CHAPTER I: DOMESTIC ANNALS

Transcribed from the 1912 Chatto & Windus edition by David Price, email

ccx074@pglaf.org. Additional proofing by Peter Barnes.

RECORDS OF A

FAMILY OF ENGINEERS

BY

ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON

[Picture: Decorative graphic for Chatto & Windus]

LONDON

CHATTO & WINDUS

1912

_All rights reserved_

INTRODUCTION: THE SURNAME OF STEVENSON

From the thirteenth century onwards, the name, under the various

disguises of Stevinstoun, Stevensoun, Stevensonne, Stenesone, and

Stewinsoune, spread across Scotland from the mouth of the Firth of Forth

to the mouth of the Firth of Clyde. Four times at least it occurs as a

place-name. There is a parish of Stevenston in Cunningham; a second

place of the name in the Barony of Bothwell in Lanark; a third on Lyne,

above Drochil Castle; the fourth on the Tyne, near Traprain Law.

Stevenson of Stevenson (co. Lanark) swore fealty to Edward I in 1296, and

the last of that family died after the Restoration. Stevensons of

Hirdmanshiels, in Midlothian, rode in the Bishops’ Raid of Aberlady,

served as jurors, stood bail for neighbours—Hunter of Polwood, for

instance—and became extinct about the same period, or possibly earlier.

A Stevenson of Luthrie and another of Pitroddie make their bows, give

their names, and vanish. And by the year 1700 it does not appear that

any acre of Scots land was vested in any Stevenson. {2a}

Here is, so far, a melancholy picture of backward progress, and a family

posting towards extinction. But the law (however administered, and I am

bound to aver that, in Scotland, ‘it couldna weel be waur’) acts as a

kind of dredge, and with dispassionate impartiality brings up into the

light of day, and shows us for a moment, in the jury-box or on the

gallows, the creeping things of the past. By these broken glimpses we

are able to trace the existence of many other and more inglorious

Stevensons, picking a private way through the brawl that makes Scots

history. They were members of Parliament for Peebles, Stirling,

Pittenweem, Kilrenny, and Inverurie. We find them burgesses of

Edinburgh; indwellers in Biggar, Perth, and Dalkeith. Thomas was the

forester of Newbattle Park, Gavin was a baker, John a maltman, Francis a

chirurgeon, and ‘Schir William’ a priest. In the feuds of Humes and

Heatleys, Cunninghams, Montgomeries, Mures, Ogilvies, and Turnbulls, we

find them inconspicuously involved, and apparently getting rather better

than they gave. Schir William (reverend gentleman) was cruellie

slaughtered on the Links of Kincraig in 1582; James (‘in the mill-town of

Roberton’), murdered in 1590; Archibald (‘in Gallowfarren’), killed with

shots of pistols and hagbuts in 1608. Three violent deaths in about

seventy years, against which we can only put the case of Thomas, servant

to Hume of Cowden Knowes, who was arraigned with his two young masters

for the death of the Bastard of Mellerstanes in 1569. John (‘in

Dalkeith’) stood sentry without Holyrood while the banded lords were

despatching Rizzio within. William, at the ringing of Perth bell, ran

before Gowrie House ‘with ane sword, and, entering to the yearde, saw

George Craiggingilt with ane twa-handit sword and utheris nychtbouris; at

quilk time James Boig cryit ower ane wynds, “Awa hame! ye will all be

hangit”’—a piece of advice which William took, and immediately

‘depairtit.’ John got a maid with child to him in Biggar, and seemingly

deserted her; she was hanged on the Castle Hill for infanticide, June

1614; and Martin, elder in Dalkeith, eternally disgraced the name by

signing witness in a witch trial, 1661. These are two of our black

sheep. {3a} Under the Restoration, one Stevenson was a bailie in

Edinburgh, and another the lessee of the Canonmills. There were at the

same period two physicians of the name in Edinburgh, one of whom, Dr.

Archibald, appears to have been a famous man in his day and generation.

The Court had continual need of him; it was he who reported, for

instance, on the state of Rumbold; and he was for some time in the

enjoyment of a pension of a thousand pounds Scots (about eighty pounds

sterling) at a time when five hundred pounds is described as ‘an opulent

future.’ I do not know if I should be glad or sorry that he failed to

keep favour; but on 6th January 1682 (rather a cheerless New Year’s

present) his pension was expunged. {4a} There need be no doubt, at

least, of my exultation at the fact that he was knighted and recorded

arms. Not quite so genteel, but still in public life, Hugh was

Under-Clerk to the Privy Council, and liked being so extremely. I gather

this from his conduct in September 1681, when, with all the lords and

their servants, he took the woful and soul-destroying Test, swearing it

‘word by word upon his knees.’ And, behold! it was in vain, for Hugh was

turned out of his small post in 1684. {4b} Sir Archibald and Hugh were

both plainly inclined to be trimmers; but there was one witness of the

name of Stevenson who held high the banner of the Covenant—John,

‘Land-Labourer, {4c} in the parish of Daily, in Carrick,’ that ‘eminently

pious man.’ He seems to have been a poor sickly soul, and shows himself

disabled with scrofula, and prostrate and groaning aloud with fever; but

the enthusiasm of the martyr burned high within him.

‘I was made to take joyfully the spoiling of my goods, and with pleasure

for His name’s sake wandered in deserts and in mountains, in dens and

caves of the earth. I lay four months in the coldest season of the year

in a haystack in my father’s garden, and a whole February in the open

fields not far from Camragen, and this I did without the least prejudice

from the night air; one night, when lying in the fields near to the

Carrick-Miln, I was all covered with snow in the morning. Many nights

have I lain with pleasure in the churchyard of Old Daily, and made a

grave my pillow; frequently have I resorted to the old walls about the

glen, near to Camragen, and there sweetly rested.’ The visible band of

God protected and directed him. Dragoons were turned aside from the

bramble-bush where he lay hidden. Miracles were performed for his

behoof. ‘I got a horse and a woman to carry the child, and came to the

same mountain, where I wandered by the mist before; it is commonly known

by the name of Kellsrhins: when we came to go up the mountain, there came

on a great rain, which we thought was the occasion of the child’s

weeping, and she wept so bitterly, that all we could do could not divert

her from it, so that she was ready to burst. When we got to the top of

the mountain, where the Lord had been formerly kind to my soul in prayer,

I looked round me for a stone, and espying one, I went and brought it.

When the woman with me saw me set down the stone, she smiled, and asked

what I was going to do with it. I told her I was going to set it up as

my Ebenezer, because hitherto, and in that place, the Lord had formerly

helped, and I hoped would yet help. The rain still continuing, the child

weeping bitterly, I went to prayer, and no sooner did I cry to God, but

the child gave over weeping, and when we got up from prayer, the rain was

pouring down on every side, but in the way where we were to go there fell

not one drop; the place not rained on was as big as an ordinary avenue.’

