlegi omnes tuas et in eo acquievi.
XI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XIII K. Apr. a. 705_]
Lentulum nostrum scis Puteolis esse? Quod cum e viatore quodam
esset auditum, qui se diceret eum in Appia, cum is paulum lecticam
aperuisset, cognosse, etsi vix veri simile, misi tamen Puteolos pueros,
qui pervestigarent, et ad eum litteras. Inventus est vix in hortis suis
se occultans litterasque mihi remisit mirifice gratias agens Caesari;
de suo autem consilio C. Caesio mandata ad me dedisse. Eum ego hodie
exspectabam, id est XIII K. Apriles.
Venit etiam ad me Matius Quinquatribus, homo
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and to him, whenever it happens, acceptable. When I say this, it is
with the reservation, that, if Caesar continues, as he has begun,
acting with good faith, moderation and prudence, I must thoroughly
review the matter and consider more closely what our interests advise."
On the 9th of March you write that my friend Peducaeus too approves my
inaction: and his authority has much weight with me. From these lines
of yours I console myself with the reflection that so far I have done
nothing wrong: but pray support your position. So far as I am concerned
there is no need: but I want others to be my accomplices. If I have not
done wrong so far, I will take care of the future. Do you maintain your
exhortations and assist me with your reflections. Here nothing as yet
has been heard about Caesar's return. For myself I have won thus much
good by my letter, I have read all yours and found rest in the act.
XI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 20_, B.C. _49_]
Do you know that our friend Lentulus is at Puteoli? I heard this from
a passer-by, who declared he recognized him on the Appian road as he
drew aside the curtains of his litter, and, though it seemed hardly
probable, I sent servants to Puteoli to track him and hand him a
letter. He was found with difficulty concealing himself on his estate,
and returned me a letter in which he expressed amazing gratitude to
Caesar. But about his own plans he said he had sent me a message by C.
Caesius. I expect him to-day, the 20th of March.
Matius also came to me on the 19th of March.
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mehercule, ut mihi visus est, temperatus et prudens; existimatus
quidem est semper auctor otii. Quam ille hoc non probare mihi quidem
visus est, quam illam νέκυιαν, ut tu appellas, timere! Huic ego in
multo sermone epistulam ad me Caesaris ostendi, eam cuius exemplum ad
te antea misi, rogavique, ut interpretaretur, quid esset, quod ille
scriberet, "consilio meo se uti velle, gratia, dignitate, ope rerum
omnium." Respondit se non dubitare, quin et opem et gratiam meam ille
ad pacificationem quaereret. Utinam aliquod in hac miseria rei publicae
πολιτικὸν opus efficere et navare mihi liceat! Matius quidem et illum
in ea sententia esse confidebat et se auctorem fore pollicebatur.
Pridie autem apud me Crassipes fuerat, qui se pridie Non. Martias
Brundisio profectum atque ibi Pompeium reliquisse dicebat, quod etiam,
qui viii Idus illinc profecti erant, nuntiabant; illa vero omnes,
in quibus etiam Crassipes, qui pro sua prudentia potuit attendere,
sermones minaces, inimicos optimatium, municipiorum hostes, meras
proscriptiones, meros Sullas; quae Lucceium loqui, quae totam Graeciam,
quae vero Theophanem! Et tamen omnis spes salutis in illis est, et ego
excubo animo nec partem ullam capio quietis et, ut has pestes effugiam,
cum dissimillimis nostri esse cupio! Quid enim tu illic Scipionem, quid
Faustum, quid Libonem praetermissurum sceleris putas, quorum creditores
convenire dicuntur? quid eos autem, cum vicerint, in cives effecturos?
quam vero μικροψυχίαν Gnaei nostri esse? Nuntiant Aegyptum et Arabiam
εὐδαίμονα et Μεσοποταμίαν
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He seemed to me, I do declare, moderate and sensible: certainly he
has always been thought to be in favour of peace. How he disliked
this present pass! How he seemed to fear these _âmes damnées_, as you
call them! In the course of a long talk I showed him Caesar's letter
to me, of which I sent you a copy before, and I asked him to explain
what Caesar meant by writing that he wished "to take advantage of my
advice, my influence, my position and my help of all sorts." Matius
replied that undoubtedly Caesar wanted my help and influence to make
peace. Would that I could succeed in carrying through some political
compromise in this miserable state of affairs! Matius himself declared
that Caesar had that feeling, and promised that he would help such a
course.
