I
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Athens, Oct. 16_, B.C. _50_]
I did give L. Saufeius a letter, one for you alone, because, though I
had no time to write, I was reluctant that so intimate an acquaintance
of yours should come to you without a note from me. But, considering
the pace of philosophers, I imagine the present letter will reach you
first. If, however, you have got that earlier letter now, you will know
that I arrived at Athens on Oct. 14; that on disembarking at the port
I received your letter from our friend Acastus; that, perturbed though
I was at your arrival in Rome with a fever, nevertheless I began to
take heart at Acastus' welcome announcement of your convalescence; but
shivered myself at your news of Caesar's legions, and pleaded with you
to beware lest friend Philotimus' time-serving injure us.[2] As for
the point I touched on long ago (misrepresented to you by Turranius at
Brundisium, as I gathered from a letter received from that good fellow
Xeno), I set forth briefly the reason why I had not put my brother
in charge of the province. Those practically were the topics of that
letter. Now hear what remains.
[2] Cf. vi, 4, 6, 9.
In heaven's name, I want all the affection which you have lavished on
me, and all your worldly
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Page 4
in omni genere iudico singularem, confer ad eam curam, ut de omni statu
meo cogites. Videre enim mihi videor tantam dimicationem, nisi idem
deus, qui nos melius, quam optare auderemus, Parthico bello liberavit,
respexerit rem publicam,--sed tantam, quanta numquam fuit. Age, hoc
malum mihi commune est cum omnibus. Nihil tibi mando ut de eo cogites,
illud meum proprium πρόβλεμα, quaeso, suscipe. Videsne, ut te auctore
sim utrumque complexus? Ac vellem a principio te audisse amicissime
monentem.
Ἀλλ' ἐμὸν οὔποτε θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔπειθες.
Sed aliquando tamen persuasisti, ut alterum complecterer, quia de me
erat optume meritus, alterum, quia tantum valebat. Feci igitur itaque
effeci omni obsequio, ut neutri illorum quisquam esset me carior.
Haec enim cogitabamus, nec mihi coniuncto cum Pompeio fore necesse
peccare in re publica aliquando nec cum Caesare sentienti pugnandum
esse cum Pompeio. Tanta erat illorum coniunctio. Nunc impendet, ut et
tu ostendis, et ego video, summa inter eos contentio. Me autem uterque
numerat suum, nisi forte simulat alter. Nam Pompeius non dubitat; vere
enim iudicat ea, quae de re publica nunc sentiat, mihi valde probari.
Utriusque autem accepi eius modi litteras eodem tempore quo tuas, ut
neuter quemquam omnium pluris facere quam me videretur. Verum quid
agam? Non quaero illa ultima (si enim
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Page 5
wisdom, which I swear to my mind is unrivalled in every subject, to
be devoted to a careful estimate of my whole position. For myself, I
seem to foresee a terrific struggle, unless indeed the same god, who
wrought above my boldest hopes in freeing us from a Parthian war, take
pity on the state--anyhow, such a terrific struggle as there never has
been before. True, the calamity would fall not only on me, but on every
one. I don't ask you to consider the wider problem: solve my own little
case, I entreat. Don't you see that it is you who are responsible
for my friendship with both Pompey and Caesar? Ah, would that I had
listened to your friendly admonitions from the outset.
[Sidenote: Odyssey ix, 33]
"Thou couldst not sway the spirit in my breast."
But at last, however, you persuaded me to be friendly with the one,
because he had done so much for me; with the other, because he was
so powerful. Well, I did so, and I have studiously contrived to be
particularly dear to both of them. For my idea was this. Allied with
Pompey, I should never have to be guilty of political impropriety; and,
siding with Caesar, I should not have to fight with Pompey. So close
was the alliance of those two. But now, on your showing and in my view,
there threatens a dire struggle between them. Each of them counts me
his friend--unless, perhaps, Caesar is dissembling; for Pompey has
no doubt, rightly supposing that his present political views have my
strongest approval. But both have sent me letters (which came with
yours) in terms that would appear to make more of me than of anyone at
all. But what am I to do? I don't mean in the long run. If the matter
is to be fought in the
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Page 6
castris res geretur, video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum
altero vincere), sed illa, quae tum agentur, cum venero, ne ratio
absentis habeatur, ut exercitum dimittat. "DIC, M. TVLLI." Quid
dicam? "Exspecta, amabo te, dum Atticum conveniam"? Non est locus ad
tergiversandum. Contra Caesarem? "Ubi illae sunt densae dexterae?" Nam,
ut illi hoc liceret, adiuvi rogatus ab ipso Ravennae de Caelio tribuno
pl. Ab ipso autem? Etiam a Gnaeo nostro in illo divino tertio consulatu.
Aliter sensero? Αἰδέομαι non Pompeium modo, sed Τρῶας καὶ Τρωάδας.
Πουλυδάμας μοι πρῶτος ἐλεγχείην καταθήσει.
Quis? Tu ipse scilicet, laudator et factorum et scriptorum meorum. Hanc
ergo plagam effugi per duos superiores Marcellorum consulatus, cum est
actum de provincia Caesaris, nunc incido in discrimen ipsum? Itaque ut
stultus[3] primus suam sententiam dicat, mihi valde placet de triumpho
nos moliri aliquid, extra urbem esse cum iustissuma causa. Tamen
dabunt operam, ut eliciant sententiam meam. Ridebis hoc loco fortasse.
Quam vellem etiam nunc in provincia morari! Plane opus fuit, si hoc
impendebat. Etsi nil miserius. Nam, ὁδῦυ πάρεργον, volo te hoc scire.
[3] _The reading here is debatable._ Sulpicius, Hillus, _and_ alius
_have been suggested in place of_ stultus.
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Page 7
field, I see it would be better to be beaten with Pompey than
to win with Caesar. But what about the points in debate on my
arrival--refusing the claims of a candidate who is away from Rome and
ordering the disbanding of his army. "Your opinion, Marcus Tullius,"
will be the question. What am I to say? "Please wait till I meet
Atticus?" There is no chance of evasion. I speak against Caesar? "Where
then the pledge of plighted hands?"[4] For I assisted in getting Caesar
privilege on these two points, when I was asked by him personally at
Ravenna to approach Caelius the tribune to propose a bill. Asked by him
personally, do I say? Yes, and by our friend Pompey in that immortal
third consulship.
[4] Probably a quotation from some early poet.
Shall I choose the other course? "I fear" not only Pompey, but "the
men and long-robed dames of Troy": "Polydamas will be the first to
rail."[5] Who's he? Why, you, who praise my work and writings. Have I
then avoided this trap during the last two consulships of the Marcelli,
when the matter of Caesar's province was under debate, only to fall
now into the thick of the trouble? That some fool may have the first
vote on the motion, I feel strongly inclined to devote my energies to
my triumph, a most reasonable excuse for staying outside the city.
Nevertheless they will try to extract my opinion. Perhaps this will
excite your mirth: I wish to goodness I were still staying in my
province. I certainly ought to have stayed, if this was coming: though
it would have been most wretched. For by the way
[5] _Iliad_ vi, 442, and xxii, 100.
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Page 8
Omnia illa prima, quae etiam tu tuis litteris in caelum ferebas,
ἐπίτηκτα fuerunt. Quam non est facilis virtus! Quam vero difficilis
eius diuturna simulatio! Cum enim hoc rectum et gloriosum putarem,
ex annuo sumptu, qui mihi decretus esset, me C. Caelio quaestori
relinquere annuum, referre in aerarium ad HS CIↃ, ingemuit nostra
cohors omne illud putans distribui sibi oportere, ut ego amicior
invenirer Phrygum et Cilicum aerariis quam nostro. Sed me non moverunt;
nam et mea laus apud me plurimum valuit, nec tamen quicquam honorifice
in quemquam fieri potuit, quod praetermiserim. Sed haec fuerit, ut ait
Thucydides, ἐκβολὴ λόγου non inutilis.
Tu autem de nostro statu cogitabis, primum quo artificio tueamur
benevolentiam Caesaris, deinde de ipso triumpho; quem video, nisi
rei publicae tempora impedient, εὐπόριστον. Iudico autem cum ex
litteris amicorum tum ex supplicatione. Quam qui non decrevit, plus
decrevit, quam si omnes decresset triumphos. Ei porro adsensus est
unus familiaris meus, Favonius, alter iratus, Hirrus. Cato autem et
scribendo adfuit et ad me de sententia sua iucundissimas litteras
misit. Sed tamen gratulans mihi Caesar de supplicatione triumphat
de sententia Catonis nec scribit, quid ille sententiae dixerit, sed
tantum, supplicationem eum mihi non decrevisse.
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Page 9
there is one thing I want to tell you. All that show of virtue at
first, which even you praised sky high in your letters, was only
superficial. Truly righteousness is hard: hard even to pretend to it
for long. For, when I thought it a fine show of rectitude to leave my
quaestor C. Caelius a year's cash out of what was decreed me for my
budget and to pay back into the treasury £8,800,[6] my staff, thinking
all the money should have been distributed among them, lamented that
I should turn out to be more friendly to the treasuries of Phrygia
and Cilicia than to our own. I was unmoved: for I set my good name
before everything. Yet there is no possible honour that I have omitted
to bestow on any of these knaves. This, in Thucydides' phrase, is a
digression--but not pointless.