And so great a saint was the natural butt of Satan’s persecutions. ‘I

retired to the fields for secret prayer about mid-night. When I went to

pray I was much straitened, and could not get one request, but “Lord

pity,” “Lord help”; this I came over frequently; at length the terror of

Satan fell on me in a high degree, and all I could say even then

was—“Lord help.” I continued in the duty for some time, notwithstanding

of this terror. At length I got up to my feet, and the terror still

increased; then the enemy took me by the arm-pits, and seemed to lift me

up by my arms. I saw a loch just before me, and I concluded he designed

to throw me there by force; and had he got leave to do so, it might have

brought a great reproach upon religion. {7a} But it was otherwise

ordered, and the cause of piety escaped that danger. {7b}

On the whole, the Stevensons may be described as decent, reputable folk,

following honest trades—millers, maltsters, and doctors, playing the

character parts in the Waverley Novels with propriety, if without

distinction; and to an orphan looking about him in the world for a

potential ancestry, offering a plain and quite unadorned refuge, equally

free from shame and glory. John, the land-labourer, is the one living

and memorable figure, and he, alas! cannot possibly be more near than a

collateral. It was on August 12, 1678, that he heard Mr. John Welsh on

the Craigdowhill, and ‘took the heavens, earth, and sun in the firmament

that was shining on us, as also the ambassador who made the offer, and

_the clerk who raised the psalms_, to witness that I did give myself away

to the Lord in a personal and perpetual covenant never to be forgotten’;

and already, in 1675, the birth of my direct ascendant was registered in

Glasgow. So that I have been pursuing ancestors too far down; and John

the land-labourer is debarred me, and I must relinquish from the trophies

of my house his _rare soul-strengthening and comforting cordial_. It is

the same case with the Edinburgh bailie and the miller of the Canonmills,

worthy man! and with that public character, Hugh the Under-Clerk, and,

more than all, with Sir Archibald, the physician, who recorded arms. And

I am reduced to a family of inconspicuous maltsters in what was then the

clean and handsome little city on the Clyde.

The name has a certain air of being Norse. But the story of Scottish

nomenclature is confounded by a continual process of translation and

half-translation from the Gaelic which in olden days may have been

sometimes reversed. Roy becomes Reid; Gow, Smith. A great Highland clan

uses the name of Robertson; a sept in Appin that of Livingstone; Maclean

in Glencoe answers to Johnstone at Lockerby. And we find such hybrids as

Macalexander for Macallister. There is but one rule to be deduced: that

however uncompromisingly Saxon a name may appear, you can never be sure

it does not designate a Celt. My great-grandfather wrote the name

_Stevenson_ but pronounced it _Steenson_, after the fashion of the

immortal minstrel in _Redgauntlet_; and this elision of a medial

consonant appears a Gaelic process; and, curiously enough, I have come

across no less than two Gaelic forms: _John Macstophane cordinerius in

Crossraguel_, 1573, and _William M’Steen_ in Dunskeith (co. Ross), 1605.

Stevenson, Steenson, Macstophane, M’Steen: which is the original? which

the translation? Or were these separate creations of the patronymic,

some English, some Gaelic? The curiously compact territory in which we

find them seated—Ayr, Lanark, Peebles, Stirling, Perth, Fife, and the

Lothians—would seem to forbid the supposition. {9a}

‘STEVENSON—or according to tradition of one of the proscribed of the clan

MacGregor, who was born among the willows or in a hill-side

sheep-pen—“Son of my love,” a heraldic bar sinister, but history reveals

a reason for the birth among the willows far other than the sinister

aspect of the name’: these are the dark words of Mr. Cosmo Innes; but

history or tradition, being interrogated, tells a somewhat tangled tale.

The heir of Macgregor of Glenorchy, murdered about 1858 by the Argyll

Campbells, appears to have been the original ‘Son of my love’; and his

more loyal clansmen took the name to fight under. It may be supposed the

story of their resistance became popular, and the name in some sort

identified with the idea of opposition to the Campbells. Twice

afterwards, on some renewed aggression, in 1502 and 1552, we find the

Macgregors again banding themselves into a sept of ‘Sons of my love’; and

when the great disaster fell on them in 1603, the whole original legend

reappears, and we have the heir of Alaster of Glenstrae born ‘among the

willows’ of a fugitive mother, and the more loyal clansmen again rallying

under the name of Stevenson. A story would not be told so often unless

it had some base in fact; nor (if there were no bond at all between the

Red Macgregors and the Stevensons) would that extraneous and somewhat

uncouth name be so much repeated in the legends of the Children of the

Mist.

But I am enabled, by my very lively and obliging correspondent, Mr.

George A. Macgregor Stevenson of New York, to give an actual instance.

His grandfather, great-grandfather, great-great-grandfather, and

great-great-great-grandfather, all used the names of Macgregor and

Stevenson as occasion served; being perhaps Macgregor by night and

Stevenson by day. The great-great-great-grandfather was a mighty man of

his hands, marched with the clan in the ‘Forty-five, and returned with

_spolia opima_ in the shape of a sword, which he had wrested from an

officer in the retreat, and which is in the possession of my

correspondent to this day. His great-grandson (the grandfather of my

correspondent), being converted to Methodism by some wayside preacher,

discarded in a moment his name, his old nature, and his political

principles, and with the zeal of a proselyte sealed his adherence to the

Protestant Succession by baptising his next son George. This George

became the publisher and editor of the _Wesleyan Times_. His children

were brought up in ignorance of their Highland pedigree; and my

correspondent was puzzled to overhear his father speak of him as a true

Macgregor, and amazed to find, in rummaging about that peaceful and pious

house, the sword of the Hanoverian officer. After he was grown up and

was better informed of his descent, ‘I frequently asked my father,’ he

writes, ‘why he did not use the name of Macgregor; his replies were

significant, and give a picture of the man: “It isn’t a good _Methodist_

name. You can use it, but it will do you no _good_.” Yet the old

gentleman, by way of pleasantry, used to announce himself to friends as

“Colonel Macgregor.”’

Here, then, are certain Macgregors habitually using the name of

Stevenson, and at last, under the influence of Methodism, adopting it

entirely. Doubtless a proscribed clan could not be particular; they took

a name as a man takes an umbrella against a shower; as Rob Roy took

Campbell, and his son took Drummond. But this case is different;

Stevenson was not taken and left—it was consistently adhered to. It does

not in the least follow that all Stevensons are of the clan Alpin; but it

does follow that some may be. And I cannot conceal from myself the

possibility that James Stevenson in Glasgow, my first authentic ancestor,

may have had a Highland _alias_ upon his conscience and a claymore in his

back parlour.

