CHAPTER XXXII.

THE REIGN OF TERROR.

Charges against the Girondists.--Danton.--The French Embassador

ordered to leave England.--War declared against England.--Navy of

England.--Internal War.--Plot to assassinate the Girondists.--Bold

Words of Vergniaud.--Insurrection in La Vendée.--Conflict between

Dumouriez and the Assembly.--Flight of Dumouriez.--The Mob aroused

and the Girondists arrested.--Charlotte Corday.--France rises _en

masse_ to repel the Allies.--The treasonable Surrender of Toulon.

The execution of the king roused all Europe against republican France.

The Jacobins had gained a decisive victory over the Girondists, and

succeeded in turning popular hatred against them by accusing them of

being enemies of the people, because they opposed the excesses of the

mob; of being the friends of royalty, because they had wished to save

the life of the king; and of being hostile to the republic, because

they advocated measures of moderation.[389]

Danton was now the acknowledged leader of the Jacobins. He had obtained

the entire control of the mob of Paris, and could guide their terrible

and resistless energies in any direction. With this potent weapon in

his hand he was omnipotent, and his political adversaries were at his

mercy. The Reign of Terror had now commenced. The Girondists made a

heroic attempt to bring to justice the assassins of September, but the

Jacobins promptly stopped the proceedings.

The aristocracy of birth was now effectually crushed, and the Jacobins

commenced a warfare against the aristocracy of wealth and character.

An elegant mansion, garments of fine cloth, and even polished manners,

exposed one to the charge of being an aristocrat, and turned against

him the insults of the rabble. Marat was particularly fierce, in his

journal, against the aristocracy of the burghers, merchants, and

statesmen.

Upon the arrival of the courier in London conveying intelligence of the

execution of the king, M. Chauvelin, the French embassador, was ordered

to leave England within twenty-four hours.

"After events," said Pitt, "on which the imagination can only dwell

with horror, and since an infernal faction has seized on the supreme

power in France, we could no longer tolerate the presence of M.

Chauvelin, who has left no means untried to induce the people to rise

against the government and the laws of this country."

The National Convention at once declared war against England.[390]

Pitt, with almost superhuman energy, mustered the forces of England

and Europe for the strife. In less than six months England had entered

into a treaty of alliance with Russia, Prussia, Austria, Naples,

Spain, and Portugal, for the prosecution of the war; and had also

entered into treaties by which she promised large subsidies to Hesse

Cassel, Sardinia, and Baden. England thus became the soul of this

coalition, which combined the whole of Europe, with the exception of

Venice, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, and Turkey, against France.

These combined armies were to assail the Republic by land, while the

invincible fleet of England was to hurl a storm of shot and shells into

all her maritime towns.

France, at this time, had but one hundred and fifty-nine vessels of

war all told. England had four hundred and fifteen, and her ally,

Holland, one hundred. Most of these were large ships, heavily armed;

and, consequently, England had but little fear that any French armies

could reach her isles.[391] Parliament voted an extraordinary supply

of £3,200,000 ($16,000,000). One hundred and thirty-one thousand

Austrians, one hundred and twelve thousand Prussians, and fifty

thousand Spaniards were speedily on the march to assail France at every

point on the frontier.[392]

The Royalists in La Vendée rose in arms against the Republic, and

unfurled the white banner of the Bourbons. France was now threatened

more fearfully than ever before with external and internal war. The

Convention, controlled by the Jacobins and appalled by the danger,

decreed a levy of three hundred thousand men to repel the assailants,

and also organized an extraordinary revolutionary tribunal, invested

with unlimited powers to arrest, judge, and punish any whom they should

deem dangerous to the Republic. Violence filled the land, terror

reigned every where, and even Robespierre was heard to exclaim, "I am

sick of the Revolution."

Dumouriez had driven the Austrians out of Belgium and the Netherlands,

and was at the head of an army of about seventy-five thousand men.

Disgusted with the anarchy which reigned in France, he formed the bold

design of marching upon Paris with his army, dispersing the Convention,

abolishing the Republic, reinstituting a constitutional monarchy by

establishing the Constitution of 1791, and by placing a king, probably

the son of the Duke of Orleans, subsequently Louis Philippe, upon the

throne. The Jacobins, goaded by these accumulating dangers--all Europe

assailing France from without, and Royalists plotting within--were

prepared for any measures of desperation. The Girondists, with

unavailing heroism, opposed the frantic measures of popular violence,

and the Jacobins resolved to get rid of them all by a decisive blow.