However the day before Crassipes had been with me, and he said that
he had quitted Brundisium on the 6th of March and left Pompey there;
the same tale was brought by those who quitted the place on the 8th.
All of them, and among the rest Crassipes, who was quite capable of
observing what was going on, had the same story, threatening words,
breach with the loyalists, hostility to the municipalities, nothing but
proscriptions, nothing but Sullas. How Lucceius talked, all the Greeks
and Theophanes too! Nevertheless the only hope of safety lies in them,
and I am on the watch and take no rest and long to be with the most
uncongenial associates to escape the plague here. For what crime do
you think that Scipio will stick at, or Faustus and Libo, when their
creditors are said to be selling them up, and what do you suppose they
will do to the citizens when they win? How pusillanimous Pompey is!
They say that he is thinking of Egypt and Arabia Felix and Mesopotamia
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cogitare, iam Hispaniam abiecisse. Monstra narrant; quae falsa esse
possunt, sed certe et haec perdita sunt et illa non saltaria. Tuas
litteras iam desidero. Post fugam nostram numquam tam longum earum
intervallum fuit. Misi ad te exemplum litterarum mearum ad Caesarem,
quibus me aliquid profecturum puto.
XIa
CICERO IMP. S.D. CAESARI IMP
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XIV K. Apr._]
Ut legi tuas litteras, quas a Furnio nostro acceperam, quibus mecum
agebas, ut ad urbem essem, te velle uti "consilio et dignitate mea"
minus sum admiratus; de "gratia" et de "ope" quid significares mecum
ipse quaerebam, spe tamen deducebar ad eam cogitationem, ut te pro tua
admirabili ac singulari sapientia de otio, de pace, de concordia civium
agi velle arbitrarer, et ad eam rationem existimabam satis aptam esse
et naturam et personam meam. Quod si ita est, et si qua de Pompeio
nostro tuendo et tibi ac rei publicae reconciliando cura te attingit,
magis idoneum, quam ego sum, ad eam causam profecto reperies neminem,
qui et illi semper et senatui, cum primum potui, pacis auctor fui,
nec sumptis armis belli ullam partem, attigi, iudicavique eo bello te
violari, contra cuius honorem populi Romani beneficio concessum inimici
atque invidi niterentur. Sed, ut eo tempore non modo ipse fautor
dignitatis tuae fui, verum etiam ceteris auctor ad te adiuvandum, sic
me nunc Pompei
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and has given up Spain. The report is monstrous, but may be false.
Certainly all is lost here, and there is not much hope there. I long
for a letter from you. Since my flight there has never been so long a
break in our correspondence. I send you a copy of my letter to Caesar.
I think it will do some good.
XIa
CICERO THE IMPERATOR TO CAESAR THE IMPERATOR, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 19_, B.C. _49_]
On reading your letter, which I got from our friend Furnius, in which
you told me to come near Rome, I was not much surprised at your wishing
to employ "my advice and my position"; but I asked myself what you
meant by my "influence" and "help." However, my hopes led me to think
that a man of your admirable statesmanship would wish to act for the
comfort, peace, and agreement of the citizens, and for that purpose I
considered my own character and inclination very suitable. If that is
the case, and if you are touched by the desire to protect our friend
Pompey and reconcile him to yourself and the State, I am sure you
will find no one more suited for the purpose than I am. I have always
advocated peace both with Pompey and the Senate ever since I have been
able to do so, nor since the outbreak of hostilities have I taken any
part in the war; I have considered that the war was attacking your
rights in that envious and hostile persons were opposing a distinction
conferred on you by the grace of the Roman people. But, as at that time
I not only upheld your rights but urged others to assist you, so now I
am greatly concerned with the rights of Pompey. It is
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dignitas vehementer movet. Aliquot enim sunt anni, cum vos duo delegi,
quos praecipue colerem et quibus essem, sicut sum, amicissimus. Quam
ob rem a te peto vel potius omnibus te precibus oro et obtestor, ut in
tuis maximis curis aliquid impertias temporis huic quoque cogitationi,
ut tuo beneficio bonus vir, gratus, pius denique esse in maximi
beneficii memoria possim. Quae si tantum ad me ipsum pertinerent,
sperarem me a te tamen impetraturum, sed, ut arbitror, et ad tuam fidem
et ad rem publicam pertinet, me et pacis et utriusque vestrum amicum,
et ad vestram[98] et ad civium concordiam per te quam accommodatissimum
conservari. Ego, cum antea tibi de Lentulo gratias egissem, cum ei
saluti, qui mihi fuerat, fuisses, tamen lectis eius litteris, quas ad
me gratissimo animo de tua liberalitate beneficioque misit, eandem mi
videor[99] salutem a te accepisse quam ille. In quem si me intellegis
esse gratum, cura, obsecro, ut etiam in Pompeium esse possim.