To one more tradition I may allude, that we are somehow descended from a

French barber-surgeon who came to St. Andrews in the service of one of

the Cardinal Beatons. No details were added. But the very name of

France was so detested in my family for three generations, that I am

tempted to suppose there may be something in it. {12a}

CHAPTER I: DOMESTIC ANNALS

It is believed that in 1665, James Stevenson in Nether Carsewell, parish

of Neilston, county of Renfrew, and presumably a tenant farmer, married

one Jean Keir; and in 1675, without doubt, there was born to these two a

son Robert, possibly a maltster in Glasgow. In 1710, Robert married, for

a second time, Elizabeth Cumming, and there was born to them, in 1720,

another Robert, certainly a maltster in Glasgow. In 1742, Robert the

second married Margaret Fulton (Margret, she called herself), by whom he

had ten children, among whom were Hugh, born February 1749, and Alan,

born June 1752.

With these two brothers my story begins. Their deaths were simultaneous;

their lives unusually brief and full. Tradition whispered me in

childhood they were the owners of an islet near St. Kitts; and it is

certain they had risen to be at the head of considerable interests in the

West Indies, which Hugh managed abroad and Alan at home, at an age when

others are still curveting a clerk’s stool. My kinsman, Mr. Stevenson of

Stirling, has heard his father mention that there had been ‘something

romantic’ about Alan’s marriage: and, alas! he has forgotten what. It

was early at least. His wife was Jean, daughter of David Lillie, a

builder in Glasgow, and several times ‘Deacon of the Wrights’: the date

of the marriage has not reached me; but on 8th June 1772, when Robert,

the only child of the union, was born, the husband and father had scarce

passed, or had not yet attained, his twentieth year. Here was a youth

making haste to give hostages to fortune. But this early scene of

prosperity in love and business was on the point of closing.

There hung in the house of this young family, and successively in those

of my grandfather and father, an oil painting of a ship of many tons

burthen. Doubtless the brothers had an interest in the vessel; I was

told she had belonged to them outright; and the picture was preserved

through years of hardship, and remains to this day in the possession of

the family, the only memorial of my great-grandsire Alan. It was on this

ship that he sailed on his last adventure, summoned to the West Indies by

Hugh. An agent had proved unfaithful on a serious scale; and it used to

be told me in my childhood how the brothers pursued him from one island

to another in an open boat, were exposed to the pernicious dews of the

tropics, and simultaneously struck down. The dates and places of their

deaths (now before me) would seem to indicate a more scattered and

prolonged pursuit: Hugh, on the 16th April 1774, in Tobago, within sight

of Trinidad; Alan, so late as 26th May, and so far away as ‘Santt

Kittes,’ in the Leeward Islands—both, says the family Bible, ‘of a

fiver’(!). The death of Hugh was probably announced by Alan in a letter,

to which we may refer the details of the open boat and the dew. Thus, at

least, in something like the course of post, both were called away, the

one twenty-five, the other twenty-two; their brief generation became

extinct, their short-lived house fell with them; and ‘in these lawless

parts and lawless times’—the words are my grandfather’s—their property

was stolen or became involved. Many years later, I understand some small

recovery to have been made; but at the moment almost the whole means of

the family seem to have perished with the young merchants. On the 27th

April, eleven days after Hugh Stevenson, twenty-nine before Alan, died

David Lillie, the Deacon of the Wrights; so that mother and son were

orphaned in one month. Thus, from a few scraps of paper bearing little

beyond dates, we construct the outlines of the tragedy that shadowed the

cradle of Robert Stevenson.

Jean Lillie was a young woman of strong sense, well fitted to contend

with poverty, and of a pious disposition, which it is like that these

misfortunes heated. Like so many other widowed Scots-women, she vowed

her son should wag his head in a pulpit; but her means were inadequate to

her ambition. A charity school, and some time under a Mr. M’Intyre, ‘a

famous linguist,’ were all she could afford in the way of education to

the would-be minister. He learned no Greek; in one place he mentions

that the Orations of Cicero were his highest book in Latin; in another

that he had ‘delighted’ in Virgil and Horace; but his delight could never

have been scholarly. This appears to have been the whole of his training

previous to an event which changed his own destiny and moulded that of

his descendants—the second marriage of his mother.

There was a Merchant-Burgess of Edinburgh of the name of Thomas Smith.

The Smith pedigree has been traced a little more particularly than the

Stevensons’, with a similar dearth of illustrious names. One character

seems to have appeared, indeed, for a moment at the wings of history: a

skipper of Dundee who smuggled over some Jacobite big-wig at the time of

the ‘Fifteen, and was afterwards drowned in Dundee harbour while going on

board his ship. With this exception, the generations of the Smiths

present no conceivable interest even to a descendant; and Thomas, of

Edinburgh, was the first to issue from respectable obscurity. His

father, a skipper out of Broughty Ferry, was drowned at sea while Thomas

was still young. He seems to have owned a ship or two—whalers, I

suppose, or coasters—and to have been a member of the Dundee Trinity

House, whatever that implies. On his death the widow remained in

Broughty, and the son came to push his future in Edinburgh. There is a

story told of him in the family which I repeat here because I shall have

to tell later on a similar, but more perfectly authenticated, experience

of his stepson, Robert Stevenson. Word reached Thomas that his mother

was unwell, and he prepared to leave for Broughty on the morrow. It was

between two and three in the morning, and the early northern daylight was

already clear, when he awoke and beheld the curtains at the bed-foot

drawn aside and his mother appear in the interval, smile upon him for a

moment, and then vanish. The sequel is stereo-type; he took the time by

his watch, and arrived at Broughty to learn it was the very moment of her

death. The incident is at least curious in having happened to such a

person—as the tale is being told of him. In all else, he appears as a

man ardent, passionate, practical, designed for affairs and prospering in

them far beyond the average. He founded a solid business in lamps and

oils, and was the sole proprietor of a concern called the Greenside

Company’s Works—‘a multifarious concern it was,’ writes my cousin,

Professor Swan, ‘of tinsmiths, coppersmiths, brass-founders, blacksmiths,

and japanners.’ He was also, it seems, a shipowner and underwriter. He

built himself ‘a land’—Nos. 1 and 2 Baxter’s Place, then no such

unfashionable neighbourhood—and died, leaving his only son in easy

circumstances, and giving to his three surviving daughters portions of

five thousand pounds and upwards. There is no standard of success in

life; but in one of its meanings, this is to succeed.

