REVOLUTIONARY MEASURES.
Speech of Mirabeau.--Approach of the Soldiers and Peril of the
Assembly.--Elation of the Queen.--Triumph of Necker.--Embarrassment
of the Bishops and the Nobles.--Letter of the King.--The Bishops and
Nobles join the Assembly.--Desperate Resolve of the Nobles.--The
Troops sympathizing with the People.
As the king, followed by the nobles and the clergy, left the hall, the
Commons remained in their seats. The crisis had now arrived. There was
no alternative but resistance or submission, rebellion or servitude.
For a moment there was an entire silence. But the spirit of indomitable
determination glowed on every cheek. Mirabeau was the first to rise.
In a few of those impassioned sentences, which pealed over France like
clarion notes, he exclaimed,
"Why this dictatorial language, this train of arms, this violation
of the national sanctuary? Who is it who gives commands to us--to us
to whom alone twenty-five millions of men are looking for happiness?
Let us arm ourselves with our legislative authority, remember our
oath--that oath which does not permit us to separate until we have
established the constitution!"[127]
While he was yet speaking the Marquis of Brézé, one of the officers of
the king, perceiving that the Assembly did not retire, advanced into
the centre of the hall, and, in a loud authoritative voice, a voice
at whose command nearly fifty thousand troops were ready to march,
demanded,
"Did you hear the commands of the king?"
"Yes, sir," responded Mirabeau, with a glaring eye and a thunder tone
which made Brézé quail before him, "we did hear the king's command; and
you, who have neither seat nor voice in this house, are not the person
to remind us of his speech. Go, tell those who sent you that we are
here by the power of the people, and that nothing shall drive us hence
but the power of the bayonet."[128]
The officer, the marquis, turned to the president, as if inquiring his
decision.
"The Assembly," said M. Bailly, "resolved yesterday to sit after the
royal session. That question must be discussed."
"Am I to carry that answer to the king?" inquired the marquis.
"Yes, sir," replied the president. The marquis departed. Armed
soldiers now entered the hall accompanied by workmen to take away the
benches and dismantle the room. Soldiers surrounded the building and
the life-guard advanced to the door. But a word from the president
arrested the workmen, and they stood with their tools in their hands
contemplating with admiration the calm majesty of the Assembly.
The body-guard had now formed a line in front of the hall, and the
position of its members was full of peril. It was expected that all the
prominent deputies would be arrested. A vote was then passed declaring
the person of each member of the Assembly inviolable, and pronouncing
any one guilty of treason who should attempt to arrest any one of the
representatives of the nation.
In the mean time the nobility were in exultation. They deemed the
popular movement now effectually crushed. In a crowd they hastened to
the residences of the two brothers of the king, the Count of Provence
and Count d'Artois, with their congratulations. They then repaired to
the queen and assured her that the work was done and that all was safe.
The queen was much elated, and received them with smiles. Presenting
to them her son, the young dauphin, she said, "_I intrust him to the
nobility_."
But at this very moment loud shouts were heard in the streets, swelling
in a roar of tumult from countless voices, which penetrated the inmost
apartments of the Palace of Versailles. All were eager to ascertain
the cause. The whole body of the people by a simultaneous movement had
gathered around the apartments of M. Necker, and were enthusiastically
applauding him for refusing to attend the royal sitting.
This manifestation of popular feeling was so decisive, that alarm took
the place of joy. Even the fears of the queen were aroused, and Necker
was promptly sent for. He entered the palace accompanied by a crowd
of many thousands who filled the vast court-yard. Both king and queen
entreated Necker to withdraw his resignation, the king good-naturedly
saying, "For my part I am not at all tenacious about that declaration."
Necker willingly complied with their request.[129] As he left the
palace he informed the multitude that he should remain at his post.
The announcement was received with unbounded demonstrations of joy.
As the exultant shouts of the populace resounded through the castle,
Brézé entered to inform the king that the deputies still continued
their sitting, and asked for orders. The king impatiently walked once
or twice up and down the floor, and then replied hastily, "Very well!
leave them alone."
The next day, Wednesday, June 24th, the Assembly met in its hall and
transacted business as quietly as if there had been no interruption.
The clergy, who had joined them in the Church of St. Louis, still
resolutely continued with them, notwithstanding the prohibition, and
this day one half of the remaining clergy joined the Assembly. A
few individuals from the nobles had also gone over. These two bodies
thus broken were now quite powerless, and were fast sinking into
insignificance. Thousands continually thronged the galleries and the
aisles of the National Assembly, while no one seemed to turn a thought
to the two chambers where the few remaining clergy and the nobles were
separately lingering.
The next day, June 26th, after a long and exciting debate, in which
the overwhelming majority of the nobles resolved to remain firm in
opposition to union, forty-seven of their number, led by the Duke of
Orleans and La Fayette, and embracing many of the most eminent for
talent and virtue, repaired to the Assembly, where they were received
with hearty demonstrations of joy. One of the nobles, Clermont Tonnere,
speaking in behalf of the rest, said,
"We yield to our conscience, but it is with pain that we separate from
our colleagues. We have come to concur in the public regeneration. Each
of us will let you know the degree of activity which his mission allows
him."[130]
The king now wrote a letter to his "faithful clergy" and his "loyal
nobility," urging them to join the Assembly without further? delay. In
compliance with this request, the next day, June 27th, the remaining
portion of the nobility and of the clergy entered the hall and united
with the Third Estate. The Marquis of Ferrières, who was one of the
nobles who at this time united with the Assembly, records,
"It was now a grievous mortification and affliction to the nobility
to join the Third Estate. The Vicomte de Noailles assured the nobles
that the union would be but temporary; that the troops were coming up,
and that in fifteen days every thing would be changed. The king sent a
second letter assuring the nobles that the safety of the state and his
own personal security depended upon the union. The assembly of nobles
rose in a tumultuous manner, they were joined by the minority of the
clergy, and entered in silence the hall of the _Tiers Etat_."