[98] amicum, et ad vestram _added by Lehmann_.
[99] mi videor _Klotz_, _Schmidt_; me _MSS._
XII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XIII K. Apr. a. 705_]
Legeram tuas litteras XIII K., cum mihi epistula adfertur a Lepta
circumvallatum esse Pompeium, ratibus etiam exitus portus teneri. Non
medius fidius prae lacrimis possum reliqua nec cogitare nec scribere.
Misi ad te exemplum. Miseros nos! cur non omnes fatum illius una
exsecuti sumus? Ecce autem a Matio et Trebatio eadem, quibus Menturnis
obvii Caesaris tabellarii. Torqueor infelix, ut iam illum Mucianum
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many years since I chose you two men for my special respect, and to
be my closest friends, as you are. So I ask you, or rather beseech
and entreat you with all urgency, that in spite of all your anxieties
you may devote some time to considering how I may be enabled by your
kindness to be what decency and gratitude, nay good-feeling, require,
in remembering my great debt to Pompey. If this only mattered to
myself, I should yet hope to obtain my request; but to my mind it
touches your honour and the public weal that I, a friend of peace and
of both of you, should be so supported by you that I may be able to
work for peace between you and peace amongst our fellow-citizens. I
thanked you formerly in the matter of Lentulus, for having saved him,
as he had saved me. Yet on reading the letter he has sent me full of
thankfulness for your generous kindness, I feel that his safety is my
debt as much as his. If you understand my gratitude to him, pray give
me the opportunity of showing my gratitude to Pompey too.
XII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 20_, B.C. _49_]
I had just read your letter on the 20th, when an epistle was brought to
me from Lepta announcing that Pompey was blockaded and that even escape
from the harbour was cut off by a fleet. Upon my honour tears prevent
me from thinking or writing anything else. I send you a copy of the
letter. Wretches that we are, why did we not all follow his fortunes
together? See now, here are Matius and Trebatius with the same tidings.
Caesar's letter-carriers met them at Menturnae. I am tortured with
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exitum exoptem. At quam honesta, at quam expedita tua consilia, quam
evigilata tuis cogitationibus qua itineris, qua navigationis, qua
congressus sermonisque cum Caesare! Omnia cum honesta tum cauta. In
Epirum vero invitatio quam suavis, quam liberalis, quam fraterna!
De Dionysio sum admiratus, qui apud me honoratior fuit quam apud
Scipionem Panaetius; a quo impurissime haec nostra fortuna despecta
est. Odi hominem et odero; utinam ulcisci possem! Sed illum ulciscentur
mores sui.
Tu, quaeso, nunc vel maxime, quid agendum nobis sit, cogita. Populi
Romani exercitus Cn. Pompeium circumsedet, fossa et vallo saeptum
tenet, fuga prohibet; nos vivimus, et stat urbs ista, praetores ius
dicunt, aediles ludos parant; viri boni usuras perscribunt, ego ipse
sedeo! Coner illuc ire ut insanus, implorare fidem municipiorum?
