FRANCE REGENERATED.
Kind Feelings of the People.--Emigration receives a new
Impulse.--The National Assembly transferred to Paris.--The
Constituent Assembly.--Assassination of François.--Anxiety of the
Patriots.--Gloomy Winter.--Contrast between the Bishops and the
laboring Clergy.--Church Funds seized by the Assembly.--The Church
responsible for the Degradation of the People.--New Division of
France.--The Right of Suffrage.--The Guillotine.--Rabaud de St.
Etienne.
The royal family was now in Paris. The poor were, however, still
perishing of famine. The night of the 6th of October passed without
disturbance. It was dark even to blackness, and torrents of rain
deluged the streets. Early in the morning of the 7th a vast multitude
thronged the garden of the Tuileries, eager to catch a glimpse of the
king. They all seemed animated by the kindest feelings toward their
sovereign. The king, in response to reiterated calls, showed himself
upon the balcony, and was received with universal acclamations. All
the members of the royal family appeared to share in this popularity.
Madame Elizabeth, sister of the king, a princess of rare loveliness
both of person and character, caused her window to be opened, and sat
partaking of refreshments in the presence of thousands of spectators.
Men, women, and children, a vast multitude, gathered around the window,
and words of kindness, love, and joy were on all lips.
"We have now our king restored to us," they said. "He is taken away
from his bad advisers, and will now be, as he has always wished to be,
our good father."
This generous, confiding spirit had taken such full possession of the
public mind--the people, notwithstanding the intolerable wrongs they
had endured for so many ages, were so ready to forgive--that not a word
of disrespect was uttered, even to the foreign body-guard of the king,
or to the haughty lords and aristocratic ladies who had accompanied
the court to Paris. The people even cheered these nobles, against
whom they had been so long contending, and addressed them in words of
kindness.[233]
[Illustration: THE ROYAL FAMILY ABOUT TO EXHIBIT THEMSELVES TO THE
PEOPLE.]
The nobles were, however, so alarmed by this triumph of the people
that emigration received a new impulse. One hundred and fifty of
the Royalist deputies of the National Assembly immediately obtained
passports and left the kingdom. Some of the nobles repaired to Turin.
The Comte d'Artois (Charles X.) took up his residence with his
father-in-law, the King of Sardinia. The emigrants, thus scattered
through all the courts of Europe, were busy in endeavors to rally the
aristocratic courts to crush popular liberty in France. The emigration
throughout the country was so extensive that sixty thousand, it was
said, went to Switzerland alone.
The king, on the contrary, appeared pleased with the affection of his
people. He walked, without guards, through the crowds which thronged
the Elysian Fields, and was every where treated with respect. On the
9th of October, three days after his arrival in the city, he sent a
letter to the Assembly at Versailles, informing that body that the
testimonials of affection and fidelity which he had received from
the city of Paris had determined him to fix his ordinary residence
there.[234] He accordingly invited the Assembly to transfer its sitting
to Paris. Incredible as it may seem, the imbecile king sent for his
smith tools, put up his forge, and amused himself with file and hammer
tinkering at locks.[235]
The Archbishop of Paris had fled with the emigrants. On the 19th
of October the National Assembly left Versailles and held its
first sitting in Paris, in a room of the archbishop's palace, from
which room it soon removed to the riding-hall of the Tuileries,
a much more commodious apartment which had been prepared for its
accommodation.[236] As the great object of the Assembly was now to
reorganize the government upon the basis of a free constitution, it
dropped the name of National Assembly on leaving Versailles, and
assumed in Paris the name of Constituent Assembly. Thus the same body
in the course of five months was called by three different names. It
was first the States-General, from the period of its meeting on the
5th of May until the union of the three orders on the 27th of June. It
was then the National Assembly until its removal from Versailles to
Paris, on the 19th of October. It then took the name of the Constituent
Assembly, and continued in existence for nearly two years, until
the 30th of September, 1791, when it expired, and a new body, the
Legislative Assembly, commenced its session.
The storm of revolution for a time seemed to lull, and there were
but few acts of violence. The people of Paris were still in a state
of fearful suffering from famine, and on the 21st of October a few
half-starved wretches seized a baker named François, whom they accused
of holding back his bread, and in a moment of phrensy, before the
police could interfere, strung him up at a lamp-post, and then cut off
his head.