In what we know of his opinions, he makes a figure highly characteristic

of the time. A high Tory and patriot, a captain—so I find it in my

notes—of Edinburgh Spearmen, and on duty in the Castle during the Muir

and Palmer troubles, he bequeathed to his descendants a bloodless sword

and a somewhat violent tradition, both long preserved. The judge who sat

on Muir and Palmer, the famous Braxfield, let fall from the bench the

_obiter dictum_—‘I never liked the French all my days, but now I hate

them.’ If Thomas Smith, the Edinburgh Spearman, were in court, he must

have been tempted to applaud. The people of that land were his

abhorrence; he loathed Buonaparte like Antichrist. Towards the end he

fell into a kind of dotage; his family must entertain him with games of

tin soldiers, which he took a childish pleasure to array and overset; but

those who played with him must be upon their guard, for if his side,

which was always that of the English against the French, should chance to

be defeated, there would be trouble in Baxter’s Place. For these

opinions he may almost be said to have suffered. Baptised and brought up

in the Church of Scotland, he had, upon some conscientious scruple,

joined the communion of the Baptists. Like other Nonconformists, these

were inclined to the Liberal side in politics, and, at least in the

beginning, regarded Buonaparte as a deliverer. From the time of his

joining the Spearmen, Thomas Smith became in consequence a bugbear to his

brethren in the faith. ‘They that take the sword shall perish with the

sword,’ they told him; they gave him ‘no rest’; ‘his position became

intolerable’; it was plain he must choose between his political and his

religious tenets; and in the last years of his life, about 1812, he

returned to the Church of his fathers.

August 1786 was the date of his chief advancement, when, having designed

a system of oil lights to take the place of the primitive coal fires

before in use, he was dubbed engineer to the newly-formed Board of

Northern Lighthouses. Not only were his fortunes bettered by the

appointment, but he was introduced to a new and wider field for the

exercise of his abilities, and a new way of life highly agreeable to his

active constitution. He seems to have rejoiced in the long journeys, and

to have combined them with the practice of field sports. ‘A tall, stout

man coming ashore with his gun over his arm’—so he was described to my

father—the only description that has come down to me by a light-keeper

old in the service. Nor did this change come alone. On the 9th July of

the same year, Thomas Smith had been left for the second time a widower.

As he was still but thirty-three years old, prospering in his affairs,

newly advanced in the world, and encumbered at the time with a family of

children, five in number, it was natural that he should entertain the

notion of another wife. Expeditious in business, he was no less so in

his choice; and it was not later than June 1787—for my grandfather is

described as still in his fifteenth year—that he married the widow of

Alan Stevenson.

The perilous experiment of bringing together two families for once

succeeded. Mr. Smith’s two eldest daughters, Jean and Janet, fervent in

piety, unwearied in kind deeds, were well qualified both to appreciate

and to attract the stepmother; and her son, on the other hand, seems to

have found immediate favour in the eyes of Mr. Smith. It is, perhaps,

easy to exaggerate the ready-made resemblances; the tired woman must have

done much to fashion girls who were under ten; the man, lusty and

opinionated, must have stamped a strong impression on the boy of fifteen.

But the cleavage of the family was too marked, the identity of character

and interest produced between the two men on the one hand, and the three

women on the other, was too complete to have been the result of influence

alone. Particular bonds of union must have pre-existed on each side.

And there is no doubt that the man and the boy met with common ambitions,

and a common bent, to the practice of that which had not so long before

acquired the name of civil engineering.

For the profession which is now so thronged, famous, and influential, was

then a thing of yesterday. My grandfather had an anecdote of Smeaton,

probably learned from John Clerk of Eldin, their common friend. Smeaton

was asked by the Duke of Argyll to visit the West Highland coast for a

professional purpose. He refused, appalled, it seems, by the rough

travelling. ‘You can recommend some other fit person?’ asked the Duke.

‘No,’ said Smeaton, ‘I’m sorry I can’t.’ ‘What!’ cried the Duke, ‘a

profession with only one man in it! Pray, who taught you?’ ‘Why,’ said

Smeaton, ‘I believe I may say I was self-taught, an’t please your grace.’

Smeaton, at the date of Thomas Smith’s third marriage, was yet living;

and as the one had grown to the new profession from his place at the

instrument-maker’s, the other was beginning to enter it by the way of his

trade. The engineer of to-day is confronted with a library of acquired

results; tables and formulae to the value of folios full have been

calculated and recorded; and the student finds everywhere in front of him

the footprints of the pioneers. In the eighteenth century the field was

largely unexplored; the engineer must read with his own eyes the face of

nature; he arose a volunteer, from the workshop or the mill, to undertake

works which were at once inventions and adventures. It was not a science

then—it was a living art; and it visibly grew under the eyes and between

the hands of its practitioners.

The charm of such an occupation was strongly felt by stepfather and

stepson. It chanced that Thomas Smith was a reformer; the superiority of

his proposed lamp and reflectors over open fires of coal secured his

appointment; and no sooner had he set his hand to the task than the

interest of that employment mastered him. The vacant stage on which he

was to act, and where all had yet to be created—the greatness of the

difficulties, the smallness of the means intrusted him—would rouse a man

of his disposition like a call to battle. The lad introduced by marriage

under his roof was of a character to sympathise; the public usefulness of

the service would appeal to his judgment, the perpetual need for fresh

expedients stimulate his ingenuity. And there was another attraction

which, in the younger man at least, appealed to, and perhaps first

aroused, a profound and enduring sentiment of romance: I mean the

attraction of the life. The seas into which his labours carried the new

engineer were still scarce charted, the coasts still dark; his way on

shore was often far beyond the convenience of any road; the isles in

which he must sojourn were still partly savage. He must toss much in

boats; he must often adventure on horseback by the dubious bridle-track

through unfrequented wildernesses; he must sometimes plant his lighthouse

in the very camp of wreckers; and he was continually enforced to the

vicissitudes of outdoor life. The joy of my grandfather in this career

was strong as the love of woman. It lasted him through youth and

manhood, it burned strong in age, and at the approach of death his last

yearning was to renew these loved experiences. What he felt himself he

continued to attribute to all around him. And to this supposed sentiment

in others I find him continually, almost pathetically, appealing; often

in vain.

Snared by these interests, the boy seems to have become almost at once

the eager confidant and adviser of his new connection; the Church, if he

had ever entertained the prospect very warmly, faded from his view; and

at the age of nineteen I find him already in a post of some authority,

superintending the construction of the lighthouse on the isle of Little

Cumbrae, in the Firth of Clyde. The change of aim seems to have caused

or been accompanied by a change of character. It sounds absurd to couple

the name of my grandfather with the word indolence; but the lad who had

been destined from the cradle to the Church, and who had attained the age

of fifteen without acquiring more than a moderate knowledge of Latin, was

at least no unusual student. And from the day of his charge at Little

Cumbrae he steps before us what he remained until the end, a man of the

most zealous industry, greedy of occupation, greedy of knowledge, a stern

husband of time, a reader, a writer, unflagging in his task of

self-improvement. Thenceforward his summers were spent directing works

and ruling workmen, now in uninhabited, now in half-savage islands; his

winters were set apart, first at the Andersonian Institution, then at the

University of Edinburgh to improve himself in mathematics, chemistry,

natural history, agriculture, moral philosophy, and logic; a bearded

student—although no doubt scrupulously shaved. I find one reference to

his years in class which will have a meaning for all who have studied in

Scottish Universities. He mentions a recommendation made by the

professor of logic. ‘The high-school men,’ he writes, ‘and _bearded men

like myself_, were all attention.’ If my grandfather were throughout

life a thought too studious of the art of getting on, much must be

forgiven to the bearded and belated student who looked across, with a

sense of difference, at ‘the high-school men.’ Here was a gulf to be

crossed; but already he could feel that he had made a beginning, and that

must have been a proud hour when he devoted his earliest earnings to the

repayment of the charitable foundation in which he had received the

rudiments of knowledge.