The assassins of September were ready to ply the dagger, under the

plea that murder was patriotism. A plan was formed to strike them all

down, in the Convention, on the night of the 10th of March. But the

Girondists, informed of the plot, absented themselves from the meeting

and the enterprise failed. The bold spirit of the Girondists was avowed

in the words of Vergniaud:

"We have witnessed," said he, "the development of that strange system

of liberty in which we are told 'You are free, but think with us, or we

will denounce you to the vengeance of the people; you are free, but

bow down your head to the idol we worship, or we will denounce you to

the vengeance of the people; you are free, but join us in persecuting

the men whose probity and intelligence we dread, or we will denounce

you to the vengeance of the people.' Citizens! we have reason to

fear that the Revolution, like Saturn, will devour successively all

its children, and only engender despotism and the calamities which

accompany it."

The Province of La Vendée contained a population of about three hundred

thousand. It was a rural district where there was no middle class. The

priests and the nobles had the unlettered peasantry entirely under

their influence. Three armies were raised here against the Republic, of

about twelve thousand each. Royalists from various parts of the empire

flocked to this region, and emigrants were landed upon the coast to

join the insurgents. For three years a most cruel and bloody war was

here waged between the Royalists and the Republicans.

The intelligence of this formidable insurrection increased the panic

of the Convention. A law was passed disarming all who had belonged to

the privileged class, and declaring those to be outlaws who should be

found in any hostile gathering against the Republic. The emigrants

were forbidden to land in France under the penalty of death. Every

house in the kingdom was to inscribe upon its door the names of all its

inmates, and was to be open at all times to the visits of the Vigilance

Committee.

Dumouriez sullied his character by surrendering to the Austrians

several fortresses, and agreeing with them that he would march upon

Paris and restore a monarchical government to France. The Austrians

trusted that he would place upon the throne the young son of Louis

XVI., though it was doubtless his intention to place there the young

Duke of Chartres (Louis Philippe), who would be the representative of

popular ideas.

The Jacobin Club sent a deputation of three of its members to the

camp, to sound the views of Dumouriez. The general received them with

courtesy, but said, with military frankness,

"The Convention is an assembly of tyrants. While I have three inches of

steel by my side that monster shall not exist. As for the Republic, it

is an idle word. I had faith in it for three days. There is only one

way to save the country; that is, to re-establish the Constitution of

1791 and a king."

"Can you think of it!" one of the deputation exclaimed; "the French

view royalty with horror. The very name of Louis is an abomination."

"What does it signify," replied Dumouriez, "whether the king be called

Louis, or Jacques, or Philippe?"

"And what are your means to effect this revolution?" they inquired.

"My army," Dumouriez proudly replied. "From my camp or from the

stronghold of some fortress they will express their resolve for a king."

"But your plan will peril the lives of the rest of the royal family in

the Temple."

"If every member of that family in France or at Coblentz should

perish," Dumouriez replied, "I can still find a chief. And if any

farther barbarities are practiced upon the Bourbons in the Temple

I will surround Paris with my army and starve the Parisians into

subjection."

The deputation returned to Paris with their report, and four

commissioners were immediately dispatched, accompanied by the Minister

of War, to summon Dumouriez to the bar of the Convention. Dumouriez

promptly arrested the commissioners and sent them off to the Austrians,

to be retained by them as hostages.

[Illustration: DUMOURIEZ ARRESTING THE ENVOYS.]

The Convention immediately offered a reward for the head of Dumouriez,

raised an army of forty thousand men to defend Paris, and arrested all

the relatives of the officers under Dumouriez as hostages.

Dumouriez now found that he had not a moment to lose. Perils were

accumulating thick around him. There were many indications that it

might be difficult to carry the army over to his views. On the 4th of

April, as he was repairing to a place of rendezvous with the Austrian

leaders, the Prince of Coburg and General Mack, a battalion of

soldiers, suspecting treachery, endeavored to stop him. He put spurs

to his horse and distanced pursuit, while a storm of bullets whistled

around his head. He succeeded, after innumerable perils, in the

circuitous ride of a whole day, in reaching the head-quarters of the

Austrians. They received him with great distinction, and offered him

the command of a division of their army. After two days' reflection, he

said that it was with the soldiers of France he had hoped to restore

a stable government to his country, accepting the Austrians only as

auxiliaries; but that as a Frenchman he could not march against France

at the head of foreigners. He retired to Switzerland. The Duke of

Chartres (Louis Philippe), in friendlessness and poverty, followed him,

and for some time was obliged to obtain a support by teaching school.