The deed was denounced by even the most violent of the revolutionists,
and the Assembly took advantage of the feeling which the outrage
excited to pass a martial law against tumultuous assemblies of the
people. This law, which was almost a repetition of the English riot
act, was assailed by many of the journals as a gross infringement of
the rights of the people. Robespierre in the Assembly and Marat in his
wide-spread journal were conspicuous in denouncing it.
The atrocious murder of François, who was a generous and a charitable
man, and entirely innocent of the crime of which he was accused,
produced a profound impression. It was indicative of the rapid and
fearful rise of mob violence. The king and queen sent to his young
widow a letter of condolence, with a gift in money amounting to
about twenty-five hundred dollars. The city government of Paris sent
a committee of its members to visit and console her. La Fayette,
mortified and indignant at the outrage, scoured the faubourgs in search
of the miscreants who perpetrated the deed. Two of the ringleaders were
arrested and handed over to immediate trial.
They were condemned to death, and the next morning were hanged in the
same Place de Grêve which had been the scene of the outrage. This was
the only murder, perpetrated by a Parisian mob, during the Revolution,
which the law was sufficiently powerful to punish.[237]
[Illustration: ASSASSINATION OF FRANÇOIS THE BAKER.]
In other parts of the kingdom there were occasional acts of violence.
Bread was so enormously dear that the corn-dealers were accused of
hoarding up immense stores for the sake of speculation. The ignorant
mob in some instances seriously maltreated those suspected of this
crime. The innocent were thus often punished, for the violence of the
mob is as likely to fall upon the innocent as upon the guilty.
Many of the most intelligent friends of reform began now to fear that
the nation was going "too fast and too far." The scenes of the 5th of
October, and the omnipotence of the mob as evinced on that day, had
inspired fearful apprehensions for the future. Even La Fayette felt
that the salvation of the cause of liberty depended upon strengthening
the power of the king. He induced the king to send the Duke of Orleans
from Paris, and when the duke wished to return he sent him word that,
the day after his return, he would have to fight a duel with him.
Mirabeau united with La Fayette in these endeavors to stop the nation
in its headlong rush, and to secure constitutional liberty by giving
strength to the monarchical arm. They were both of the opinion that
France, surrounded by powerful and jealous monarchies, and with
millions of peasants unaccustomed to self-government, who could neither
read nor write, and who were almost as uninstructed as the sheep they
tended, needed a throne founded upon a free constitution.[238] Even
in the Assembly Mirabeau ventured to urge _that it was necessary to
restore strength to the executive power_.[239] But the court hated both
La Fayette and Mirabeau, and were opposed to any diminution of their
own exclusive privileges. They would accept of no compromise, and all
the efforts of the moderate party were unavailing.
Gloomy winter now commenced, and there was no money, no labor, no
bread. The aristocratic party all over the realm were packing their
trunks, and sending before them across the frontiers whatever funds
they could collect. They wished to render France as weak and miserable
as possible, that the people might be more easily again subjugated to
the feudal yoke by the armies of foreign despots. Hence there was a
frightful increase of beggary. In Paris alone there were two hundred
thousand. It is one of the greatest of marvels that such a mass of men,
literally starving, could have remained so quiet. The resources of the
kingdom were exhausted during the winter in feeding, in all the towns
of France, paupers amounting to millions. All eyes were now directed to
the National Assembly for measures of relief.
[Illustration: FIRES IN THE STREETS FOR THE POOR.]
The wealth of the clergy was enormous. Almsgiving, which has filled
Europe with beggary, has ever been represented by the Catholic Church
as the first act of piety. During long ages of superstition, the dying
had been induced, as an atonement for godless lives, to bequeath their
possessions to the Church, to be dispensed in charity to the people.