In yet another way he followed the example of his father-in-law, and from

1794 to 1807, when the affairs of the Bell Rock made it necessary for him

to resign, he served in different corps of volunteers. In the last of

these he rose to a position of distinction, no less than captain of the

Grenadier Company, and his colonel, in accepting his resignation,

entreated he would do them ‘the favour of continuing as an honorary

member of a corps which has been so much indebted for your zeal and

exertions.’

To very pious women the men of the house are apt to appear worldly. The

wife, as she puts on her new bonnet before church, is apt to sigh over

that assiduity which enabled her husband to pay the milliner’s bill. And

in the household of the Smiths and Stevensons the women were not only

extremely pious, but the men were in reality a trifle worldly. Religious

they both were; conscious, like all Scots, of the fragility and unreality

of that scene in which we play our uncomprehended parts; like all Scots,

realising daily and hourly the sense of another will than ours and a

perpetual direction in the affairs of life. But the current of their

endeavours flowed in a more obvious channel. They had got on so far; to

get on further was their next ambition—to gather wealth, to rise in

society, to leave their descendants higher than themselves, to be (in

some sense) among the founders of families. Scott was in the same town

nourishing similar dreams. But in the eyes of the women these dreams

would be foolish and idolatrous.

I have before me some volumes of old letters addressed to Mrs. Smith and

the two girls, her favourites, which depict in a strong light their

characters and the society in which they moved.

‘My very dear and much esteemed Friend,’ writes one correspondent,

‘this day being the anniversary of our acquaintance, I feel inclined

to address you; but where shall I find words to express the fealings

of a graitful _Heart_, first to the Lord who graiciously inclined you

on this day last year to notice an afflicted Strainger providentially

cast in your way far from any Earthly friend? . . . Methinks I shall

hear him say unto you, “Inasmuch as ye shewed kindness to my

afflicted handmaiden, ye did it unto me.”’

This is to Jean; but the same afflicted lady wrote indifferently to Jean,

to Janet, and to Ms. Smith, whom she calls ‘my Edinburgh mother.’ It is

plain the three were as one person, moving to acts of kindness, like the

Graces, inarmed. Too much stress must not be laid on the style of this

correspondence; Clarinda survived, not far away, and may have met the

ladies on the Calton Hill; and many of the writers appear, underneath the

conventions of the period, to be genuinely moved. But what unpleasantly

strikes a reader is, that these devout unfortunates found a revenue in

their devotion. It is everywhere the same tale; on the side of the

soft-hearted ladies, substantial acts of help; on the side of the

correspondents, affection, italics, texts, ecstasies, and imperfect

spelling. When a midwife is recommended, not at all for proficiency in

her important art, but because she has ‘a sister whom I [the

correspondent] esteem and respect, and [who] is a spiritual daughter of

my Hond Father in the Gosple,’ the mask seems to be torn off, and the

wages of godliness appear too openly. Capacity is a secondary matter in

a midwife, temper in a servant, affection in a daughter, and the

repetition of a shibboleth fulfils the law. Common decency is at times

forgot in the same page with the most sanctified advice and aspiration.

Thus I am introduced to a correspondent who appears to have been at the

time the housekeeper at Invermay, and who writes to condole with my

grandmother in a season of distress. For nearly half a sheet she keeps

to the point with an excellent discretion in language then suddenly

breaks out:

‘It was fully my intention to have left this at Martinmass, but the

Lord fixes the bounds of our habitation. I have had more need of

patience in my situation here than in any other, partly from the very

violent, unsteady, deceitful temper of the Mistress of the Family,

and also from the state of the house. It was in a train of repair

when I came here two years ago, and is still in Confusion. There is

above six Thousand Pounds’ worth of Furniture come from London to be

put up when the rooms are completely finished; and then, woe be to

the Person who is Housekeeper at Invermay!’

And by the tail of the document, which is torn, I see she goes on to ask

the bereaved family to seek her a new place. It is extraordinary that

people should have been so deceived in so careless an impostor; that a

few sprinkled ‘God willings’ should have blinded them to the essence of

this venomous letter; and that they should have been at the pains to bind

it in with others (many of them highly touching) in their memorial of

harrowing days. But the good ladies were without guile and without

suspicion; they were victims marked for the axe, and the religious

impostors snuffed up the wind as they drew near.

I have referred above to my grandmother; it was no slip of the pen: for

by an extraordinary arrangement, in which it is hard not to suspect the

managing hand of a mother, Jean Smith became the wife of Robert

Stevenson. Mrs. Smith had failed in her design to make her son a

minister, and she saw him daily more immersed in business and worldly

ambition. One thing remained that she might do: she might secure for him

a godly wife, that great means of sanctification; and she had two under

her hand, trained by herself, her dear friends and daughters both in law

and love—Jean and Janet. Jean’s complexion was extremely pale, Janet’s

was florid; my grandmother’s nose was straight, my great-aunt’s aquiline;

but by the sound of the voice, not even a son was able to distinguish one

from other. The marriage of a man of twenty-seven and a girl of twenty

who have lived for twelve years as brother and sister, is difficult to

conceive. It took place, however, and thus in 1799 the family was still

further cemented by the union of a representative of the male or worldly

element with one of the female and devout.

This essential difference remained unbridged, yet never diminished the

strength of their relation. My grandfather pursued his design of

advancing in the world with some measure of success; rose to distinction

in his calling, grew to be the familiar of members of Parliament, judges

of the Court of Session, and ‘landed gentlemen’; learned a ready address,

had a flow of interesting conversation, and when he was referred to as ‘a

highly respectable _bourgeois_,’ resented the description. My

grandmother remained to the end devout and unambitious, occupied with her

Bible, her children, and her house; easily shocked, and associating

largely with a clique of godly parasites. I do not know if she called in

the midwife already referred to; but the principle on which that lady was

recommended, she accepted fully. The cook was a godly woman, the butcher

a Christian man, and the table suffered. The scene has been often

described to me of my grandfather sawing with darkened countenance at

some indissoluble joint—‘Preserve me, my dear, what kind of a reedy,

stringy beast is this?’—of the joint removed, the pudding substituted and

uncovered; and of my grandmother’s anxious glance and hasty, deprecatory

comment, ‘Just mismanaged!’ Yet with the invincible obstinacy of soft

natures, she would adhere to the godly woman and the Christian man, or

find others of the same kidney to replace them. One of her confidants

had once a narrow escape; an unwieldy old woman, she had fallen from an

outside stair in a close of the Old Town; and my grandmother rejoiced to

communicate the providential circumstance that a baker had been passing

underneath with his bread upon his head. ‘I would like to know what kind

of providence the baker thought it!’ cried my grandfather.