The Jacobins now accused their formidable rivals, the Girondists,

of being implicated in the conspiracy of Dumouriez. Robespierre, in

a speech of the most concentrated and potent malignity, urged that

France had relieved herself of the aristocracy of birth, but that

there was another aristocracy, that of wealth, equally to be dreaded,

which must be crushed, and that the Girondists were the leaders

of this aristocracy. This was most effectually pandering to the

passions of the mob, and directing their fury against the Girondists.

The Girondists were now in a state of terrible alarm. They knew the

malignity of their foes, and could see but little hope for escape.

They had overturned the throne of despotism, hoping to establish

constitutional liberty: they had only introduced Jacobin phrensy and

anarchy. Immense crowds of armed men paraded the streets of Paris,

surrounded the Convention, and demanded vengeance against the leaders

of the Gironde.[393]

The moderate Republicans, enemies of these acts of violence, striving

to stem the torrent, endeavored to carry an act of accusation against

Marat. He was charged with having encouraged assassination and carnage,

of dissolving the National Convention, and of having established a

power destructive of liberty.

Marat replied to the accusation by summoning the mob to his aid. They

assembled in vast, tumultuous throngs, and the tribunal, overawed,

after the trial of a few moments, unanimously acquitted him. This was

the 24th of April. The mob accompanied him back to his seat in the

Convention. He was borne in triumph into the hall in the arms of his

confederates, his brow encircled by a wreath of victory.

"Citizen President," shouted one of the burly men who bore Marat, "we

bring you the worthy Marat. Marat has always been the friend of the

people, and the people will always be the friends of Marat. If Marat's

head must fall, our heads must fall first."

As he uttered these words he brandished a battle-axe defiantly, and

the mob in the aisles and crowded galleries vehemently applauded. He

then demanded permission for the escort to file through the hall. The

president, appalled by the hideous spectacle, had not time to give his

consent before the whole throng, men, women, and boys, in rags and

filth, rushed pell-mell into the hall, took the seats of the vacant

members, and filled the room with indescribable tumult and uproar,

shouting hosannas to Marat. The successful demagogue could not but

boast of his triumph. Ascending the tribune, he said,

"Citizens! indignant at seeing a villainous faction betraying the

Republic, I endeavored to unmask it and to _put the rope about its

neck_. It resisted me by launching against me a decree of accusation. I

have come off victorious. The faction is humbled, but not crushed.

Waste not your time in decreeing triumphs. Defend yourselves with

enthusiasm."

[Illustration: MARAT'S TRIUMPH.]

Robespierre now demanded an act of accusation against the Girondists.

Resistance was hopeless. The inundation of popular fury was at its

flood, sweeping every thing before it. The most frightful scenes of

tumult took place in the Convention, members endeavoring by violence to

pull each other from the tribune.[394]

The whole Convention was now in a state of dismay, eighty thousand

infuriate men surrounding it with artillery and musketry, declaring

that the Convention should not leave its hall until the Girondists

were arrested. The Convention, in a body, attempted to leave and force

its way through the crowd, but it was ignominiously driven back. Under

these circumstances it was voted that the leaders of the Girondists,

twenty-two in number, should be put under arrest. This was the 2d of

June, 1793.[395]

The Jacobins, having thus got rid of their enemies, and having the

entire control, immediately decided to adopt a new Constitution, still

more democratic in its character; and a committee was appointed to

present one within a week. But the same division which existed in the

Convention between the Jacobins and the Girondists existed all over

France. In many of the departments fierce battles rose between the two

parties.

In the mean time the Allies were pressing France in all directions. The

Austrians and Prussians were advancing upon the north; the Piedmontese

threading the passes of the maritime Alps; the Spaniards were prepared

to rush from the defiles of the Pyrenees, and the fleet of England

threatened every where the coast of France on the Mediterranean and the

Channel.[396]

With amazing energy the Convention aroused itself to meet these perils.

A new Constitution, exceedingly democratic, was framed and adopted.