[6] 1,000,000 sesterces.
[Sidenote: Thuc. i, 97]
But as to my position. You will consider first by what trick I can
retain Caesar's good will: and then the matter of my triumph, which,
barring political obstacles, seems to me easy to get: I infer as
much from letters from friends and from that business of the public
thanksgiving in my honour. For the man who voted against it,[7] voted
for more than if he had voted for all the triumphs in the world;
moreover his adherents were one a friend of mine, Favonius, and another
an enemy, Hirrus. Cato both took part in drafting the decree, and sent
me a most agreeable letter about his vote. But Caesar, in writing to
congratulate me over the thanksgiving, exults over Cato's vote, says
nothing about the latter's speech on the occasion, and merely remarks
that he opposed the proclamation of a thanksgiving.
[7] Cato.
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Page 10
Redeo ad Hirrum. Coeperas eum mihi placare; perfice. Habes Scrofam,
habes Silium. Ad eos ego et iam antea scripsi ad ipsum Hirrum. Locutus
enim erat cum iis commode se potuisse impedire, sed noluisse; adsensum
tamen esse Catoni, amicissimo meo, cum is honorificentissimam in me
sententiam dixisset; nec me ad se ullas litteras misisse, cum ad omnes
mitterem. Verum dicebat. Ad eum enim solum et ad Crassipedem non
scripseram. Atque haec de rebus forensibus; redeamus domum.
Diiungere me ab illo volo. Merus est φυρατής, germanus Lartidius.
Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν προτετύχθαι ἐάσομεν ἀχνύμενοί περ.
Reliqua expediamus, hoc primum, quod accessit cura dolori meo. Sed
tamen hoc, quicquid est, Precianum cum iis rationibus, quas ille
meas tractat, admisceri nolo. Scripsi ad Terentiam, scripsi etiam ad
ipsum, me, quicquid possem nummorum, ad apparatum sperati triumphi ad
te redacturum. Ita puto ἄμεμπτα fore; verum ut lubebit. Hanc quoque
suscipe curam, quem ad modum experiamur. Id tu et ostendisti quibusdam
litteris ex Epiro an Athenis datis, et in eo ego te adiuvabo.
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Page 11
I come back to Hirrus. You have begun to reconcile him to me;
accomplish it. Scrofa and Silius are on your side. I have already
written to them and to Hirrus himself. For Hirrus had told them in a
friendly way that he could easily have prevented the decree, but was
reluctant; that, however, he had sided with Cato, my very good friend,
when the latter recorded a vote complimenting me in the highest terms.
Hirrus added that I had omitted to write to him, though I had sent
letters to every one else. He was right. It was only to him and to
Crassipes that I did not write. So much for public life. Let us come
home.
I wish to dissociate myself from that fellow Philotimus. He is a
veritable muddler, a regular Lartidius[8].
[8] Taken by the older commentators to be a Latin form of Λαερτιάδης
(i.e. Ulysses); but the sense does not seem to warrant the comparison,
which could only mean "as wily as Ulysses."
"A truce to what is past for all our pain."[9]
[9] _Iliad_ xviii, 112; xix, 65, "Let bygones be bygones."
Let us settle what remains; and first this point, which adds anxiety
to my sorrow. This sum, I mean, whatever it is, which comes from
Precius, I do not want mixed up with the accounts of mine of which that
fellow has the handling. I have written to Terentia and to Philotimus
himself that I shall deposit with you any moneys I may collect, for
the equipment of the triumph I anticipate. So I fancy there will be no
_amour propre_ wounded: but as they like. Here is another matter for
your consideration--the steps I am to take to arrange this business.
You outlined them in a letter dated from Epirus or Athens, and I will
support your plan.
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Page 12
II
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. Brundisi V K. Dec., ut videtur, a. 704_]
Brundisium venimus VII Kalend. Decembr. usi tua felicitate navigandi;
ita belle nobis
"Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites."
Hunc σπονδειάζοντα, si cui voles τῶν νεωτέρων, pro tuo
vendito. Valetudo tua me valde conturbat; significant enim tuae
litterae te prorsus laborare. Ego autem, cum sciam, quam sis fortis,
vehementius esse quiddam suspicor, quod te cogat cedere et prope
modum infringat. Etsi alteram quartanam Pamphilus tuus mihi dixit
decessisse et alteram leviorem accedere. Terentia vero, quae quidem
eodem tempore ad portam Brundisinam venit quo ego in portum mihique
obvia in foro fuit, L. Pontium sibi in Trebulano dixisse narrabat etiam
eam decessisse. Quod si ita est, est, quod maxume mehercule opto, idque
spero tua prudentia et temperantia te consecutum.
Venio ad epistulas tuas; quas ego sescentas uno tempore accepi, aliam
alia iucundiorem, quae quidem erant tua manu. Nam Alexidis manum
amabam, quod tam prope accedebat ad similitudinem tuae litterae; non
amabam, quod indicabat te non valere. Cuius quoniam mentio facta est,
Tironem Patris aegrum reliqui, adulescentem, ut nosti, et adde, si quid
vis,
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Page 13
II
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Brundisium, Nov. 26_, B.C. _50_]
I arrived at Brundisium on the 24th of November after enjoying your
proverbial luck at sea: so fair for me "blew from Epirus the softest
of breezes, Onchesmites." There, that verse with its spondaic ending
you can pass off for your own on any of our new school of poets[10] you
like. Your health causes me great anxiety; for I see from your letter
that you really suffer. But, knowing your spirit, I strongly suspect
there is something serious which compels you to give in and nearly
causes a breakdown, although your Pamphilus tells me that one fit of
quartan has passed, and that a second and lighter attack is coming
on. But Terentia (who reached Brundisium's gates as I reached the
harbour, and met me in the forum) told me that L. Pontius had informed
her at Trebula that the second attack also had abated. If that is so,
my utmost hopes are realized, and I expect that consummation has been
attained by your caution and moderate habits.
[10] Catullus, Cinna, and the other imitators of Alexandrine poetry.
I come to your letters, which have reached me in shoals, each more
delightful than the last--I mean those in your own handwriting. I like
Alexis' hand; it so closely resembles your own script; but there is one
thing I do not like about it--it shows that you are ill. Talking of
Alexis, I left Tiro sick at Patrae; he is, as you know, a young man,
and you may add, if you like, an honest fellow. Nothing
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Page 14
probum. Nihil vidi melius. Itaque careo aegre et, quamquam videbatur
se non graviter habere, tamen sum sollicitus, maximamque spem habeo in
M'. Curi diligentia, de qua ad me scripsit Tiro et multi nuntiarunt.
Curius autem ipse sensit, quam tu velles se a me diligi, et eo sum
admodum delectatus. Et mehercule est, quam facile diligas, ἀυτόχθων
in homine urbanitas. Eius testamentum deporto trium[11] Ciceronum
signis obsignatum cohortisque praetoriae. Fecit palam te ex libella,
me ex terruncio. In Actio Corcyrae Alexio me opipare muneratus est. Q.
Ciceroni obsisti non potuit, quo minus Thyamim videret. Filiola tua
te delectari laetor et probari tibi φυσικὴι esse τὴν πρὸς τὰ τέκνα.
Etenim, si haec non est, nulla potest homini esse ad hominem naturae
adiunctio; qua sublata vitae societas tollitur, "Bene eveniat!" inquit
Carneades spurce, sed tamen prudentius quam Lucius noster et Patron,
qui, cum omnia ad se referant, numquam quicquam alterius causa fieri
putent et, cum ea re bonum virum oportere esse dicant, ne malum habeat,
non quo id natura rectum sit, non intellegant se de callido homine
loqui, non de bono viro. Sed haec, opinor, sunt in iis libris, quos tu
laudando animos mihi addidisti.
[11] detortorio _M_; detortorium _CZ_; _corr. by Junius_.
Redeo ad rem. Quo modo exspectabam epistulam,
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Page 15
could be better than Tiro. So I miss him terribly, and, though he did
not seem very bad, still I am anxious, and build great hopes on the
care of M'. Curius, about which Tiro has written and many people have
told me. Curius himself was aware of your desire that he should win my
esteem: and I am greatly charmed with him. Indeed he is one of nature's
gentlemen, whom it is easy to like. I carry home his will sealed with
the seals of three of my family and of the praetor's staff. In the
presence of witnesses he made you heir to a tenth of his estate and
me to a fortieth.[12] At Actium in Corcyra Alexio made me a splendid
present. Q. Cicero could not be stopped from seeing the river Thyamis.
I am glad you take delight in your baby daughter, and have satisfied
yourself that a desire for children is natural.[13] For, if it is not,
there can be no natural tie between man and man; remove that tie,
and social life is destroyed. "Heaven bless the consequence," says
Carneades naughtily, but with more wisdom than our philosophers Lucius
and Patron, who in sticking to selfish hedonism and denying altruism,
and saying that man must be virtuous for fear of the consequences of
vice and not because virtue is an end in itself, fail to see that they
are describing a type not of goodness but of craftiness. But these
points, I think, are handled in the volumes[14] you have encouraged me
by praising.