Thus many a wealthy sinner had obtained absolution, and thus the
ecclesiastics held endowments which comprised one fifth of the lands
of the kingdom, and were estimated at four thousand millions of francs
($800,000,000).[240]
Notwithstanding this immense opulence of the Church, nearly all the
parish pastors, the hard and faithful workers for Christianity--and
there were many such, men of true lives and of unfeigned religion--were
in the extreme of poverty. The bishops were all _nobles_, for even
Louis XVI. would elect no other. These bishops were often the most
dissolute and voluptuous of men, and reveled in incomes of a million
of francs ($250,000) a year. The working clergy, on the contrary, who
were from the people, seldom received more than two hundred francs
($40) a year. They were so poor as to be quite dependent upon their
parishioners for charity.[241]
The Assembly assumed that these treasures had been intrusted to the
Church for the benefit of the people; that the luxurious ecclesiastics,
by unfaithfulness to their trust, had forfeited the right of farther
dispensing the charity. After a very fierce strife, a motion was made
by Mirabeau, that the possessions of the Church were _at the disposal_
of the state. Many of the lower clergy voted for the resolution, and it
was adopted by a majority of 568 against 346. Forty deputies refused to
vote. This measure placed at once immense resources in the hands of the
Assembly, and necessarily exasperated tenfold the privileged classes,
and rolled a wave of alarm over the whole wide-spread domain of the
Pope. It was the signal for Catholic Europe to rise in arms against
the Revolution. As it was impossible, under the pressure of the times,
to force the sale of the enormous property of the Church without an
immense sacrifice, bonds were issued, called _assignats_, assigned or
secured on this church property.
Thus was the haughty Gallican Church deprived of its ill-gotten and
worse used wealth. The dignitaries of this Church had ever been the
most inveterate foes of popular elevation. Treasure which had been
wrested from the poor and extorted from the dying, as a gift to God for
the promotion of human virtue, they were using to forge chains for the
people, and were squandering in shameless profligacy.
Nearly all the nobles were infidels, disciples of Voltaire. For years,
while reveling in wine and debauchery, they had held up religion to
contempt. But they now suddenly became very devout, espoused the cause
of their boon companions, the bishops, and remonstrated against laying
unholy hands upon the treasury of the Lord. All over Europe the two
most formidable forces, secular and religious aristocracy, were now
combined against popular reform. It was this principle which led the
Protestant English noble and the papal Austrian bishop to make common
cause against the regeneration of France.
There were some French nobles and French bishops who recognized,
whatever may have been their motives, the rights of the people, and
espoused their side. Talleyrand, the Bishop of Autun, introduced the
measure, and Mirabeau supported it with all the energy of his eloquence.
The degradation of the people is the condemnation of the papal Church.
For many centuries the office of elevating the people had devolved
upon the clergy. Instead of instructing their congregations, the forms
of worship had been converted into a senseless pantomime; the prayers
were offered in an unknown tongue; the word of God was excluded from
their sight. The rich became infidels and atheists, and by robbing the
poor luxuriated in profligacy. The poor became brutalized and savage,
and were held under restraint only by the terrors of a soul-hardening
superstition.
There is no hope of peace for the world but in that doctrine of
Christ which promotes the brotherhood of man. Where this fraternity
is recognized and its sympathies circulate, there is peace. The
aristocratic Church in France had been the tool of the court in
degrading and enslaving the people. The awful day of retribution
was but the inevitable progress of the divine law. Man, crushed and
trampled upon by his brother man, may endure it for an age, for a
century, but the time will come when he will endure it no longer, and
the ferocity of his rising will be proportionate to the depth and the
gloom of the dungeon in which he has been immured.[242] The progress of
the world is toward justice, equality, and nature. If that progress be
not peaceful it will be violent and bloody. The vital energies of the
soul of man can not forever be repressed.
France had for some time been divided into thirteen large provinces,
incorporated at different periods and possessing different immunities
and a diversity of customs and laws. The Assembly broke down all these
old barriers that a character of unity might be given to the nation.
The kingdom was divided into eighty-three departments, each department
being about fifty-four miles square. These departments were divided
into districts, and the districts into communes. This division somewhat
resembled that of the United States, into states, counties, and towns.
The right of suffrage was extended to all male citizens twenty-five
years of age, who had resided in the electoral district one year, who
had paid a direct tax amounting to the value of three days' labor,
about sixty cents, who were not in the condition of servants, and
who were enrolled in the National Guard. These were called _active_
citizens. The rest of the population were deemed _passive_ citizens.
To be eligible to _office_ either as a magistrate or a representative,
it was required that one should pay a direct tax of about ten dollars,
and also be a landholder. The aristocrats considered this extension of
the right of suffrage as awfully radical and democratic. On the other
hand the democracy, from its lower depths, exclaimed with the utmost
vehemence and indignation against the restriction of the right of
suffrage and of office to tax-payers and property-holders.