Every Frenchman twenty-one years of age was a voter. Fifty thousand

souls were entitled to a deputy. There was but a single Assembly. Its

decrees were immediately carried into execution.[397]

Danton, Robespierre, and Marat were now the idols of the mob of Paris

and the real sovereigns of France. All who ventured opposition to them

were proscribed and imprisoned. Members of the Republican or Girondist

party every where, all over France, were arrested, or, where they were

sufficiently numerous to resist, civil war raged.

At Caen there was a very beautiful girl, Charlotte Corday, twenty-five

years of age, highly educated and accomplished. She was of spotless

purity of character, and, with the enthusiasm of Madame Roland, she had

espoused the cause of popular constitutional liberty. The principles

of the Girondist party she had embraced, and the noble leaders of that

party she regarded almost with adoration.

When she heard of the overthrow of the Girondists and their

imprisonment, she resolved to avenge them, and hoped that, by striking

down the leader of the Jacobins, she might rouse the Girondists

scattered over France to rally and rescue liberty and their country. It

was a three days' ride in the diligence from Caen to Paris. Arriving at

Paris on Thursday the 11th of July, she carefully inspected the state

of affairs, that she might select her victim, but confided her design

to no one.

Marat appeared to her the most active, formidable, and insatiable in

his proscription. She wrote him a note as follows:

"Citizen: I have just arrived from Caen. Your love for your country

inclines me to suppose you will listen with pleasure to the secret

events of that part of the Republic. I will present myself at your

house. Have the goodness to give orders for my admission, and grant me

a moment's private conversation. I can point out the means by which you

can render an important service to France."

She dispatched this note from her hotel, the Inn de la Providence in

the Rue des Vieux Augustins, went to the Palais Royal and purchased a

large sheath knife, and, taking a hackney-coach, drove to the residence

of Marat, No. 44 Rue de l'Ecole de Médecine. It was Saturday night.

Marat was taking a bath and reading by a light which stood upon a

three-footed stool. He heard the rap of Charlotte, and called aloud to

the woman who, as servant and mistress, attended him, and requested

that she might be admitted.

Marat was a man of the most restless activity. Eagerly he inquired

respecting the proscribed at Caen and of others who were opposed to

Jacobin rule. Charlotte, while replying coolly, measured with her eye

the spot she should strike with the knife. As she mentioned some names,

he eagerly seized a pencil and began to write them down, saying,

"They shall all go to the guillotine."

"To the guillotine?" exclaimed Charlotte, and, instantly drawing the

knife from her bosom, plunged it to the handle directly in his heart.

The miserable man uttered one frantic shriek of "Help!" and fell back

dead into the water. The paramour of Marat and a serving-man rushed in,

knocked Charlotte down with a chair, and trampled upon her. A crowd

soon assembled. Without the slightest perturbation she avowed the

deed. Her youth and beauty alone saved her from being torn in pieces.

Soldiers soon arrived and conveyed her to prison.

"The way to avenge Marat," exclaimed Robespierre from the tribune in

tones which caused France to tremble, "is to strike down his enemies

without mercy."

The remains of the wretched man, whom all the world now execrates,

were buried with the highest possible honors. His funeral at midnight,

as all Paris seemed to follow him to his grave in a torch-light

procession, was one of the most imposing scenes of the Revolution.

On Wednesday morning Charlotte was led to the Revolutionary Tribunal

in the Palace of Justice. She appeared there dignified, calm, and

beautiful. The indictment was read, and they were beginning to

introduce their witnesses, when Charlotte said,

"These delays are needless. It is I that killed Marat."

There was a moment's pause, and many deplored the doom of one so

youthful and lovely. At last the president inquired, "By whose

instigation?"

"By that of no one," was the laconic reply.

"What tempted you?" inquired the president.

"His crimes," Charlotte answered; and then, continuing in tones of

firmness and intensity which silenced and overawed all present, she

said,

"I killed one man, to save a hundred thousand; a villain, to save the

innocent; a savage wild beast, to give repose to my country. I was a

Republican before the Revolution. I never wanted energy."[398]

[Illustration: CHARLOTTE CORDAY ARRESTED.]

She listened to her doom of immediate death with a smile, and was

conducted back to the prison, to be led from thence to the guillotine.