Boni non sequentur, leves irridebunt, rerum novarum cupidi, victores
praesertim et armati, vim et manus adferent. Quid censes igitur?
ecquidnam est tui consilii ad finem huius miserrimae vitae? Nunc doleo,
nunc torqueor, cum cuidam aut sapiens videor, quod una non ierim, aut
felix fuisse. Mihi contra. Numquam enim illius victoriae socius esse
volui, calamitatis mallem fuisse. Quid ego nunc tuas litteras, quid
tuam prudentiam aut benevolentiam implorem? Actum est; nulla re iam
possum iuvari,
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sorrow, so that now I would choose the end of Mucius.[100] But how
honourable, how simple, how clearly thought out was your advice as to
my land-route and my sea-route and my meeting and talk with Caesar! It
was equally honourable and prudent. Your invitation, too, to Epirus,
how kind and generous and brotherly it is!
[100] Q. Mucius Scaevola was murdered in 82 B.C. by the order of the
younger Marius. Cf. viii, 3.
As for Dionysius, I am surprised. I held him in greater honour than
Scipio held Panaetius, yet he has most foully mocked at my bad
fortunes. I hate the fellow and I always shall. I wish I could pay him
out. But his own character will do that.
I beseech you now give the greatest consideration to my proper course.
An army of the Roman people invests Gnaeus Pompey. It holds him hedged
by trench and mound and keeps him from flight. Yet we live and Rome is
standing, the praetors preside in court, the aediles make preparations
for the games, the conservatives are booking their profits, and I sit
still! Am I to try to cross the sea like a madman, to beg the country
towns to be loyal? The loyalists will not follow me, the irresponsible
will deride me, the revolutionaries, especially now they are armed and
victorious, will lay hands of violence upon me. What do you think then?
Have you any plan to end this life of misery? Now I feel grief, now I
am in agony, when somebody thinks me wise because I did not go with
Pompey, or lucky perhaps. I think the opposite. For never did I wish
to share a victory of his; I should have wished rather to share his
defeat. Why should I entreat a letter from you now, your kindness, your
good sense? It is all over. Nothing can help me
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Page 244
qui, ne quod optem quidem, iam habeo, nisi ut aliqua inimici
misericordia liberemur.
XIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano IX K. Apr. a. 705_]
Οὐκ ἔστ' ἔτυμος λόγος, ut opinor, ille de ratibus. Quid enim esset,
quod Dolabella iis litteris, quas iii Idus Martias a Brundisio dedit,
hanc quasi εὐημερίαν Caesaris scriberet, Pompeium in fuga esse eumque
primo vento navigaturum? Quod valde discrepat ab iis epistulis, quarum
exempla antea ad te misi. Hic quidem mera scelera loquuntur; sed non
erat nec recentior auctor nec huius quidem rei melior Dolabella.
Tuas XI K. accepi litteras, quibus omnia consilia differs in id tempus,
cum scierimus, quid actum sit. Et certe ita est, nec interim potest
quicquam non modo statui, sed ne cogitari quidem. Quamquam hae me
litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. Fuit enim
pridie Quinquatrus egregia tempestas; qua ego illum usum puto.
Συναγωγὴ consiliorum tuorum non est a me collecta ad querelam, sed
magis ad consolationem meam. Nec enim me tam haec mala angebant quam
suspicio culpae ac temeritatis meae. Eam nullam puto esse, quoniam
cum consiliis tuis mea facta et consilia consentiunt. Quod mea
praedicatione factum esse scribis magis quam illius merito, ut tantum
ei debere viderer, est ita. Ego illa extuli semper, et eo quidem
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Page 245
more, for I have no desire except that somehow my enemies may take pity
on me and free me from my misery.
XIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 24_, B.C. _49_]
"'Tis no true tale"[101] to my mind that about the fleet. For why
should Dolabella in a letter dated from Brundisium on the 13th of
March call it a kind of windfall for Caesar that Pompey is thinking of
flight and preparing to sail by the first wind? That is very different
from that letter of which I sent you a copy before. Here indeed every
one speaks of sheer disaster; but there is no later nor more reliable
authority on the event than Dolabella.
[101] The first line of the palinode of Stesichorus in which he
retracted his former views on Helen.
I have your letter of the 22nd of March, in which you postpone all
advice till we know what has happened. Certainly that is wise; and in
the meantime we cannot think of anything, much less arrange anything.
However, Dolabella's letter compels me to turn to my former thoughts.
For on the 18th of March the weather was excellent and I fancy Pompey
will not have failed to take advantage of it.