"There is but one united voice," cried Camille Desmoulins, "in the city
and in the country, against this ten-dollar decree (_le décret du marc
d'argent_). It is constituting in France an aristocratic government,
and it is the most signal victory which the aristocrats have yet
gained in the Assembly. To demonstrate the absurdity of the decree it
is necessary but to mention that Rousseau, Corneille, Mably, under
it could not have been eligible. As for you, ye despicable priests,
ye lying cheating knaves, do you see that you make even your God
ineligible?[243] Jesus Christ, whom you recognize as divine, you thrust
out into the ranks of the mob. And do you wish that I should respect
you, ye priests of an ignominious God (_d'un Dieu proletaire_), who is
not even an active citizen? Respect that poverty which Jesus Christ has
ennobled."[244]
Such fierce appeals produced a profound and exasperating impression
upon the army of two hundred thousand beggars in Paris and upon the
millions utterly impoverished in France. "We have overthrown the
aristocracy of birth," the orators of the populace exclaimed, "only
to introduce the still more hateful aristocracy of the purse." The
working clergy, who were among the foremost in favor of reform, were
almost to a man efficient members of the moderate party, and cordially
co-operated with La Fayette in the endeavor to prevent liberty from
being whelmed in lawlessness. The clergy had great influence, and
hence the venom of the popular speakers and writers was perseveringly
directed against them.[245]
The Assembly then abolished the oppressive duty upon salt.[246] The
old parliaments of the old provinces, as corrupt bodies as have
perhaps ever existed, and the subservient instruments of aristocratic
oppression, were suppressed, and new courts of a popular character
substituted in their place. All trials were ordered to be public; no
punishment, on accusation for crime, could be inflicted unless by a
vote of two thirds of the court. The penalty of death required a vote
of four fifths. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes was blotted out,
and thus some thousands of Protestants who had long been banished
from France were permitted to return and to enjoy all their political
rights. It was decreed that all citizens, of whatever condition, should
be subject to the same laws and judged by the same tribunals. Those
accused of crime were to be tried by jury, but not till a court had
previously determined that the evidence against them was sufficiently
strong to warrant their arrest. It is remarkable that both Robespierre
and Marat were most earnest in their endeavors to abrogate the
death-penalty. During this discussion Dr. Guillotin urged the adoption,
in capital punishment, of a new machine which he had invented.
"With my machine," said the doctor, "I can clip off your head in the
twinkling of an eye without your feeling it."
These words, most earnestly uttered, caused a general burst of laughter
in the Assembly. But a few months passed ere many of those deputies
were bound to the plank and experienced the efficiency of the keen
blade. The introduction of the guillotine was intended as a measure of
humanity. The unfortunate man doomed to death was thus to be saved from
needless suffering.[247]
The measures adopted by the Constituent Assembly seem to republican
eyes just and moderate. Experience, it is true, has proved that it is
safer to have two houses of legislation, a senate and a lower house,
than one, but the subsequent decrees passed by this one house were
manifestly dictated, not by passion, but by patriotism and a sense of
right.[248]
The clergy now made immense efforts to rouse the peasantry all over
the kingdom to oppose the Revolution. Religious fanaticism exhausted
all its energies. The parliaments also of the old provinces, composed
exclusively of the nobles, roused themselves anew and were vehement in
remonstrances and protests. They became active agents in organizing
opposition, in maligning the action of the Assembly, and in inciting
the credulous multitude to violence. The Assembly punished the
parliaments by abolishing them all.
The court bitterly accused the Assembly of a usurpation of power, which
called from Mirabeau a reply which electrified France.
"You ask," he said, "how, from being deputies, we have made ourselves
a convention. I will tell you. The day when, finding our assembly-room
shut, bristling and defiled with bayonets, we hastened to the first
place that could contain us, and swore that we would perish rather
than abandon the interests of the people--on that day, if we were
not a convention, we became one. Let them now go and hunt out of the
useless nomenclature of civilians the definition of the words National
Convention! Gentlemen, you all know the conduct of that Roman who, to
save his country from a great conspiracy, had been obliged to outstep
the powers conferred upon him by the laws. A captious tribune required
from him the oath that he had respected them. He thought, by that
insidious proposal, to leave the consul no alternative but perjury or
an embarrassing avowal. 'I swear,' said that great man, 'that I have
saved the republic.' Gentlemen, we also swear that we have saved the
commonwealth."