A little after seven o'clock on this same evening a cart issued from

the Conciergerie, bearing Charlotte, in the red robe of a murderess,

to the guillotine. A vast throng crowded the streets, most of whom

assailed her with howls and execrations. She looked upon them with a

serene smile, as if she were riding on an excursion of pleasure. She

was bound to the plank. The glittering axe glided through the grove,

and the executioner, lifting her severed head, exhibited it to the

people, and then brutally struck the cheek.

Robespierre and Danton, the idols of the mob, now divided the supreme

power between them. The organization of a revolutionary government was

simply the machine by means of which they operated.

On the 10th of August there was another magnificent festival in Paris

to commemorate the adoption of the Jacobin Constitution. The celebrated

painter David arranged the fête with great artistic skill, and again

all Paris, though on the verge of ruin, was in a blaze of illumination

and in a roar of triumph. The Austrian armies were now within fifteen

days' march of Paris, and there was no organized force which could

effectually arrest their progress. But the fear of the old Bourbon

despotism rallied the masses to maintain, in preference, even the

horrors of Jacobin ferocity. The aristocrats crushed the _people_; the

Jacobins crushed the _aristocrats_. The populace naturally preferred

the latter rule.

And now France rose, as a nation never rose before. At the motion of

Danton it was decreed on the 23rd of August,

"From this moment until when the enemy shall be driven from the

territory of the French Republic, _all the French_ shall be in

permanent requisition for the service of the armies. The young men

shall go forth to fight. The married men shall forge the arms and

transport the supplies. The women shall make tents and clothes, and

attend on the hospitals. The children shall make lint out of rags; the

old men shall cause themselves to be carried to the public places, to

excite the courage of the warriors, to preach hatred of kings and love

of the Republic."

[Illustration: MARCH OF VOLUNTEERS.]

All unmarried men or widowers without children, between the ages of

eighteen and twenty-five, were to assemble at appointed rendezvous and

march immediately. This act raised an army of one million two hundred

thousand men. The men between twenty-five and thirty were to hold

themselves in readiness to follow. And those between thirty and sixty

were to be prepared to obey orders whenever they should be summoned to

the field. There is sublimity, at least, in such energy.

All France was instantly converted into a camp, resounding with

preparations for war. In La Vendée the friends of the Bourbons had

rallied. The Convention decreed its utter destruction, the death of

every man, conflagration of the dwellings, destruction of the crops,

and the removal of the women and children to some other province, where

they should be supported at the expense of the government. It was

sternly resolved that no mercy whatever should be shown to Frenchmen

who were co-operating with foreigners to rivet anew upon France the

chains of Bourbon despotism. These decrees were executed with merciless

fidelity. The illustrious Carnot, who, to use his own words, "had the

ambition of the three hundred Spartans, going to defend Thermopylæ,"

organized and disciplined fourteen armies, and selected for them able

leaders.

[Illustration: EXECUTION IN LA VENDÉE.]

While matters were in this condition, the inhabitants of Marseilles,

Lyons, and Toulon rose, overpowered the Jacobins, and, raising the

banner of the Bourbons, invited the approach of the Allies. Toulon was

the naval arsenal of France, a large French fleet crowded its port,

and its warehouses were filled with naval stores. Lord Hood, with an

English squadron, was cruising off the coast. The Royalists, Admiral

Troyoff at their head, gave the signal to the English, and basely

surrendered to them the forts, shipping, and stores. It was a fearful

loss to the Revolutionists. Lord Hood, the British admiral, immediately

entered with his fleet, took possession, and issued a proclamation in

which he said,

"Considering that the sections of Toulon have, by the commissioners

whom they have sent to me, made a solemn declaration in favor of Louis

XVII. and a monarchical government, and that they will use their

utmost efforts to break the chains which fetter their country, and

re-establish the Constitution as it was accepted by their defunct

sovereign in 1789, I repeat by this present declaration that I take

possession of Toulon, and shall keep it solely as a deposit for Louis

XVII., and that only till peace is re-established in France."[399]

An army of sixty thousand men was sent against rebellious Lyons.

The city, after a prolonged siege and the endurance of innumerable

woes, was captured. The Convention decreed that it should be utterly

destroyed, and that over its ruins should be reared a monument with

the inscription, "_Lyons made war upon Liberty: Lyons is no more!_"

The cruelties inflicted upon the Royalists of this unhappy city are

too painful to contemplate. The imagination can hardly exaggerate

them. Fouché and Collot d'Herbois, the prominent agents in this bloody

vengeance, were atheists. In contempt of Christianity, they ordered the

Bible and the Cross to be borne through the streets on an ass; the ass

was compelled to drink of the consecrated wine from the communion-cup.