[12] Monetary fractions are generally expressed by parts of the _as_;
but here the _denarius_ is used as the standard. The _libella_ was
one-tenth and the _teruncius_ one-fortieth of a _denarius_.
[13] With φυσικήν the substantive ὁρμήν must be understood.
[14] _De Republica._
I return to business. How I looked for the letter
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Page 16
quam Philoxeno dedisses! Scripseras enim in ea esse de sermone Pompei
Neapolitano. Eam mihi Patron Brundisi reddidit. Corcyrae, ut opinor,
acceperat. Nihil potuit esse iucundius. Erat enim de re publica, de
opinione, quam is vir haberet integritatis meae, de benevolentia,
quam ostendit eo sermone, quem habuit de triumpho. Sed tamen hoc
iucundissimum, quod intellexi te ad eum venisse, ut eius animum erga me
perspiceres. Hoc mihi, inquam, accidit iucundissimum. De triumpho autem
nulla me cupiditas umquam tenuit ante Bibuli impudentissimas litteras,
quas amplissume supplicatio consecuta est. A quo si ea gesta essent,
quae scripsit, gauderem et honori faverem; nunc illum, qui pedem porta,
quoad hostis cis Euphratem fuit, non extulerit, honore augeri, me, in
cuius exercitu spem illius exercitus habuit, idem non adsequi, dedecus
est nostrum, nostrum inquam te coniungens. Itaque omnia experiar, et ut
spero, adsequar. Quodsi tu valeres, iam mihi quaedam explorata essent.
Sed, ut spero, valebis.
De raudusculo Numeriano multum te amo. Hortensius quid egerit, aveo
scire, Cato quid agat; qui quidem in me turpiter fuit malevolus. Dedit
integritatis, iustitiae, clementiae, fidei mihi testimonium, quod non
quaerebam; quod postulabam, negavit id. Itaque Caesar eis litteris,
quibus mihi gratulatur et omnia pollicetur, quo modo exsultat Catonis
in me ingratissmi iniuria! At hic idem Bibulo dierum XX.
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Page 17
you said was entrusted to Philoxenus! For it was to contain news of
Pompey's talk at Naples. Patron handed it to me at Brundisium. It was
at Corcyra, I fancy, he had taken charge of it. Nothing could be more
delightful. It touched on politics, the great man's opinion of my
honour, the kindliness he displayed in his remarks about my triumph.
But the most delightful item of all was the intelligence that you had
called on him to find out his feeling towards me. This, I repeat, was
what I found most delightful. As for a triumph, I had no desire for
one up to the time Bibulus sent his shameless despatches and got a
thanksgiving voted in the most complimentary way. Now, if he had done
what he professed to have done, I should have been glad and supported
the honour; but, as it is, it is a disgrace to us--to both of us: for
I include you in the business--that I, on whose army his army relied,
should not get the same rewards as a man who never set foot outside
the city gates so long as there was an enemy this side of Euphrates.
Therefore I shall make every effort, and, as I hope, shall succeed. If
you were well, some points would have been settled already; but I hope
you will soon be well.
For that twopenny debt to Numerius I am much bounden to you. I long to
know what Hortensius has done about my triumph and what Cato is doing.
Cato's behaviour to me was shamefully spiteful. He gave me a character
for rectitude, equity, clemency, and good faith, for which I did not
ask; what I did want, that he denied me. Accordingly in his letter of
congratulation and lavish assurances, how Caesar exults over the wrong
Cato did me by his deep ingratitude! Yet Cato voted Bibulus a twenty
days'
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Page 18
Ignosce mihi; non possum haec ferre nec feram.
Cupio ad omnes tuas epistulas, sed nihil necesse est; iam enim te
videbo. Illud tamen de Chrysippo--nam de altero illo minus sum
admiratus, operario homine; sed tamen ne illo quidem quicquam
improbius. Chrysippum vero, quem ego propter litterularum nescio quid
libenter vidi, in honore habui, discedere a puero insciente me! Mitto
alia, quae audio multa, mitto furta; fugam non fero, qua mihi nihil
visum est sceleratius. Itaque usurpavi vetus illud Drusi, ut ferunt,
praetoris, in eo, qui eadem liber non iuraret, me istos liberos non
addixisse, praesertim cum adesset nemo, a quo recte vindicarentur. Id
tu, ut videbitur, ita accipies; ego tibi adsentiar.
Uni tuae disertissimae epistulae non rescripsi, in qua est de periculis
rei publicae. Quid rescriberem? valde eram perturbatus. Sed ut nihil
magno opere metuam, Parthi faciunt, qui repente Bibulum semivivum
reliquerunt.
III
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Trebulano V Id. Dec. a. 704_]
A. d. VIII Idus Decembr. Aeculanum veni et ibi tuas litteras legi, quas
Philotimus mihi reddidit. E quibus hanc primo aspectu voluptatem cepi,
quod
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Page 19
festival. Forgive me, I cannot and I will not bear it.
I long to answer all your letters; but there is no need, for soon I
shall see you. Still I must tell you about Chrysippus--the conduct of
that other fellow, a mere mechanic, excites my surprise less, though
it could not have been more scandalous. But Chrysippus, whom I was
always glad to see and held in honour, because he had a smattering of
culture, fancy him deserting my son without my knowledge! I can put
up with other things, though I hear of plenty, I can even put up with
embezzlement; but I cannot put up with his flight. It is the most
scandalous thing I ever heard of. So I have taken a leaf from Drusus'
book, when, in his praetorship, as the story goes, a man, who had been
manumitted, refused to take the oaths he had promised: and I have
denied that those fellows ever were freed by me, especially as there
were no legal witnesses to the transaction. Take it any way you will: I
will abide by your decision.
The only one of your letters, which I have not answered, is the most
eloquent of them all, dealing with the country's peril. I have no
answer to make: I am very much upset. But the Parthians, whose sudden
retreat left Bibulus half dead with fright, have taught me not to be
much alarmed at anything.
III
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Trebula, Dec. 9_, B.C. _50_]
On the 6th of December I came to Aeculanum, and there I read your
letter, which Philotimus handed to me. I was pleased at the first
glance to see it was
* * * * *
Page 20
erant a te ipso scriptae, deinde earum accuratissuma diligentia sum
mirum in modum delectatus. Ac primum illud, in quo te Dicaearcho
adsentiri negas, etsi cupidissume expetitum a me est et te approbante,
ne diutius anno in provincia essem, tamen non est nostra contentione
perfectum. Sic enim scito, verbum in senatu factum esse numquam de ullo
nostrum, qui provincias obtinuimus, quo in iis diutius quam ex senatus
consulto maneremus, ut iam ne istius quidem rei culpam sustineam, quod
minus diu fuerim in provincia, quam fortasse fuerit utile. Sed "quid
si hoc melius?" opportune dici videtur ut in hoc ipso. Sive enim ad
concordiam res adduci potest sive ad bonorum victoriam, utriusvis rei
me aut adiutorem velim esse aut certe non expertem; sin vincuntur
boni, ubicumque essem, una cum iis victus essem. Quare celeritas
nostri reditus ἀμεταμέλητος debet esse. Quodsi ista nobis cogitatio de
triumpho iniecta non esset, quam tu quoque adprobas, ne tu haud multum
requireres illum virum, qui in sexto libro informatus est. Quid enim
tibi faciam, qui illos libros devorasti? Quin nunc ipsum non dubitabo
rem tantam abicere, si id erit rectius. Utrumque vero simul agi non
potest, et de triumpho ambitiose et de re publica libere. Sed ne
dubitaris, quin, quod honestius, id mihi futurum sit antiquius. Nam,
quod putas utilius esse, vel mihi quod tutius sit, vel etiam ut rei
publicae prodesse possim, me esse cum imperio, id coram considerabimus
quale sit. Habet enim res deliberationem; etsi ex parte magna
* * * * *
Page 21
in your handwriting; and I was highly delighted at the care
and attention it showed. First you say that you disagree with
Dicaearchus.[15] Now, though I was exceedingly anxious, and that with
your approval, not to stay in my province more than a year, it was
not my own efforts that gained the point. For you should know that no
word was ever said in the House about any of us provincial governors
outstaying the term of our appointment; so that now I am not to be
blamed even for making a shorter stay in my province than was perhaps
to my advantage. But "all for the best" is an apt saying, as it is in
this case. For, if peace can be patched up, or the loyalists can be
made to win the victory, I should be sorry not to assist or at any
rate have a hand in the matter. But, if the loyalists are conquered, I
should share their defeat wherever I were. So my speedy return ought
not to cost me any regret. If this idea of a triumph that you approve
had not come into my head, you would find me not far short of the ideal
statesman I sketched in the sixth volume.[16] What would you have me
do, you devourer of those books of mine? Even now I will not hesitate
to throw away my great ambition, if that course is better. One cannot
of course play both parts at once, the selfish candidate for triumph
and the independent politician. But doubt not that I shall take honesty
to be my best policy. As for your point that it were better for me,
whether for my private safety, or for the public welfare, that I should
retain my command, we will talk it over together. It is a matter for
deliberation,
[15] Cf. II, 16, where Dicaearchus is mentioned as an advocate of an
active life. He was a pupil of Aristotle, and wrote philosophical and
geographical works.