This sublime apostrophe brought the whole Assembly to its feet. The
charge of usurpation was not repeated.
A great effort was at the same time made to compel the Assembly to
adopt the resolution that the "Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion
is, and shall ever be, the religion of the nation, and that its worship
is the only one authorized." As one of the court party was urging this
resolve, and quoting, as a precedent, some intolerant decree of Louis
XIV., Mirabeau sent dismay to the heart of the court by exclaiming,
"And how should not every kind of intolerance have been consecrated in
a reign signalized by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes?"
Then, pointing to a window of the Louvre, he continued, in deep and
solemn tones which thrilled through every heart,
"Do you appeal to history? Forget not that from this very hall I behold
the window whence a king of France, armed against his people by an
execrable faction that disguised personal interest under the cloak of
religion, fired his musket and gave the signal for the massacre of St.
Bartholomew!"
The effect was electric, and the spirit of intolerance was crushed.
The true Christian charity which the Assembly assumed was cordially
accepted by the mass of the nation. We love to record the fact that
the great majority of the Catholic population were delighted to see
the Protestants restored to their civil and religious rights. Even
Michelet, hostile as he is to all revealed religion, testifies: "The
unanimity was affecting, and one of the sights the most worthy to call
down the blessing of God upon earth. In many parts the Catholics went
to the temple of the Protestants, and united with them to return thanks
to Providence together. On the other hand the Protestants attended at
the Catholic _Te Deum_. Far above all the altars, every temple and
every church, a divine ray had appeared in heaven."[249] In every place
where the Protestants were in the majority they presented the most
affecting spectacle of fraternity.
A Protestant, M. Rabaud de St. Etienne, was chosen president of the
Assembly--a position at that time higher than that of the throne. He
was the son of the celebrated Protestant martyr of Cevennes, who for
long years had been hunted like a wild beast, as he hid in dens in
the forest, escaping from the ferocity of religious persecution. The
venerable parent was still living, and received from his son a letter
containing the declaration, "The president of the National Assembly is
at your feet."
The higher ecclesiastics were, however, exasperated by this triumph
of religious liberty. They succeeded, in Montauban and in Nimes, in
exciting a Roman Catholic mob against the Protestants. The ignorant
populace, roused by superstition, seized their arms, shouted "Down
with the nation!" and fell with the most cruel butchery upon the
Protestants. The violent insurrection was, however, soon quelled,
and without any acts of retaliatory vengeance.[250] The bishops
anathematized every priest friendly to the Revolution, and designated
all such to the hatred and contempt of the fanatic populace. The bishop
who, under the old régime, had enjoyed an income of eight hundred
thousand francs ($160,000), and was rejoicing in his palaces, horses,
and concubines, invoked the wrath of God upon the curate who was now
receiving twelve hundred francs ($240) from the nation. The power of
the papal ecclesiastics was so strong that most of the humble curates
were eventually compelled to abandon the Revolution and rally again
around the sceptre of the Pope.
The air was still filled with rumors of plots to disperse the Assembly
and carry the king off to the protection of the royalist army at Metz,
where he could be forced by the nobles to sanction their course, in
invading France with foreign armies. On the 25th of December the
Marquis of Favrus was arrested, accused of forming a plot to seize
the king with an army of thirty thousand men, and to assassinate La
Fayette and Bailly. It was said that twelve hundred horse were ready at
Versailles to carry off the king, and that a powerful force, composed
of Swiss and Piedmontese, was organized to march upon Paris. The king's
brother, the Count of Provence, subsequently Louis XVIII., was reported
as in the plot, and to have supplied the conspirators with large sums
of money. Louis was willing to be abducted as if by violence, but was
not willing to assume any responsibility by engaging in measures for
escape. He assumed the attitude of contentment, and with such apparent
cordiality professed co-operation in the measures of the Assembly for
the regeneration of France that many supposed that he had honestly
espoused the popular cause.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 233: For overwhelming evidence that such was the state of the
public mind, see Weber, vol. i., p. 257; Beaulieu, vol. ii., p. 203;
Amis de la Liberté, vol. iv., p. 2-6; Michelet, vol. i., p. 284.]