Six thousand of the citizens of Lyons perished in these sanguinary

persecutions, and twelve thousand were driven into exile. The

Revolutionary Tribunal was active night and day condemning to death.

One morning a young girl rushed into the hall, exclaiming,

"There remain to me, of all our family, only my brothers. Mother,

father, sisters, uncles--you have butchered all. And now you are going

to condemn my brothers. In mercy ordain that I may ascend the scaffold

with them."

Her prayer of anguish was refused, and the poor child threw herself

into the Rhone.

The Royalist insurrection in La Vendée, after a long and terrible

conflict, was crushed out. No language can describe the horrors of

vengeance which ensued. The tale of brutality is too awful to be told.

Demons could not have been more infernal in mercilessness.

"Death by fire and the sword," writes Lamartine, "made a noise,

scattered blood, and left bodies to be buried and be counted. The

silent waters of the Loire were dumb and would render no account. The

bottom of the sea alone would know the number of the victims. Carrier

caused mariners to be brought as pitiless as himself. He ordered them,

without much mystery, to pierce plug-holes in a certain number of

decked vessels, so as to sink them with their living cargoes in parts

of the river.

"These orders were first executed secretly and under the color of

accidents of navigation. But soon these naval executions, of which the

waves of the Loire bore witness even to its mouth, became a spectacle

for Carrier and for his courtiers. He furnished a galley of pleasure,

of which he made a present to his accomplice Lambertye, under pretext

of watching the banks of the river. This vessel, adorned with all

the delicacies of furniture, provided with all the wines and all the

necessaries of feasting, became the most general theatre of these

executions. Carrier embarked therein sometimes himself, with his

executioners and his courtesans, to make trips upon the water. While he

yielded himself up to the joys of love and wine on deck, his victims,

inclosed in the hold, saw, at a given signal, the valves open, and the

waves of the Loire swallow them up. A stifled groaning announced to the

crew that hundreds of lives had just breathed their last under their

feet. They continued their orgies upon this floating sepulchre.

[Illustration: MASSACRES IN LYONS.]

"Sometimes Carrier, Lambertye, and their accomplices rejoiced in the

cruel pleasure of this spectacle of agony. They caused victims of

either sex, in couples, to mount upon the deck. Stripped of their

garments, they bound them face to face, one to the other--a priest

with a nun, a young man with a young girl. They suspended them, thus

naked and interlaced, by a cord passed under the shoulders through a

block of the vessel. They sported with horrible sarcasms on this parody

of marriage in death, and then flung the victims into the river. This

cannibal sport was termed 'Republican Marriages.'"

[Illustration: DROWNING VICTIMS IN THE LOIRE.]

Robespierre, informed of these demoniac deeds, recalled Carrier, but

he did not dare to bring an act of accusation against the wretch, lest

he should peril his own head by being charged with sympathy with the

Royalists. It is grateful to record that Carrier himself was eventually

conducted, amid the execrations of the community, to the scaffold.[400]

The prisons of Paris were now filled with victims. Municipal

instructions, issued by Chaumette, catalogued as follows those who

should be arrested as suspected persons: 1. Those who, by crafty

addresses, check the energy of the people. 2. Those who mysteriously

deplore the lot of the people, and propagate bad news with affected

grief. 3. Those who, silent respecting the faults of the Royalists,

declaim against the faults of the Patriots. 4. Those who pity those

against whom the law is obliged to take measures. 5. Those who

associate with aristocrats, priests, and moderates, and take an

interest in their fate. 6. Those who have not taken an active part

in the Revolution. 7. Those who have received the Constitution with

indifference and have expressed fears respecting its duration. 8.

Those who, though they have done nothing against liberty, have done

nothing for it. 9. Those who do not attend the sections. 10. Those who

speak contemptuously of the constituted authorities. 11. Those who

have signed counter-revolutionary petitions. 12. The partisans of La

Fayette, and those who marched to the charge in the Champ de Mars.