But the sally must have been unique. In all else that I have heard or

read of him, so far from criticising, he was doing his utmost to honour

and even to emulate his wife’s pronounced opinions. In the only letter

which has come to my hand of Thomas Smith’s, I find him informing his

wife that he was ‘in time for afternoon church’; similar assurances or

cognate excuses abound in the correspondence of Robert Stevenson; and it

is comical and pretty to see the two generations paying the same court to

a female piety more highly strung: Thomas Smith to the mother of Robert

Stevenson—Robert Stevenson to the daughter of Thomas Smith. And if for

once my grandfather suffered himself to be hurried, by his sense of

humour and justice, into that remark about the case of Providence and the

Baker, I should be sorry for any of his children who should have stumbled

into the same attitude of criticism. In the apocalyptic style of the

housekeeper of Invermay, woe be to that person! But there was no fear;

husband and sons all entertained for the pious, tender soul the same

chivalrous and moved affection. I have spoken with one who remembered

her, and who had been the intimate and equal of her sons, and I found

this witness had been struck, as I had been, with a sense of

disproportion between the warmth of the adoration felt and the nature of

the woman, whether as described or observed. She diligently read and

marked her Bible; she was a tender nurse; she had a sense of humour under

strong control; she talked and found some amusement at her (or rather at

her husband’s) dinner-parties. It is conceivable that even my

grandmother was amenable to the seductions of dress; at least, I find her

husband inquiring anxiously about ‘the gowns from Glasgow,’ and very

careful to describe the toilet of the Princess Charlotte, whom he had

seen in church ‘in a Pelisse and Bonnet of the same colour of cloth as

the Boys’ Dress jackets, trimmed with blue satin ribbons; the hat or

Bonnet, Mr. Spittal said, was a Parisian slouch, and had a plume of three

white feathers.’ But all this leaves a blank impression, and it is

rather by reading backward in these old musty letters, which have moved

me now to laughter and now to impatience, that I glean occasional

glimpses of how she seemed to her contemporaries, and trace (at work in

her queer world of godly and grateful parasites) a mobile and responsive

nature. Fashion moulds us, and particularly women, deeper than we

sometimes think; but a little while ago, and, in some circles, women

stood or fell by the degree of their appreciation of old pictures; in the

early years of the century (and surely with more reason) a character like

that of my grandmother warmed, charmed, and subdued, like a strain of

music, the hearts of the men of her own household. And there is little

doubt that Mrs. Smith, as she looked on at the domestic life of her son

and her stepdaughter, and numbered the heads in their increasing nursery,

must have breathed fervent thanks to her Creator.

Yet this was to be a family unusually tried; it was not for nothing that

one of the godly women saluted Miss Janet Smith as ‘a veteran in

affliction’; and they were all before middle life experienced in that

form of service. By the 1st of January 1808, besides a pair of

still-born twins, children had been born and still survived to the young

couple. By the 11th two were gone; by the 28th a third had followed, and

the two others were still in danger. In the letters of a former

nurserymaid—I give her name, Jean Mitchell, _honoris causa_—we are

enabled to feel, even at this distance of time, some of the bitterness of

that month of bereavement.

‘I have this day received,’ she writes to Miss Janet, ‘the melancholy

news of my dear babys’ deaths. My heart is like to break for my dear

Mrs. Stevenson. O may she be supported on this trying occasion! I

hope her other three babys will be spared to her. O, Miss Smith, did

I think when I parted from my sweet babys that I never was to see

them more?’ ‘I received,’ she begins her next, ‘the mournful news of

my dear Jessie’s death. I also received the hair of my three sweet

babys, which I will preserve as dear to their memorys and as a token

of Mr. and Mrs. Stevenson’s friendship and esteem. At my leisure

hours, when the children are in bed, they occupy all my thoughts, I

dream of them. About two weeks ago I dreamed that my sweet little

Jessie came running to me in her usual way, and I took her in my

arms. O my dear babys, were mortal eyes permitted to see them in

heaven, we would not repine nor grieve for their loss.’

By the 29th of February, the Reverend John Campbell, a man of obvious

sense and human value, but hateful to the present biographer, because he

wrote so many letters and conveyed so little information, summed up this

first period of affliction in a letter to Miss Smith: ‘Your dear sister

but a little while ago had a full nursery, and the dear blooming

creatures sitting around her table filled her breast with hope that one

day they should fill active stations in society and become an ornament in

the Church below. But ah!’

Near a hundred years ago these little creatures ceased to be, and for not

much less a period the tears have been dried. And to this day, looking

in these stitched sheaves of letters, we hear the sound of many

soft-hearted women sobbing for the lost. Never was such a massacre of

the innocents; teething and chincough and scarlet fever and smallpox ran

the round; and little Lillies, and Smiths, and Stevensons fell like moths

about a candle; and nearly all the sympathetic correspondents deplore and

recall the little losses of their own. ‘It is impossible to describe the

Heavnly looks of the Dear Babe the three last days of his life,’ writes

Mrs. Laurie to Mrs. Smith. ‘Never—never, my dear aunt, could I wish to

eface the rememberance of this Dear Child. Never, never, my dear aunt!’

And so soon the memory of the dead and the dust of the survivors are

buried in one grave.

There was another death in 1812; it passes almost unremarked; a single

funeral seemed but a small event to these ‘veterans in affliction’; and

by 1816 the nursery was full again. Seven little hopefuls enlivened the

house; some were growing up; to the elder girl my grandfather already

wrote notes in current hand at the tail of his letters to his wife: and

to the elder boys he had begun to print, with laborious care, sheets of

childish gossip and pedantic applications. Here, for instance, under

date of 26th May 1816, is part of a mythological account of London, with

a moral for the three gentlemen, ‘Messieurs Alan, Robert, and James

Stevenson,’ to whom the document is addressed:

‘There are many prisons here like Bridewell, for, like other large

towns, there are many bad men here as well as many good men. The

natives of London are in general not so tall and strong as the people

of Edinburgh, because they have not so much pure air, and instead of

taking porridge they eat cakes made with sugar and plums. Here you

have thousands of carts to draw timber, thousands of coaches to take

you to all parts of the town, and thousands of boats to sail on the

river Thames. But you must have money to pay, otherwise you can get

nothing. Now the way to get money is, become clever men and men of

education, by being good scholars.’