[Footnote 234: Weber, an eye-witness of the king's reception in Paris,
though a zealous Royalist, testifies that the reception was most kind
and affectionate on the part of the masses of the people. See Weber,
vol. ii., p. 228. See also Arthur Young, vol. i., p. 264-280.]
[Footnote 235: Le Chateau des Tuileries, par Roussel, in Hist. Parl.,
vol. iv., p. 195.]
[Footnote 236: That hall has since been destroyed. It stood upon the
place now occupied by the houses No. 36 and 38 Rue de Rivoli.]
[Footnote 237: Even the most zealous of the revolutionary journals
denounced with unmeasured severity the murder of François. Loustalot
exclaimed, "Des Français! des Français! non, non de tels monstres
n'appartiennent à aucun pays; le crime est leur element, le gibet leur
patrie."]
[Footnote 238: On the 15th of March, M. de Lamarck took to Mirabeau
the overtures of the court, but found him very cool. When pressed by
Lamarck, he said that the throne could only be restored by establishing
it upon a basis of liberty; that, if the court wanted any thing else,
he would oppose instead of serving it.--_Michelet_, p. 328.]
[Footnote 239: In attestation of the correctness of these remarks, see
the statements of Mirabeau, La Fayette, and Alexander de Lameth.]
[Footnote 240: Michelet, vol. i., p. 290.]
[Footnote 241: In the army there was the same inequality. According to
the budget for war in 1784, the officers received forty-six millions
of francs, and the whole body of soldiers but forty-four. "It is
true," says Michelet, "that, under Louis XVI., another pay was added,
settled with the cudgel. This was to imitate the famous discipline of
Prussia, and was supposed to contain the whole secret of the victories
of Frederick the Great: man driven like a machine, and punished like
a child." The soldiers under the Empire knew how to appreciate the
change.]
[Footnote 242: "Every body was acquainted with the morals of the
prelates and the ignorance of the inferior clergy. The curates
possessed some virtues but no information. Wherever they ruled they
were an obstacle to every improvement of the people, and caused them
to retrograde. To quote but one example, Poitou, civilized in the
sixteenth century, became barbarous under their influence; they were
preparing for us the civil war of Vendée."--_Michelet_, p. 222.]
[Footnote 243: Some curious facts were elicited during the progress
of this discussion respecting the manner in which a portion of the
vast revenues of the Church had been obtained. The clergy of Condom
promised the simple, kind-hearted peasants, in consideration for a
large quantity of grain, that they would every year conduct two hundred
and fifty souls from purgatory directly to Paradise. In some places a
regular tariff of prices had been established for the pardon of crimes.
Absolution for incest could be purchased for one dollar, arson required
one dollar and a quarter, parricide one dollar, and absolution could be
obtained for all sins united for about sixteen dollars. These prices
seem very moderate. But it must be remembered that the peasants were
_excessively_ poor, and could not, even to escape from purgatory, pay
large sums.--_Villiaumé_, p. 52.]
[Footnote 244: Histoire des Montagnards, par Alphonse Esquiros, p. 25.]
[Footnote 245: In the Faubourg St. Antoine, which contained a
population of thirty thousand, it is said that there were but two
hundred _active citizens_. Marat, in his addresses to the "unfortunate
citizens of the faubourgs," urged them to vote, notwithstanding the
decree of the Assembly. "No power under the sun," said he, "can deprive
you of the right of suffrage, which is inherent in society itself."]
[Footnote 246: The price of salt immediately fell from fourteen sous a
pound to less than one sou.--_Villiaumé._]
[Footnote 247: It was not until the month of March, 1792, that the
guillotine was first used,]
[Footnote 248: "The government of the Revolution was rapidly becoming
established. The Assembly had given to the new régime its monarch,
its national representation, its territorial division, its armed
force, its municipal and administrative power, its popular tribunals,
its currency, its clergy; it had made an arrangement with respect
to its debt, and had found means to reconstruct property without
injustice."--_Miguet_, p. 87.]
[Footnote 249: Michelet's French Revolution, p. 358.]
[Footnote 250: "What was the National Assembly doing at this
time in Paris? Its more than Christian meekness is a surprising
spectacle."--_Michelet_, p. 365.]