There were but few persons in Paris who were not liable to be arrested,

by the machinations of any enemy, upon some one of these charges. Many

thousands were soon incarcerated. The prisons of the Maire, La Force,

the Conciergerie, the Abbaye, St. Pelagie, and the Madelonettes were

crowded to their utmost capacity. Then large private mansions, the

College of Duplessis, and finally the spacious Palace of the Luxembourg

were converted into prisons, and were filled to suffocation with the

suspected. In these abodes, surrendered to filth and misery, with

nothing but straw to lie upon, the most brilliant men and women of

Paris were huddled together with the vilest outcasts. After a time,

however, those who had property were permitted to surround themselves

with such comforts as their means would command. From these various

prisons those who were to be tried before the Revolutionary Tribunal

were taken to the Conciergerie, which adjoined the Palace of Justice,

where the tribunal held its session. A trial was almost certain

condemnation, and the guillotine knew no rest. Miserable France was now

surrendered to the Reign of Terror. The mob had become the sovereign.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 389: Mignet, p. 192.]

[Footnote 390: "The Convention, finding England already leagued with

the coalition, and consequently all its promises of neutrality vain and

illusive, on the 1st of February, 1793, declared war against the King

of Great Britain and the Stadtholder of Holland, who had been entirely

guided by the cabinet of St. James's since 1788."--_Mignet_, vol. i.,

p. 195.]

[Footnote 391: Lamartine, History of the Girondists, vol. ii., p. 395.]

[Footnote 392: "It was in Spain, more particularly, that Pitt set

intrigues at work to urge her to the greatest blunder she ever

committed--that of joining England against France, her only maritime

ally."--_Thiers_, vol. ii., p. 82.]

[Footnote 393: In reference to the terrific conflict between the

privileged classes and the enslaved people, Prof. Smyth writes,

"My conclusion is that neither the high party nor the low have the

slightest right to felicitate themselves on their conduct during this

memorable revolution. No historian, no commentator on these times can

proceed a moment, but on the supposition that, while he is censuring

the faults of the one, he is perfectly aware of the antagonistic faults

of the other; that each party is to take its turn; and that the whole

is a dreadful lesson of instruction both to the one and the other.

_I have dwelt with more earnestness on the faults of the popular

leaders, because their faults are more natural and more important;

because the friends of freedom (hot and opinionated though they be) are

still more within the reach of instruction than are men of arbitrary

temperament, than courts and privileged orders, who are systematically

otherwise._"--_Prof Smyth, Fr. Rev._, vol. iii., p. 245.

The story of the French Revolution has too often been told in this

spirit, veiling the atrocities of the oppressors and magnifying the

inhumanity of the oppressed. While truth demands that all the violence

of an enslaved people, in despair bursting their bonds, should be

faithfully delineated, truth no less imperiously demands that the

mercilessness of proud oppressors, crushing millions for ages, and

goading a whole nation to the madness of despair, should be also

impartially described.]

[Footnote 394: In the Convention, each one who addressed the body

ascended to a desk on the platform, called the tribune.]

[Footnote 395: Thiers, vol. ii., p. 194.]

[Footnote 396: The Allies acted without union, and, under disguise of

a holy war, concealed the most selfish views. The Austrians wanted

Valenciennes; the King of Prussia, Mayence; the English, Dunkirk;

the Piedmontese aspired to recover Chambéry and Nice; the Spaniards,

the least interested of all, had nevertheless some thoughts of

Roussillon.--_Thiers_, vol. ii., p. 217.]

[Footnote 397: "As the Constitution thus made over the government

to the multitude, as it placed the power in a disorganized body, it

would have been at all times impracticable, but at a period of general

warfare it was peculiarly so. Accordingly, it was no sooner made than

suspended."--_Mignet._]

[Footnote 398: Procès de Charlotte Corday (Hist. Parl., vol. xxviii.,

p. 311, 338).]

[Footnote 399: After the death of Louis XVI. the Royalists considered

the young Dauphin, then imprisoned in the tower, as the legitimate

king, with the title of Louis XVII.]

[Footnote 400: Carrier was heard to say one day, while breakfasting in

a restaurant, that France was too densely populated for a republic, and

that it was necessary to kill off at least one third of the inhabitants

before they could have a good government. It is estimated that fifteen

thousand were massacred in La Vendée at his command.]

The French Revolution of 1789, as Viewed in the Light of Republican Institutions · 第 32 / 40 章