[16] Of the _De Republica_.
* * * * *
Page 22
tibi adsentior. De animo autem meo erga rem publicam bene facis quod
non dubitas, et illud probe indicas, nequaquam satis pro meis officiis,
pro ipsius in alios effusione illum in me liberalem fuisse, eiusque
rei causam vere explicas, et eis, quae de Fabio Caninioque acta
scribis, valde consentiunt. Quae si secus essent, totumque se ille in
me profudisset, tamen illa, quam scribis, custos urbis me praeclarae
inscriptionis memorem esse cogeret, nec mihi concederet, ut imitarer
Volcacium aut Servium, quibus tu es contentus, sed aliquid nos vellet
nobis dignum et sentire et defendere. Quod quidem agerem, si liceret,
alio modo, ac nunc agendum est.
De sua potentia dimicant homines hoc tempore periculo civitatis. Nam,
si res publica defenditur, cur ea consule isto ipso defensa non est?
cur ego, in cuius causa rei publicae salus consistebat, defensus
postero anno non sum? cur imperium illi aut cur illo modo prorogatum
est? cur tanto opere pugnatum est, ut de eius absentis ratione habenda
decem tribuni pl. ferrent? His ille rebus ita convaluit, ut nunc in uno
civi spes ad resistendum sit; qui mallem tantas ei vires non dedisset
quam nunc tam valenti resisteret,
* * * * *
Page 23
though I agree with you in the main. You do well not to doubt my
attitude towards politics: and you judge rightly that Caesar has
not been liberal to me considering my services, and considering his
lavishness towards others. You explain his reasons rightly: I am in the
same boat with Fabius and Caninius,[17] as your letter shows. But if
things were otherwise and he had been profuse in his generosity towards
me, nevertheless the goddess you mention, the guardian of the city,
would have compelled me to remember her fine inscription, and would
not allow me to imitate Volcacius or Servius,[18] with whom you are
content, but would wish me to express and maintain a policy worthy of
my name. And I should have done it, if I could, in a different way from
the way I must adopt now.
[17] _Legati_ of Caesar: but nothing is known of any slight on them.
[18] Before his exile Cicero dedicated a statue of Minerva in the
Capitol with the inscription _Custos Urbis_. Possibly, however, there
was a longer inscription. Volcacius and Servius maintained neutrality
in the civil war.
It is for their own power men are fighting now to the danger of the
country. For if the constitution is being defended, why was it not
defended when Caesar himself was consul? Why was I, on whose case the
safety of the constitution depended, not defended in the following
year? Why was Caesar's command prolonged, or why was it prolonged in
such a fashion? Why was there such a struggle to get the ten tribunes
to bring in a bill allowing him to stand in his absence? All this has
made him so strong that now hope of resistance depends on one citizen.
I wish that citizen had not given him so much power rather than that he
now resisted him in the hour of
* * * * *
Page 24
Sed, quoniam res eo deducta est, non quaeram, ut scribis:
Ποῦ σκάφος τὸ τῶν Ἀτρειδῶν;
mihi σκάφος unum erit, quod a Pompeio gubernabitur. Illud ipsum quod
ais: "Quid fiet, cum erit dictum: DIC, M. TVLLI?"--σύντομα: "CN. POMPEIO
ADSENTIOR." Ipsum tamen Pompeium separatim ad concordiam hortabor.
Sic enim sentio, maxumo in periculo rem esse. Vos scilicet plura,
qui in urbe estis. Verum tamen haec video, cum homine audacissimo
paratissimoque negotium esse, omnes damnatos omnes ignominia adfectos,
omnes damnatione ignominiaque dignos illac facere, omnem fere
iuventutem omnem illam urbanam ac perditam plebem, tribunos valentes
addito C. Cassio, omnes, qui aere alieno premantur, quos pluris esse
intellego, quam putaram (causam solum ilia causa non habet, ceteris
rebus abundat), hic omnia facere omnes, ne armis decernatur; quorum
exitus semper incerti, nunc vero etiam in alteram partem magis timendi.
Bibulus de provincia decessit, Veientonem praefecit; in decedendo erit,
ut audio, tardior. Quem cum ornavit Cato, declaravit iis se solis non
invidere, quibus nihil aut non multum ad dignitatem posset accedere.
Nunc venio ad privata; fere enim respondi tuis litteris de re publica,
et iis, quas in suburbano, et iis, quas postea scripsisti. Ad privata
venio. Unum etiam de Caelio. Tantum abest, ut meam ille sententiam
* * * * *
Page 25
his strength. But since things have come to such a pass, I shall not
ask, to borrow your quotation,
"Where is the bark of Atreus' sons?"[19]
[19] Euripides _Troades_ 455 ποῦ σκάφος τὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
My only bark will be that which has Pompey for a pilot. For your
query "What will happen when the question is put 'Your vote, Marcus
Tullius'"--briefly "I vote with Pompey." Still I shall exhort Pompey
privately to pacific measures. I feel that there is the greatest
danger. You, who are in town, will know more. Yet I see that we have
to do with a man of the greatest daring and readiness, who has on his
side all the criminal and social outcasts, and all who deserve to be
counted criminals and outcasts; nearly all the younger generation; all
the lowest city rabble; the powerful tribunes including C. Cassius; all
the insolvent, who are more in number than I imagined. All his cause
wants is a good cause: it has everything else in plenty. On our side we
all do everything to avoid battle. You can never be sure of the issue
of war, and it is to be feared it would go against us now.
Bibulus has quitted the province and left Veiento in charge: he will be
pretty slow, I hear, on his journey. This is the man in whose praise
Cato spoke, when he declared that the only people he did not envy were
those who could not be raised higher or not much higher.
To come to private matters: for I have fairly answered your letter on
the political situation, both the one you wrote in your town villa and
the one you wrote later. Now for private matters. But one word about
Caelius. So far is he from affecting my
* * * * *
Page 26
moveat, ut valde ego ipsi, quod de sua sententia decesserit;
paenitendum putem. Sed quid est, quod et vici Luccei sint addicti? Hoc
te praetermisisse miror. De Philotimo faciam equidem, ut mones. Sed
ego mihi ab illo non rationes exspectabam, quas tibi edidit, verum
id reliquum, quod ipse in Tusculano me referre in commentarium mea
manu voluit, quodque idem in Asia mihi sua manu scriptum dedit. Id si
praestaret, quantum mihi aeris alieni esse tibi edidit, tantum et plus
etiam mihi ipse deberet. Sed in hoc genere, si modo per rem publicam
licebit, non accusabimur posthac, neque hercule antea neglegentes
fuimus, sed amicorum multitudine occupati. Ergo utemur, ut polliceris,
et opera et consilio tuo nec tibi erimus, ut spero, in eo molesti.
De serperastris cohortis meae nihil est quod doleas. Ipsi enim se
collegerunt admiratione integritatis meae. Sed me moverat nemo magis
quam is, quem tu neminem putas. Idem et initio fuerat et nunc est
egregius. Sed in ipsa decessione significavit sperasse se aliquid et
id, quod animum induxerat paulisper, non tenuit, sed cito ad se rediit,
meisque honorificentissimis erga se officiis victus pluris ea duxit
quam omnem pecuniam.
Ego a Curio tabulas accepi, quas mecum porto. Hortensi legata cognovi.
Nunc aveo scire, quid hominis sit et quarum rerum auctionem instituat.
* * * * *
Page 27
view, that I think he must be sorry he changed his own. But what is
this story of Lucceius' property being knocked down to him? I wonder
you passed that over. As for Philotimus I shall take your advice. But
I was not expecting from him the accounts, which he gave you: I was
expecting the balance, which he wished me to enter in my note-book with
my own hand at Tusculum, and for which he gave me in Asia a certificate
in his own hand. If he should pay up all the money he told you was
owing to me, he would still owe me as much again and even more. But,
if only politics will allow, I shall not incur blame hereafter in
matters of this kind. Indeed I have not been careless hitherto; but my
time has been taken up by a crowd of friends. I shall therefore have
your industry and advice, as you promise, and I hope I shall not be
troublesome in the matter. You have no reason to lament the treatment
that I meted to my crooked staff.[20] They pulled themselves together
in amaze at my honesty. But nobody surprised me more than the man whom
you think a nobody. From first to last he was and is splendid. But just
at my departure he showed me that he had hoped for some reward; and
yet he did not long cling to the idea which had entered his mind, but
quickly came to himself again, and overwhelmed by the honours I had
done him, regarded them as of more worth than any money.
[20] Lit. "about the knee-splints (I gave) my staff." He refers to
restraining their rapacity.
I have received his will from Curius and bring it with me. I know the
legacies Hortensius has to pay. Now I want to know the metal of the
man, and what properties he is putting up for sale. When
* * * * *
Page 28
Nescio enim, cur, cum portam Flumentanam Caelius occuparit, ego
Puteolos non meos faciam.