But the nobles and the dignitaries of the Church had hardly entered
the hall of the Assembly ere they regretted the step. The Assembly
was proceeding energetically in the formation of a constitution which
would sweep away abuses. "Many of the nobles," says Ferrières, with
wonderful frankness, "would have quitted the Assembly, but a partial
secession would have done nothing. They were assured that the troops
were coming up, were praised for the resistance they had already made,
and were urged that they must dissemble a little longer. And, indeed,
thirty regiments were now marching upon Paris. The pretext was public
tranquillity; the real object the dissolution of the Assembly." Many
petty artifices were resorted to still to keep up the appearance of
distinct orders. The very day of the junction they endeavored to eject
M. Bailly, a citizen, from the presidency, and to place a clerical
noble, the Cardinal de la Rochefoucault, in the chair. The movement was
promptly checked.[131] They for some time entered in a body after the
openings of the sittings, and stood together, declining to sit down
with the deputies. But M. Bailly, by his prudence and firmness, upheld
the rights of the Assembly, and maintained the dignity of his post.
It was indeed a strange spectacle for France to see a plain citizen,
illustrious only in virtue and talent, presiding over the proudest
nobles and the highest dignitaries of the Church.
The leading members of the Assembly were patriots seeking reform, not
revolution. It was expected that this union would promote harmony.
"How honorable," said Mirabeau, "will it be for France that this great
revolution has cost humanity neither offenses nor crimes." After
describing the sanguinary scenes which accompanied the revolutions
in England and America, he continued, "We, on the contrary, have the
happiness to see a revolution of the same nature brought about by the
mere union of enlightened minds with patriotic intentions. Our battles
are only discussions. Our enemies are only prejudices that may indeed
be pardoned. Our victories, our triumphs, so far from being cruel, will
be blessed by the very conquered themselves.
"History too often records actions which are worthy only of the most
ferocious animals; among whom, at long intervals, we can sometimes
distinguish heroes. There is now reason to hope that we have begun
the history of man, the history of brothers, who, born for mutual
happiness, agree even when they vary, since their objects are the same
and their means only are different."
This triumph of the Third Estate exasperated the privileged classes,
and they were eager for revenge. It was evident that their exclusive
power was imperiled, and they resolved, at whatever expense of
bloodshed, to secure the dissolution of the Assembly. It soon became
manifest to all that violence was meditated; that a secret conspiracy
was ripening; that the nobles had united with the Assembly merely to
subserve a momentary purpose, and that the Assembly was to be dispersed
by force, the leaders punished, and that all who should interfere for
their protection were to be shot down.[132]
"I could never ascertain," writes Necker, "to what lengths their
projects really went. There were secrets upon secrets; and I believe
that even the king himself was far from being acquainted with all
of them. What was intended was probably to draw the monarch on,
as circumstances admitted, to measures of which they durst not at
first have spoken to him. With me, above all others, a reserve was
maintained, and reasonably, for my indisposition to every thing of the
kind was decided."
The nobles again became arrogant and defiant. Openly they declared
their intentions to crush the Assembly, and boasted that with an army
of fifty thousand men they would bring the people to terms.[133] Loaded
cannon were already placed opposite the hall, and pointed to the doors
of the Assembly. This state of menace and peril excited the Parisians
to the highest pitch, and united all the citizens high and low to
defend their rights. The French soldiers, who came from the humble
homes of the people, sympathized in all these feelings of their fathers
and brothers. The women, as they met the soldiers in the streets,
would ask, "Will you fire upon your friends to perpetuate the power of
your and our oppressors?" Ere long there came a very decisive response,
"No! we will not." Thus the soldiers who had been collected to overawe
the capital were soon seen in most friendly intercourse with the
citizens, walking with them arm in arm, comprehending the issues which
now agitated the nation, and evidently ready to give their energies to
the defense of the popular cause.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 127: The curate, M. Rabaud de St. Etienne, one of the most
illustrious members of the Assembly, and who finally perished on the
guillotine, writes, "These memorable expressions have been since
engraved upon the bust of Mirabeau which was executed for the society
of _Friends to the Constitution_. A print of this hath been struck off,
in which we behold, not the downcast look of a cunning conspirator, but
the ardent air and attitude of a noble-hearted man, who sincerely meant
the welfare of his country; and such a man was _Mirabeau_."]
[Footnote 128: Michelet, vol. i., p. 116. "In the middle of the night
Bailly was called up and privately informed that Necker disapproved
of the measures adopted, and that he would not attend the sitting,
and would probably be dismissed. It had been settled between Bailly
and the Assembly that no reply should be made to the king whatever he
might say to them. It was afterward intimated to Bailly by the king,
that he wished no reply to be made. And under these most unfortunate
circumstances the royal sitting opened."--_Lectures on the French
Revolution, by William Smyth_, vol. i., p. 269.]
[Footnote 129: Michelet, vol. i., p. 118.]
[Footnote 130: Thiers, _Fr. Rev._, vol. i., p. 51.]
[Footnote 131: Bailly's Mem., vol. i., p. 252, 257, 260.]
[Footnote 132: For abundant proof of the conspiracy, see Memoirs of
Marmontel, a man of letters and of elegant attainments, who resided in
Paris at this time.]
[Footnote 133: "Before the Revolution the number of noble families
in France did not exceed 17,500. Reckoning five individuals to a
family there might have been about 90,000 nobles. The disasters of the
Revolution must have reduced them to less than 40,000."-_-L'Europe
après le Congrès d'Aix la Chapelle, by Abbé de Pradt, note at the end
of_ chap. ix.]