From the same absence, he writes to his wife on a Sunday:

‘It is now about eight o’clock with me, and I imagine you to be busy

with the young folks, hearing the questions [_Anglicé_, catechism],

and indulging the boys with a chapter from the large Bible, with

their interrogations and your answers in the soundest doctrine. I

hope James is getting his verse as usual, and that Mary is not

forgetting her little _hymn_. While Jeannie will be reading

Wotherspoon, or some other suitable and instructive book, I presume

our friend, Aunt Mary, will have just arrived with the news of _a

throng kirk_ [a crowded church] and a great sermon. You may mention,

with my compliments to my mother, that I was at St. Paul’s to-day,

and attended a very excellent service with Mr. James Lawrie. The

text was “Examine and see that ye be in the faith.”’

A twinkle of humour lights up this evocation of the distant scene—the

humour of happy men and happy homes. Yet it is penned upon the threshold

of fresh sorrow. James and Mary—he of the verse and she of the hymn—did

not much more than survive to welcome their returning father. On the

25th, one of the godly women writes to Janet:

‘My dearest beloved madam, when I last parted from you, you was so

affected with your affliction [you? or I?] could think of nothing

else. But on Saturday, when I went to inquire after your health, how

was I startled to hear that dear James was gone! Ah, what is this?

My dear benefactors, doing so much good to many, to the Lord,

suddenly to be deprived of their most valued comforts! I was thrown

into great perplexity, could do nothing but murmur, why these things

were done to such a family. I could not rest, but at midnight,

whether spoken [or not] it was presented to my mind—“Those whom ye

deplore are walking with me in white.” I conclude from this the Lord

saying to sweet Mrs. Stevenson: “I gave them to be brought up for me:

well done, good and faithful! they are fully prepared, and now I must

present them to my father and your father, to my God and your God.”’

It would be hard to lay on flattery with a more sure and daring hand. I

quote it as a model of a letter of condolence; be sure it would console.

Very different, perhaps quite as welcome, is this from a lighthouse

inspector to my grandfather:

‘In reading your letter the trickling tear ran down ray cheeks in

silent sorrow for your departed dear ones, my sweet little friends.

Well do I remember, and you will call to mind, their little innocent

and interesting stories. Often have they come round me and taken me

by the hand, but alas! I am no more destined to behold them.’

The child who is taken becomes canonised, and the looks of the homeliest

babe seem in the retrospect ‘heavenly the three last days of his life.’

But it appears that James and Mary had indeed been children more than

usually engaging; a record was preserved a long while in the family of

their remarks and ‘little innocent and interesting stories,’ and the blow

and the blank were the more sensible.

Early the next month Robert Stevenson must proceed upon his voyage of

inspection, part by land, part by sea. He left his wife plunged in low

spirits; the thought of his loss, and still more of her concern, was

continually present in his mind, and he draws in his letters home an

interesting picture of his family relations:

‘_Windygates Inn_, _Monday_ (_Postmark July_ 16_th_)

‘MY DEAREST JEANNIE,—While the people of the inn are getting me a

little bit of something to eat, I sit down to tell you that I had a

most excellent passage across the water, and got to Wemyss at

mid-day. I hope the children will be very good, and that Robert will

take a course with you to learn his Latin lessons daily; he may,

however, read English in company. Let them have strawberries on

Saturdays.’

‘_Westhaven_, 17_th_ _July_.

‘I have been occupied to-day at the harbour of Newport, opposite

Dundee, and am this far on my way to Arbroath. You may tell the boys

that I slept last night in Mr. Steadman’s tent. I found my bed

rather hard, but the lodgings were otherwise extremely comfortable.

The encampment is on the Fife side of the Tay, immediately opposite

to Dundee. From the door of the tent you command the most beautiful

view of the Firth, both up and down, to a great extent. At night all

was serene and still, the sky presented the most beautiful appearance

of bright stars, and the morning was ushered in with the song of many

little birds.’

‘_Aberdeen_, _July_ 19_th_.

‘I hope, my dear, that you are going out of doors regularly and

taking much exercise. I would have you to _make the markets

daily_—and by all means to take a seat in the coach once or twice in

the week and see what is going on in town. [The family were at the

sea-side.] It will be good not to be too great a stranger to the

house. It will be rather painful at first, but as it is to be done,

I would have you not to be too strange to the house in town.

‘Tell the boys that I fell in with a soldier—his name is

Henderson—who was twelve years with Lord Wellington and other

commanders. He returned very lately with only eightpence-halfpenny

in his pocket, and found his father and mother both in life, though

they had never heard from him, nor he from them. He carried my

great-coat and umbrella a few miles.’

‘_Fraserburgh_, _July_ 20_th_.

‘Fraserburgh is the same dull place which [Auntie] Mary and Jeannie

found it. As I am travelling along the coast which they are

acquainted with, you had better cause Robert bring down the map from

Edinburgh; and it will be a good exercise in geography for the young

folks to trace my course. I hope they have entered upon the writing.

The library will afford abundance of excellent books, which I wish

you would employ a little. I hope you are doing me the favour to go

much out with the boys, which will do you much good and prevent them

from getting so very much overheated.’

[_To the Boys—Printed_.]

‘When I had last the pleasure of writing to you, your dear little

brother James and your sweet little sister Mary were still with us.

But it has pleased God to remove them to another and a better world,

and we must submit to the will of Providence. I must, however,

request of you to think sometimes upon them, and to be very careful

not to do anything that will displease or vex your mother. It is

therefore proper that you do not roamp [Scottish indeed] too much

about, and that you learn your lessons.’

‘I went to Fraserburgh and visited Kinnaird Head Lighthouse, which I

found in good order. All this time I travelled upon good roads, and

paid many a toll-man by the way; but from Fraserburgh to Banff there

is no toll-bars, and the road is so bad that I had to walk up and

down many a hill, and for want of bridges the horses had to drag the

chaise up to the middle of the wheels in water. At Banff I saw a

large ship of 300 tons lying on the sands upon her beam-ends, and a

wreck for want of a good harbour. Captain Wilson—to whom I beg my

compliments—will show you a ship of 300 tons. At the towns of

Macduff, Banff, and Portsoy, many of the houses are built of marble,

and the rocks on this part of the coast or sea-side are marble. But,

my dear Boys, unless marble be polished and dressed, it is a very

coarse-looking stone, and has no more beauty than common rock. As a

proof of this, ask the favour of your mother to take you to Thomson’s

Marble Works in South Leith, and you will see marble in all its

stages, and perhaps you may there find Portsoy marble! The use I

wish to make of this is to tell you that, without education, a man is

just like a block of rough, unpolished marble. Notice, in proof of

this, how much Mr. Neill and Mr. M’Gregor [the tutor] know, and

observe how little a man knows who is not a good scholar. On my way

to Fochabers I passed through many thousand acres of Fir timber, and

saw many deer running in these woods.’