Venio ad "Piraeea" in quo magis reprehendendus sum, quod homo Romanus
"Piraeea" scripserim, non "Piraeum" (sic enim omnes nostri locuti
sunt), quam quod addiderim "in." Non enim hoc ut oppido praeposui, sed
ut loco. Et tamen Dionysius noster et, qui est nobiscum, Nicias Cous
non rebatur oppidum esse Piraeea. Sed de re ego[21] videro. Nostrum
quidem si est peccatum, in eo est, quod non ut de oppido locutus sum,
sed ut de loco, secutusque sum non dico Caecilium:
"Máne ut ex portu ín Piraeum"
(malus enim auctor Latinitatis est), sed Terentium, cuius fabellae
propter elegantiam sermonis putabantur a C. Laelio scribi:
"Heri áliquot adulescéntuli coíimus in Piraeum,"
et idem:
"Mercátor hoc addébat, captam e Súnio."
[21] re ego _Reid_; re _L (marg.), M (above the line)_; reo _NOPM_¹: eo
_M_².
Quodsi δήμους oppida volumus esse, tam est oppidum Sunium quam Piraeus.
Sed, quoniam grammaticus es, si hoc mihi ξήτημα persolveris, magna me
molestia liberaris.
Ille mihi litteras blandas mittit: facit idem pro eo Balbus. Mihi
certum est ab honestissuma sententia digitum nusquam. Sed scis, illi
reliquum quantum sit. Putasne igitur verendum esse, ne aut obiciat id
nobis aliquis, si languidius, aut repetat, si fortius? Quid ad haec
reperis? "Solvamus," inquis. Age, a
* * * * *
Page 29
Caelius has taken the Porta Flumentana,[22] I don't see why I should
not make Puteoli mine.
[22] Caelius had bought Lucceius' property near the Porta Flumentana at
the entrance of the Campus Martius.
Coming to the form _Piraeea_, I am more to be blamed for writing it
thus and not _Piraeum_ in Latin, as all our people do, than I am
for adding the preposition "_in_." I used "_in_" as before a word
signifying a place and not a town. After all Dionysius and Nicias of
Cos, who is with me, do not consider that the Piraeus is a town. I will
look into the question. If I have made a mistake, it is in speaking of
it not as a town but as a place, and I have authority. I do not depend
on a quotation from Caecilius: "_Máne ut ex portu in Piraeum_,"[23] as
he is a poor authority in Latinity; but I will quote Terence, whose
fine style caused his plays to be ascribed to C. Laelius "_Heri áliquot
adulescéntuli coíimus in Piraeum_," and again: "_Mercátor hoc addébat,
captam e Súnio_."[24] If we want to call parishes towns, Sunium is as
much a town as the Piraeus. But, since you are a purist, you will save
me a lot of trouble, if you can solve the problem for me.
[23] In the morning as I disembarked in the Piraeus.
[24] Terence, _Eun._ 539 (yesterday while some of us youths met in the
Piraeus), and 115 (The merchant added one thing more, a female slave
from Sunium). In the first the MSS. of Terence read _Piraeo_.
Caesar sends me a friendly letter. Balbus does the same on his account.
Certainly I shall not swerve a finger's breadth from the strictest
honour; but you know how much I still owe him. Don't you think there is
fear that this may be cast in my teeth, if I am slack; and repayment
demanded from me, if I am energetic? What solution is there?
* * * * *
Page 30
Caelio mutuabimur. Hoc tu tamen consideres velim; puto enim, in senatu
si quando praeclare pro re publica dixero, Tartessium istum tuum mihi
exeunti: "Iube sodes nummos curare."
Quid superest? Etiam. Gener est suavis mihi, Tulliae, Terentiae.
Quantumvis vel ingenii vel humanitatis: satis est[25]; reliqua, quae
nosti, ferenda. Scis enim, quos aperuerimus. Qui omnes praeter eum, de
quo per te egimus, reum me[26] facerent.[27] Ipsis enim expensum nemo
feret. Sed haec coram; nam multi sermonis sunt. Tironis reficiendi spes
est in M'. Curio; cui ego scripsi tibi eum gratissimum facturum.
[25] satis est _Mommsen_: satis _MSS._: comitatis satis _or_ satis
dignitatis _Lehmann_.
[26] rem _Bosius_; rem a me _Purser_.
[27] facere rentur Δ _Bosius_; facerentur _O_².
Data v Idus Decembr. a Pontio ex Trebulano.
IV
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano IV aut III Id. Dec. a 704_]
Dionysium flagrantem desiderio tui misi ad te nec mehercule aequo
animo, sed fuit concedendum. Quem quidem cognovi cum doctum, quod
mihi iam ante erat notum, tum sane plenum officii, studiosum etiam
meae laudis, frugi hominem, ac, ne libertinum laudare videar, plane
virum bonum. Pompeium vidi IIII Idus Decembres. Fuimus una horas duas
fortasse. Magna laetitia mihi visus est adfici meo adventu, de
* * * * *
Page 31
"Pay up," say you. Well, I will borrow from the bank.[28] But there
is a point you might consider. If I ever make a notable speech in the
House on behalf of the constitution, your friend from Tarshish[29] will
be pretty sure to say to me as I go out: "Kindly send me a draft."
[28] Caelius the banker is again referred to in XII, 5.
[29] L. Cornelius Balbus of Tartessus.
Anything else? Yes. My son-in-law is agreeable to me, to Tullia, and
to Terentia. He has any amount of native charm or shall I say culture:
and that is enough. We must put up with the faults you know of. For
you know what we have found the others to be on inspection. All of
them except the one with whom you negotiated for us would get me into
the law courts. No one will lend them money on their own security. But
this when we meet: it is a long story. My hope of Tiro's recovery lies
in M'. Curius. I have written to him that he will be doing you the
greatest favour.
Dec. 9, at Pontius' villa at Trebula.
IV
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Pompeii, Dec. 10 or 11_, B.C. _50_]
Dionysius burned to be with you, so I sent him, with some misgivings I
must admit; but it had to be. I knew him before to be a scholar: I find
him very obliging, careful of my good name, an honest fellow, and, not
to give him a mere freedman's character, evidently a man of honour.
Pompey I interviewed on the 10th of December. We were together a matter
of two hours: he seemed greatly delighted with
* * * * *
Page 32
triumpho hortari, suscipere partes suas, monere, ne ante in senatum
accederem, quam rem confecissem, ne dicendis sententiis aliquem
tribunum alienarem. Quid quaeris? in hoc officio sermonis nihil potuit
esse prolixius. De re publica autem ita mecum locutus est, quasi
non dubium bellum haberemus. Nihil ad spem concordiae. Plane illum
a se alienatum cum ante intellegeret, tum vero proxume iudicasse.
Venisse Hirtium a Caesare, qui esset illi familiarissimus, ad se non
accessisse, et, cum ille a. d. VIII Idus Decembr. vesperi venisset,
Balbus de tota re constituisset a. d. VII ad Scipionem ante lucem
venire, multa de nocte eum profectum esse ad Caesarem. Hoc illi
τεκμηριῶδες videbatur esse alienationis. Quid multa? nihil me aliud
consolatur, nisi quod illum, cui etiam inimici alterum consulatum,
fortuna summam potentiam dederit, non arbitror fore tam amentem, ut
haec in discrimen adducat. Quodsi ruere coeperit, ne ego multa timeo;
quae non audeo scribere. Sed, ut nunc est, a. d. III Nonas Ian. ad
urbem cogito.
V
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XV K. Ian., ut videtur, a. 704_]
Multas uno tempore accepi epistulas tuas; quae mihi, quamquam
recentiora audiebam ex iis, qui ad me veniebant, tamen erant iucundae;
studium enim et benevolentiam declarabant. Valetudine tua moveor et
Piliam in idem genus morbi delapsam curam tibi
* * * * *
Page 33
my arrival, encouraged me about my triumph, promised to do his part,
warned me not to enter the House till my business was finished,
for fear I should make an enemy of some tribune by the opinions I
expressed. In short, promises could go no further. As to the political
situation, he hinted certain war, without hope of agreement. It
appeared that, though he had long understood there was a split between
himself and Caesar, he had had very recent proof of it. Hirtius, a
very intimate friend of Caesar's, had come and had not called on
Pompey. Besides Hirtius had arrived on the evening of the 6th of
December and Balbus had arranged a meeting with Pompey's father-in-law
before daybreak on the 7th to discuss affairs, when, lo, late on the
night before, Hirtius set out to go to Caesar. This seemed to Pompey
proof positive of a split. In a word I have no consolation except the
thought, that, when even his enemies have renewed his term of office
and fortune has bestowed on him supreme power, Caesar will not be so
mad as to jeopardize these advantages. If he begins to run amuck, my
fears are more than I can commit to paper. As things are, I meditate a
visit to town on the 3rd of January.
V
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae Dec. 16_, B.C. _50_]
A number of your letters have reached me at the same time: and,
although visitors bring me later news, they are delightful, as they
show your affection and good will. I am concerned about your illness,
and I suppose Pilia's attack of the same complaint will increase
* * * * *
Page 34
adferre maiorem sentio. Date igitur operam, ut valeatis. De Tirone
video tibi curae esse. Quem quidem ego, etsi mirabilis utilitates
mihi praebet, cum valet, in onmi genere vel negotiorum vel studiorum
meorum, tamen propter humanitatem et modestiam malo salvum quam propter
usum meum. Philogenes mecum nihil umquam de Luscenio locatus est; de
ceteris rebus habes Dionysium. Sororem tuam non venisse in Arcanum
miror. De Chrysippo meum consilium probari tibi non moleste fero. Ego
in Tusculanum nihil sane hoc tempore; devium est τοῖς ἀπαντῶσιν et
habet alia δύσχρεστα. Sed de Formiano Tarracinam pridie Kal. Ian. Inde
Pomptinam summam, inde in Albanum Pompei. Ita ad urbem III Nonas natali
meo.
De re publica cotidie magis timeo. Non enim boni, ut putant,
consentiunt. Quos ego equites Romanos, quos senatores vidi, qui
acerrime cum cetera tum hoc iter Pompei vituperarent! Pace opus est.
Ex victoria cum multa mala tum certe tyrannus exsistet. Sed haec prope
diem coram. Iam plane mihi deest, quod ad te scribam; nec enim de
re publica, quod uterque nostrum scit eadem, et domestica nota sunt
ambobus.
Reliquum est iocari, si hic sinat. Nam ego is sum, qui illi concedi
putem utilius esse, quod postulat, quam signa conferri. Sero enim
resistimus ei, quem per annos decem aluimus contra nos. "Quid sentis
igitur?" inquis. Nihil scilicet nisi de sententia tua nec prius quidem,
quam nostrum negotium aut confecerimus
* * * * *
Page 35
your trouble. Both of you do your best to get well. As for Tiro I see
you are attending to him. Though when in health, he is marvellously
useful to me in every department of business and literature, it is not
a selfish motive, but his own charming character and modest bearing
that prompts my hope for his recovery. Philogenes has never said
anything to me about Luscenius. As for other matters Dionysius is with
you. I am astonished your sister has not come to Arcanum. I am glad you
approve my plan about Chrysippus. I shall not go to Tusculum at such a
time as this, not I. It is out of the way for chance _rencontres_ and
has other drawbacks. But from Formiae I go to Tarracina on the last
of December. Thence to the upper end of the Pomptine marsh: thence to
Pompey's Alban villa: and so to Rome on the 3rd, my birthday.
The political crisis is causing me greater fear every day. The
loyalists are not, as is imagined, in agreement. I have met numbers
of Roman knights, and numbers of Members, ready to inveigh bitterly
against everything and especially this journey of Pompey's. Peace is
our want. Victory will bring many evils, and without doubt a tyrant.
But this we shall soon discuss together. I have no news at all now:
each of us knows as much as the other about political affairs, and
domestic details are for us common knowledge.
All one can do is to jest--if _he_ will allow it. For I am one who
thinks it better to agree to his demands than to enter upon war. It is
late to resist him, when for ten years we have nurtured this viper in
our bosom. Then you ask my view. It is the same as yours; and I shall
express none till my own affairs
* * * * *
Page 36
aut deposuerimus. Cura igitur, ut valeas. Aliquando ἀπότριψαι quartanam
istam diligentia, quae in te summa est.
VI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XIV K. Ian., ut videtur, a. 704_]
Plane deest, quod ad te scribam; nota omnia tibi sunt; nee ipse habeo,
a te quod exspectem. Tantum igitur nostrum illud sollemne servemus,
ut ne quem istuc euntem sine litteris dimittamus. De re publica valde
timeo, nec adhuc fere inveni, qui non concedendum putaret Caesari,
quod postularet, potius quam depugnandum. Est illa quidem impudens
postulatio, opinione valentior. Cur autem nunc primum ei resistamus?
Οὐ γὰρ δὴ τόδε μεῖζον ἔπι κακόν
quam cum quinquennium prorogabamus, aut cum, ut absentis ratio
haberetur, ferebamus, nisi forte haec illi tum arma dedimus, ut nunc
cum bene parato pugnaremus. Dices: "Quid tu igitur sensurus es?" Non
idem quod dicturus; sentiam enim omnia facienda, ne armis decertetur,
dicam idem quod Pompeius neque id faciam humili animo. Sed rursus hoc
permagnum rei publicae malum est, et quodam modo mihi praeter ceteros
non rectum me in tantis rebus a Pompeio dissidere.
* * * * *
Page 37
are concluded or abandoned. So be sure to get well. Apply some of your
wonderful capacity for taking pains to shaking off the fever.
VI
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Dec. 17_, B.C. _50_]
I have positively no news: all mine is known to you; and there is none
that I can look for from you. Only let me preserve my old ceremony
of letting no visitor go to you without a letter. My fears as to the
political situation are great. And so far I have found hardly a man who
would not yield to Caesar's demand sooner than fight. That demand, it
is true, is shameless, but stronger than we thought. But why should we
choose this occasion to begin resisting?
[Sidenote: Odyssey xii, 209]
"No greater evil threatens now"
than when we prolonged his office for another five years; or when we
agreed to let him stand as a candidate in his absence. But perhaps we
were then giving him these weapons to turn against us now. You will
say; "What then will your view be?" My view will not be what I shall
say; for my view will be that every step should be taken to avoid a
conflict; but I shall say the same as Pompey, nor shall I be actuated
by subserviency. But again it is a very great calamity to the state,
and in a way improper to me beyond others to differ from Pompey in
matters of such importance.
* * * * *
Page 38
VII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano inter XIII et X K. Ian. a. 704_]
"Dionysius, vir optumus, ut mihi quoque est perspectus, et doctissumus
tuique amantissumus, Romam venit XV Kalend. Ian. et litteras a te mihi
reddidit." Tot enim verba sunt de Dionysio in epistula tua, illud
putato non adscribis, "et tibi gratias egit." Atqui certe ille agere
debuit, et, si esset factum, quae tua est humanitas, adscripsisses.
Mihi autem nulla de eo παλινωδία datur propter superioris epistulae
testimonium. Sit igitur sane bonus vir. Hoc enim ipsum bene fecit, quod
mihi sui cognoscendi penitus etiam istam facultatem dedit. Philogenes
recte ad te scripsit; curavit enim, quod debuit. Eum ego uti ea
pecunia volui, quoad liceret; itaque usus est menses XIIII. Pomptinum
cupio valere, et, quod scribis in urbem introisse, vereor, quid sit;
nam id nisi gravi de causa non fecisset. Ego, quoniam IIII Non. Ian.
compitalicius dies est, nolo eo die in Albanum venire, ne molestus
familiae veniam. III Non. Ian. igitur; inde ad urbem pridie Nonas. Tua
λῆψις quem in diem incurrat, nescio, sed prorsus te commoveri incommodo
valetudinis tuae nolo.
De honore nostro nisi quid occulte Caesar per suos tribunos molitus
erit, cetera videntur esse tranquilla; tranquillissimus autem animus
meus, qui totum istuc aequi boni facit, et eo magis, quod iam a multis
audio constitutum esse Pompeio et eius concilio in Siciliam
* * * * *
Page 39
VII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Dec. 18-21_, B.C. _50_]
"Dionysius, an excellent fellow--as I too have found him--a good
scholar and your very stanch friend, arrived in Rome on the 16th of
December, and gave me a letter from you." That's all you say about
Dionysius in your letter. You do not add "and he expressed his
gratitude to you." Yet certainly he ought to have done so, and, if he
had, you would have added it with your usual good nature. I cannot make
a _volte face_ about him, owing to the character I gave him in the
former letter. Let us call him then an honest fellow. He has done me
one kindness at any rate in giving me this further chance to know him
thoroughly. Philogenes is correct in what he wrote: he duly settled
his debt. I wanted him to use the money as long as he could; so he has
used it for 14 months. I hope Pomptinus is getting well. You mention
his entrance into town. I am somewhat anxious as to what it means: he
would not have entered the city except for some good reason. As the 2nd
of January is a holiday, I don't wish to reach Pompey's Alban villa on
that date for fear I should be a nuisance to his household. I shall go
there on the 3rd, and then visit the city on the 4th. I forget on what
day the fever will attack you again; but I would not have you stir to
the damage of your health.
As for my triumph, unless Caesar has been secretly intriguing through
his tribune partisans, all else seems smooth and easy. My mind is
absolutely at ease, and I regard the whole business with indifference,
especially as many people tell me that Pompey and his advisers
* * * * *
Page 40
me mittere, quod imperium habeam. Id est Ἀβδηριτικόν. Nec enim senatus
decrevit, nec populus iussit me imperium in Sicilia habere. Sin hoc
res publica ad Pompeium refert, qui me magis quam privatum aliquem
mittat? Itaque, si hoc imperium mihi molestum erit, utar ea porta, quam
primam videro. Nam, quod scribis mirificam exspectationem esse mei
neque tamen quemquam bonorum aut satis bonorum dubitare, quid facturus
sim, ego, quos tu bonos esse dicas, non intellego. Ipse nullos novi,
sed ita, si ordines bonorum quaerimus; nam singulares sunt boni viri.