[_To Mrs. Stevenson_.]

‘_Inverness_, _July_ 21_st_.

‘I propose going to church in the afternoon, and as I have

breakfasted late, I shall afterwards take a walk, and dine about six

o’clock. I do not know who is the clergyman here, but I shall think

of you all. I travelled in the mail-coach [from Banff] almost alone.

While it was daylight I kept the top, and the passing along a country

I had never before seen was a considerable amusement. But, my dear,

you are all much in my thoughts, and many are the objects which

recall the recollection of our tender and engaging children we have

so recently lost. We must not, however, repine. I could not for a

moment wish any change of circumstances in their case; and in every

comparative view of their state, I see the Lord’s goodness in

removing them from an evil world to an abode of bliss; and I must

earnestly hope that you may be enabled to take such a view of this

affliction as to live in the happy prospect of our all meeting again

to part no more—and that under such considerations you are getting up

your spirits. I wish you would walk about, and by all means go to

town, and do not sit much at home.’

‘_Inverness_, _July_ 23_rd_.

‘I am duly favoured with your much-valued letter, and I am happy to

find that you are so much with my mother, because that sort of

variety has a tendency to occupy the mind, and to keep it from

brooding too much upon one subject. Sensibility and tenderness are

certainly two of the most interesting and pleasing qualities of the

mind. These qualities are also none of the least of the many

endearingments of the female character. But if that kind of sympathy

and pleasing melancholy, which is familiar to us under distress, be

much indulged, it becomes habitual, and takes such a hold of the mind

as to absorb all the other affections, and unfit us for the duties

and proper enjoyments of life. Resignation sinks into a kind of

peevish discontent. I am far, however, from thinking there is the

least danger of this in your case, my dear; for you have been on all

occasions enabled to look upon the fortunes of this life as under the

direction of a higher power, and have always preserved that propriety

and consistency of conduct in all circumstances which endears your

example to your family in particular, and to your friends. I am

therefore, my dear, for you to go out much, and to go to the house

up-stairs [he means to go up-stairs in the house, to visit the place

of the dead children], and to put yourself in the way of the visits

of your friends. I wish you would call on the Miss Grays, and it

would be a good thing upon a Saturday to dine with my mother, and

take Meggy and all the family with you, and let them have their

strawberries in town. The tickets of one of the _old-fashioned

coaches_ would take you all up, and if the evening were good, they

could all walk down, excepting Meggy and little David.’

‘_Inverness_, _July_ 25_th_, 11 _p.m._

‘Captain Wemyss, of Wemyss, has come to Inverness to go the voyage

with me, and as we are sleeping in a double-bedded room, I must no

longer transgress. You must remember me the best way you can to the

children.’

‘_On board of the Lighthouse Yacht_, _July_ 29_th_.

‘I got to Cromarty yesterday about mid-day, and went to church. It

happened to be the sacrament there, and I heard a Mr. Smith at that

place conclude the service with a very suitable exhortation. There

seemed a great concourse of people, but they had rather an

unfortunate day for them at the tent, as it rained a good deal.

After drinking tea at the inn, Captain Wemyss accompanied me on

board, and we sailed about eight last night. The wind at present

being rather a beating one, I think I shall have an opportunity of

standing into the bay of Wick, and leaving this letter to let you

know my progress and that I am well.’

‘_Lighthouse Yacht_, _Stornoway_, _August_ 4_th_.

‘To-day we had prayers on deck as usual when at sea. I read the 14th

chapter, I think, of Job. Captain Wemyss has been in the habit of

doing this on board his own ship, agreeably to the Articles of War.

Our passage round the Cape [Cape Wrath] was rather a cross one, and

as the wind was northerly, we had a pretty heavy sea, but upon the

whole have made a good passage, leaving many vessels behind us in

Orkney. I am quite well, my dear; and Captain Wemyss, who has much

spirit, and who is much given to observation, and a perfect

enthusiast in his profession, enlivens the voyage greatly. Let me

entreat you to move about much, and take a walk with the boys to

Leith. I think they have still many places to see there, and I wish

you would indulge them in this respect. Mr. Scales is the best

person I know for showing them the sailcloth-weaving, etc., and he

would have great pleasure in undertaking this. My dear, I trust soon

to be with you, and that through the goodness of God we shall meet

all well.’

‘There are two vessels lying here with emigrants for America, each

with eighty people on board, at all ages, from a few days to upwards

of sixty! Their prospects must be very forlorn to go with a slender

purse for distant and unknown countries.’

‘_Lighthouse Yacht_, _off Greenock_, _Aug._ 18_th_.

‘It was after _church-time_ before we got here, but we had prayers

upon deck on the way up the Clyde. This has, upon the whole, been a

very good voyage, and Captain Wemyss, who enjoys it much, has been an

excellent companion; we met with pleasure, and shall part with

regret.’

Strange that, after his long experience, my grandfather should have

learned so little of the attitude and even the dialect of the

spiritually-minded; that after forty-four years in a most religious

circle, he could drop without sense of incongruity from a period of

accepted phrases to ‘trust his wife was _getting up her spirits_,’ or

think to reassure her as to the character of Captain Wemyss by mentioning

that he had read prayers on the deck of his frigate ‘_agreeably to the

Articles of War_’! Yet there is no doubt—and it is one of the most

agreeable features of the kindly series—that he was doing his best to

please, and there is little doubt that he succeeded. Almost all my

grandfather’s private letters have been destroyed. This correspondence

has not only been preserved entire, but stitched up in the same covers

with the works of the godly women, the Reverend John Campbell, and the

painful Mrs. Ogle. I did not think to mention the good dame, but she

comes in usefully as an example. Amongst the treasures of the ladies of

my family, her letters have been honoured with a volume to themselves. I

read about a half of them myself; then handed over the task to one of

stauncher resolution, with orders to communicate any fact that should be

found to illuminate these pages. Not one was found; it was her only art

to communicate by post second-rate sermons at second-hand; and such, I

take it, was the correspondence in which my grandmother delighted. If I

am right, that of Robert Stevenson, with his quaint smack of the

contemporary ‘Sandford and Merton,’ his interest in the whole page of

experience, his perpetual quest, and fine scent of all that seems

romantic to a boy, his needless pomp of language, his excellent good

sense, his unfeigned, unstained, unwearied human kindliness, would seem

to her, in a comparison, dry and trivial and worldly. And if these

letters were by an exception cherished and preserved, it would be for one

or both of two reasons—because they dealt with and were bitter-sweet

reminders of a time of sorrow; or because she was pleased, perhaps

touched, by the writer’s guileless efforts to seem spiritually-minded.

After this date there were two more births and two more deaths, so that

the number of the family remained unchanged; in all five children

survived to reach maturity and to outlive their parents.

Records of a Family of Engineers · 第 1 / 5 章