Verum in dissensionibus ordines bonorum et genera quaerenda sunt.
Senatum bonum putas, per quem sine imperio provinciae sunt (numquam
enim Curio sustinuisset, si cum eo agi coeptum esset; quam sententiam
senatus sequi noluit; ex quo factum est, ut Caesari non succederetur),
an publicanos, qui numquam firmi, sed nunc Caesari sunt amicissimi,
an faeneratores an agricolas, quibus optatissimum est otium? nisi
eos timere putas, ne sub regno sint, qui id numquam, dum modo otiosi
essent, recusarunt. Quid ergo? exercitum retinentis, cum legis dies
transierit, rationem haberi placet? Mihi vero ne absentis quidem; sed,
cum id datum est, illud una datum est. Annorum enim decem imperium et
ita latum placet? Placet igitur etiam me expulsum et agrum Campanum
* * * * *
Page 41
have determined to send me to Sicily, because I still have military
powers. That is a muddle-headed plan.[30] For neither has the House
decreed, nor the people authorized me to have military power in Sicily.
If the state delegates the appointment to Pompey, why should he send
me rather than any unofficial person? So, if this military power is
going to be a nuisance, I shall get rid of it by entering the first
city gate I see. As for your news that there is a wonderful interest
in my arrival and that none of the "right or right enough party"
doubt as to my future action, I don't understand your phrase "the
right party." I don't know of such a party, that is if we look for a
class; of course there are individuals. But in political splits it is
classes and parties we want. Do you think the Senate is "right," when
it has left our provinces without military rule? For Curio could never
have held out, if there had been negotiations with him--a proposal
rejected by the House, which left Caesar without a successor. Is
it the tax-collectors, who have never been loyal and are now very
friendly with Caesar? Or is it the financiers or the farmers, whose
chief desire is peace? Do you suppose they will fear a king, when they
never declined one so long as they were left in peace? Well then, do
I approve of the candidature of a man who keeps his army beyond the
legal term? No, not even of his candidature in absence. But when the
one privilege was granted, the other went with it. Do I then approve of
the extension of his military power for ten years, and that carried as
it was carried? Then I should have to approve of my own banishment, the
throwing away of the Campanian land on the people, the adoption
[30] Abdera was the classical Gotham.
* * * * *
Page 42
perisse et adoptatum patricium a plebeio, Gaditanum a Mytilenaeo, et
Labieni divitiae et Mamurrae placent et Balbi horti et Tusculanum. Sed
horum omnium fons unus est. Imbecillo resistendum fuit, et id erat
facile; nunc legiones XI, equitatus tantus, quantum volet, Transpadani,
plebes urbana, tot tribuni pl., tam perdita iuventus, tanta auctoritate
dux, tanta audacia. Cum hoc aut depugnandum est aut habenda e lege
ratio. "Depugna," inquis, "potius quam servias." Ut quid? si victus
eris, proscribare, si viceris, tamen servias? "Quid ergo," inquis,
"facturus es?" Idem quod pecudes, quae dispulsae sui generis sequuntur
greges. Ut bos armenta sic ego bonos viros aut eos, quicumque dicentur
boni, sequar, etiamsi ruent. Quid sit optimum male contractis rebus,
plane video. Nemini est enim exploratum, cum ad arma ventum sit,
quid futurum sit, at illud omnibus, si boni victi sint, nec in caede
principum clementiorem hunc fore quam Cinna fuerit, nec moderatiorem
quam Sulla in pecuniis locupletum. Συμπολιτεύομαί σοι iam dudum et
facerem diutius, nisi me lucerna desereret. Ad summam "DIC, M. TVLLI."
Adsentior Cn. Pompeio, id est T. Pomponio.
Alexim, humanissimum puerum, nisi forte dum ego absum, adulescens
factus est (id enim agere videbatur), salvere iubeas velim.
* * * * *
Page 43
of a patrician by a plebeian, of that gentleman of Gades by the man of
Mytilene.[31] And I should have to approve of the wealth of Labienus
and Mamurra and the gardens and Tusculan estate of Balbus. But the
source of all these evils is one. We ought to have resisted him when
he was weak: that would have been easy. Now there are eleven legions,
cavalry as much as he wants, the northern tribes across the Po, the
city riff-raff, all the tribunes of the people, the young profligates,
a leader of such influence and daring. We must either fight him or
allow his candidature according to the law. "Fight," say you, "rather
than be slaves." The result will be proscription if beaten and slavery
even if one wins. "What shall I do then?" What the cattle do, who when
scattered follow flocks of their own kind. As an ox follows the herd,
so shall I follow the "right party," or whoever are said to be the
"right party," even if they rush to destruction. The best course in our
straits is clear to me. No one can tell the issue of war: but every one
can tell that, if the right party are beaten, Caesar will not be more
merciful than Cinna in slaying the nobility, nor more moderate than
Sulla in robbing the rich. I have discussed _la haute politique_ long
enough, and I would do so longer, had not my lamp gone out. The end is
"Your vote, Marcus Tullius." I vote with Pompey, that is with Titus
Pomponius.
[31] Balbus of Gades was adopted by Theophanes of Mytilene, who had
himself received the citizenship from Pompey.
Please remember me to Alexis, a very clever boy, unless perhaps in my
absence he has become a man, as he threatened to do.
* * * * *
Page 44
VIII
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VI aut V K. Ian. a. 704_]
Quid opus est de Dionysio tam valde adfirmare? An mihi nutus tuus non
faceret fidem? Suspicionem autem eo mihi maiorem tua taciturnitas
attulerat, quod et tu soles conglutinare amicitias testimoniis tuis, et
illum aliter cum aliis de nobis locutum audiebam. Sed prorsus ita esse,
ut scribis, mihi persuades. Itaque ego is in illum sum, quem tu me esse
vis.
Diem tuum ego quoque ex epistula quadam tua, quam incipiente febricula
scripseras, mihi notaveram et animadverteram posse pro re nata te non
incommode ad me in Albanum venire III Nonas Ianuar. Sed, amabo te,
nihil incommodo valetudinis feceris. Quid enim est tantum in uno aut
altero die?
Dolabellam video Liviae testamento cum duobus coheredibus esse in
triente, sed iuberi mutare nomen. Est πολιτικὸν σκέμμα, rectumne
sit nobili adulescenti mutare nomen mulieris testamento. Sed id
φιλοσοφώτερον διευκρινήσομεν, cum sciemus, quantum quasi sit in
trientis triente.
Quod putasti fore ut, antequam istuc venirem, Pompeium viderem, factum
est ita; nam VI Kal. ad Lavernium me consecutus est. Una Formias
venimus et ab hora octava ad vesperum secreto collocuti sumus. Quod
quaeris, ecquae spes pacificationis sit, quantum ex Pompei multo et
accurato sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem est. Sic enim existimat,
si ille vel dimisso exercitu consul factus sit, σύγχυσιν
* * * * *
Page 45
VIII
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Dec. 25 or 26_, B.C. _50_]
There was no need for you to give such strong assurances about
Dionysius. A hint from you would have satisfied me. But your silence
gave me all the more reason for suspicion, because you are used to
cement friendships with good-natured assurances, and because I heard
that he used different language about us to others. However, your
letter convinces me. So I behave to him exactly as you wish.
Your bad day too I had noted from a letter you wrote at the beginning
of your feverishness, and I had calculated that under the circumstances
you could conveniently meet me at the Alban villa on the 3rd of
January. But please do nothing to affect your health. A day or two will
make no difference.
Dolabella, I see, by Livia's will shares a third of her estate with two
others, but is asked to change his name. It is a social problem whether
it is proper for a young noble to change his name under a lady's will.
But we can determine that on more scientific grounds, when we know to
how much a third of a third amounts.
[Sidenote: Iliad xviii, 309]
Your guess that I should meet Pompey before coming to Rome has come
true. On the 25th he overtook me near the Lavernium. We reached Formiae
together, and were closeted together from two o'clock till evening. For
your query as to the chance of a peaceful settlement, so far as I could
tell from Pompey's full and detailed discourse, he does not even want
peace. Pompey thinks that the constitution will be subverted even if
Caesar is elected consul without
* * * * *
Page 46
τῆς πολιτείας fore, atque etiam putat eum, cum audierit contra se
diligenter parari, consulatum hoc anno neglecturum ac potius exercitum
provinciamque retenturum. Sin autem ille fureret, vehementer hominem
contemnebat et suis et rei publicae copiis confidebat. Quid quaeris?
etsi mihi crebro ξυνὸς Ἐνυάλιος occurrebat, tamen levabar cura virum
fortem et peritum et plurimum auctoritate valentem audiens πολιτικῶς
de pacis simulatae periculis disserentem. Habebamus autem in manibus
Antoni contionem habitam X Kal. Ianuar., in qua erat accusatio Pompei
usque a toga pura, querela de damnatis, terror armorum. In quibus
ille "Quid censes," aiebat, "facturum esse ipsum, si in possessionem
rei publicae venerit, cum haec quaestor eius infirmus et inops audeat
dicere?" Quid multa? non modo non expetere pacem istam, sed etiam
timere visus est. Ex illa autem sententia ἰδέα[32] relinquendae urbis
movet hominem, ut puto. Mihi autem illud molestissimum est, quod
solvendi sunt nummi Caesari et instrumentum triumphi eo conferendum.
Est enim ἄμορφον ἀντιπολιτευομένου χρεωφειλέτην esse. Sed haec et multa
alia coram.
[32] ἰδέα _Schmidt_: î _M_; ita, viv, nif, infra _other MSS._
IX
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano V aut IV K. Ian. a. 704_]
"Cotidiene," inquis, "a te accipiendae litterae sunt?" Si habebo, cui
dem, cotidie. "At iam ipse ades." Tum igitur, cum venero, desinam. Unas
video
* * * * *
Page 47
an army; and he fancies that when Caesar hears of the energetic
preparations against him, he will give up the idea of the consulship
this year, and prefer to keep his army and his province. Still, if
Caesar should play the fool, Pompey has an utter contempt for him, and
firm confidence in his own and the state's resources. Well, although
the "uncertainty of war" came constantly into my mind, I was relieved
of anxiety as I listened to a soldier, a strategist, and a man of the
greatest influence discoursing in a statesmanlike way on the risks of
a hollow peace. We had before us a speech of Antony made on the 21st
of December, which attacked Pompey from boyhood, complained about the
condemnation of certain people and threatened war. Pompey's comment
was "What do you suppose Caesar will do, if he becomes master of the
state, when a wretched, insignificant subordinate dares to talk in
this strain?" In a word, he appeared not only not to seek peace, but
even to fear it. But I fancy the idea of leaving the city shakes his
resolution. What annoys me most is that I have to pay up to Caesar, and
devote to the purpose what I should have used for my triumph. It is
bad form to owe money to a political opponent. But this and many other
topics can wait till we meet.
IX
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
[Sidenote: _Formiae, Dec. 26 or 27_, B.C. _50_]
You ask if you are going to get a letter from me every day. Every day,
if I can find a messenger. True I am at hand myself. Well, I will stop
writing
* * * * *
Page 48
mihi a te non esse redditas, quas L. Quinctius, familiaris meus,
cum ferret, ad bustum Basili vulneratus et despoliatus est. Videbis
igitur, num quid fuerit in iis, quod me scire opus sit, et simul hoc
διευκρινήσεις πρόβλημα sane πολιτικόν. Cum sit necesse aut haberi
Caesaris rationem illo exercitum vel per senatum vel per tribunos pl.
obtinente; aut persuaderi Caesari, ut tradat provinciam atque exercitum
et ita consul fiat; aut, si id ei non persuadeatur, haberi comitia sine
illius ratione illo patiente atque obtinente provinciam; aut, si per
tribunos pl. non patiatur et tamen quiescat, rem adduci ad interregnum;
aut, si ob eam causam, quod ratio eius non habeatur, exercitum
adducat, armis cum eo contendere, illum autem initium facere armorum
aut statim nobis minus paratis, aut tum, cum comitiis amicis eius
postulantibus, ut e lege ratio habeatur, impetratum non sit, ire autem
ad arma aut hanc unam ob causam, quod ratio non habeatur, aut addita
causa, si forte tribunus pl. senatum impediens aut populum incitans
notatus aut senatus consulto circumscriptus aut sublatus aut expulsus
sit dicensve se expulsum ad illum confugerit, suscepto autem bello
aut tenenda sit urbs aut ea relicta ille commeatu et reliquis copiis
intercludendus--quod horum malorum, quorum aliquod certe subeundum est,
minimum putes. Dices profecto persuaderi illi, ut tradat exercitum et
ita consul fiat. Est omnino id eius modi, ut, si ille eo descendat,
contra dici nihil possit, idque eum, si non obtinet, ut ratio habeatur
retinentis exercitum, non
* * * * *
Page 49
when I arrive. I see I have missed one of your letters: my friend L.
Quinctius was wounded and robbed near the tomb of Basilus, while he
was bringing it. So you must see if there was any news in it I ought
to have, and you shall solve me this inevitable problem of politics to
boot. It may be necessary for us to admit Caesar as a candidate while
he keeps his army, be it by the favour of the House or the tribunes. Or
we may have to persuade him to take office on condition of giving up
his province and his troops. Or, if he will not yield to persuasion on
that point, we may refuse to admit him as a candidate at the election,
and he may endure the treatment and keep his province. Or, if he
employs the tribunes to interfere, yet keeps the peace, a political
deadlock may be brought about. Or, if he uses force, because we reject
him as a candidate, we may have to fight and he may begin at once
before we are ready, or when his friends fail to get his candidature
allowed at the elections in accordance with his legal privilege. He may
resort to arms solely on account of his rejection as a candidate, or
for a further reason, if a tribune through using obstructionist tactics
or an appeal to popular feeling incur a censure or a limitation of
power or suspension or expulsion from office, or if some tribune fly to
him with a tale of expulsion. War begun, we must either hold the city
or abandon it and cut him off from food and supplies. Of these evils
some one must be borne: consider which in your opinion is the lightest.
Of course you will say, "Induce him to give up his army and so take
the consulship." True there can be no objection to that, if he will
condescend, and I wonder he does not, if he cannot get his candidature
supported
* * * * *
Page 50
facere miror. Nobis autem, ut quidam putant, nihil est timendum magis
quam ille consul. "At sic malo," inquies, "quam cum exercitu." Certe;
sed istud ipsum "sic" magnum malum putat aliquis, neque ei remedium est
ullum. "Cedendum est, si id volet." Vide consulem illum iterum, quem
vidisti consulatu priore. "At tum imbecillus plus," inquis, "valuit
quam tota res publica." Quid nunc putas? et eo consule Pompeio certum
est esse in Hispania. O rem miseram! si quidem id ipsum deterrimum
est, quod recusari non potest, et quod ille si faciat, iam iam a bonis
omnibus summam ineat gratiam. Tollamus igitur hoc, quo illum posse
adduci negant; de reliquis quid est deterrimum? Concedere illi, quod,
ut idem dicit, impudentissime postulat. Nam quid impudentius? Tenuisti
provinciam per annos decem, non tibi a senatu, sed a te ipso per vim et
per factionem datos; praeteriit tempus non legis, sed libidinis tuae,
fac tamen legis; ut succedatur, decernitur; impedis et ais: "Habe meam
rationem." Habe tu nostram. Exercitum tu habeas diutius, quam populus
iussit, invito senatu? "Depugnes oportet, nisi concedis." Cum bona
quidem spe, ut ait idem, vel vincendi vel in libertate moriendi. Iam,
si pugnandum est, quo tempore, in casu, quo consilio, in temporibus
situm est. Itaque te in ea quaestione non exerceo; ad ea, quae dixi,
adfer, si quid habes. Equidem dies noctesque torqueor.
* * * * *
Page 51
while he keeps his army. But for us some think that nothing could be
worse than Caesar in office. You may say, "Better so, than with an
army." Certainly: but Pompey thinks that very "so" fatal, and there is
no remedy for it. "We must submit to Caesar's will." But imagine him
in office again after your experience of his former tenure. You will
reflect that, weak as he was, he was too strong for the constitution.
What about him now? And now, if Caesar is consul, Pompey will remain in
Spain. What a plight! since the worst of all is the very alternative
which we cannot refuse him, and the one which, if he takes it, will of
itself win him the favour of the right party. This course it is said
he will not accept; let us put it out of court. Which is the worst
of the remaining alternatives? To concede his impertinent demand, as
Pompey terms it? Impertinent it is indeed. You have had a province for
ten years, not allotted by the Senate, but by yourself through force
and insubordination. This term, not a legal term, but a term of your
own will and pleasure--or say, this legal term--comes to an end. The
House passes a decree for the appointment of a successor. You object
and cry, "Consider my candidature." Consider our case. Are you to dare
the House and keep your army longer than the nation sanctions? "You
must fight or yield." Then as Pompey says, let us hope for victory,
or death with freedom. If we must fight, the time depends on chance,
the plan of campaign on circumstances. So I do not trouble you on that
point. But make any suggestion you can on my remarks. Day and night I
am tormented.
* * * * *
Page 52
X
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. ad urbem XIV sub noctem aut XIII ante lucem K. Febr.
a. 705_]
Subito consilium cepi, ut, antequam luceret, exirem, ne qui conspectus
fieret aut sermo, lictoribus praesertim laureatis. De reliquo neque
hercule quid agam neque quid acturus sim, scio; ita sum perturbatus
temeritate nostri amentissimi consilii. Tibi vero quid suadeam, cuius
ipse consilium exspecto? Gnaeus noster quid consilii ceperit capiatve,
nescio, adhuc in oppidis coartatus et stupens. Omnes, si in Italia
consistat, erimus una; sin cedet, consilii res est. Adhuc certe, nisi
ego insanio, stulte omnia et incaute. Tu, quaeso, crebro ad me scribe,
vel quod in buccam venerit.
XI
CICERO ATTICO SAL.
[Sidenote: _Scr. in Campania inter XIV et IX K. Febr. a. 705_]