TROUBLES THICKEN
Angus saw that as he could not hope to obtain further information,
however long he might stay, and as he had fulfilled the main object
of his mission by discovering that Dost Mahomed would not be content
with remaining master of the northern province, but would certainly
advance in the spring, he could do no good by remaining any longer.
The information that he could give would enable Macnaghten and Burnes
to show the Indian government that their intention of withdrawing
more troops in the early spring would be disastrous; and it was with
this special object in view that he had been sent. He had on the two
previous days sold a portion of his goods, but had held out for the
prices with which they were marked. He was now more willing to bargain,
as he wished to travel in future as lightly as possible. Accordingly,
before nightfall he had disposed of nearly half the stock with which he
had started; but he had at the same time purchased a certain amount of
goods from Turkestan, as these would be more appropriate as merchandise
when he started from Balkh for Herat. Sadut came again in the evening.
"My friend," he said, "I have been thinking over your position.
Doubtless you might stay here for some time without its being suspected
that you were other than you seemed to be, but a chance word from one
of your men might betray you, and as you have really learned all that
there is to learn, it seems to me that there is no use in your tarrying
any longer here. It is true that Dost Mahomed, for my sake, would
protect you, even were you discovered. Still, you know the nature of
our people, and were it rumoured that you were an infidel, you might be
torn to pieces before either the Ameer or myself knew aught about it."
"I have come to the same conclusion. If I thought I could gain anything
by remaining I should do so, whatever the risk; but as it would be
useless to stay, I intend to leave to-morrow. I have a long journey to
make via Herat; the sooner I am off the better. My men are now packing
up my goods and preparing for a start at daylight."
"I felt so sure that this would be your course that I have brought with
me an order from the Ameer to the governor and headmen of all towns
and villages through which you may pass, enjoining them to give you
good treatment, as he holds you in high esteem for having rendered most
valuable services to me."
"I thank you very heartily," Angus replied. "This will greatly
facilitate my journey and save me from all small annoyances. I trust
that we shall meet again."
"I hope so indeed. Never shall I forget the debt of gratitude that
I owe you. Perhaps some day I may be able to repay that debt to a
small extent. Remember, that in case of need you may rely upon me
to the utmost. At any rate, you must not refuse to accept this; it
is a present from Dost Mahomed, not to an English officer, but to a
Persian merchant who has saved the life of his sister's son. He talks
continually while with me of the nobility of your action, and when I
told him that you were going he had his turban brought and took out
this gem, which was its chief ornament, and bade me hand it you in
remembrance of the deed. I told him you had said that you would receive
no present for a simple act of humanity. More I could not tell him
without revealing your secret, though I know that it would be safe
with him. You cannot refuse to take this. As for myself, I am here an
exile far away from my own people, and have but this to give you as a
token of my love. It is my signet ring. If you send it to me I will go
through fire and water to come to you. My tribesmen will all recognize
it, and will do anything in their power for its possessor."
Angus saw that, offered as it was, he should greatly hurt the Afghan's
feelings if he refused the immense ruby surrounded by diamonds that
Dost Mahomed had sent him.
"I will not refuse the gift of the Ameer so given to me, and shall
cherish it as my most valued possession and the gift of a man whom
I for one, and I may say most British officers, consider to be very
badly treated by us. I know from Sir Alexander Burnes that Dost Mahomed
was most anxious for our alliance. Shah Soojah is as unpopular among
us as among his own people. Of course, as soldiers, it is not our
business to concern ourselves with politics; that is a matter for the
government only. Still we cannot but have our feelings, and I am sure
that should the fortune of war ever place Dost Mahomed in our hands he
would receive honourable treatment. Your gift I shall prize as highly,
as a token of our warm friendship, and trust that the time may never
come when I have to put its virtue to the test, though I well know that
I could in necessity rely upon any help that you might be able to give
me."
After talking for some time of the best route to follow, Sadut Khan
took an affectionate leave, and Angus started the next morning with his
party. Before setting out he bestowed handsome gifts upon Hassan and
his followers, whom he had learned to like greatly for the devotion
they had shown to Sadut and the energy and courage with which they had
worked during the journey. Travelling from twenty to five-and-twenty
miles a day, with occasional halts, he reached Cabul after two months
of travel. His journey had been greatly facilitated by the order that
he carried from Dost Mahomed. He had not entered Herat, as it was
probable that he would be recognized there. Avoiding the city, he
travelled by the same route as before to Girishk, and then took a road
running a few miles north of Candahar and falling into the main road at
Kelat-i-Ghilzye.
His first step was to see Sir Alexander Burnes and to report to him
that assuredly Dost Mahomed would come south with a considerable force
as soon as the passes were opened. His following would not itself be
very formidable, but he relied upon being joined by all the tribesmen
south of the hills.
"Your news is most opportune," the agent said, "and can hardly fail to
induce the Governor-general to alter his determination to withdraw the
greater part of our force in the spring. Already we have not a man too
many for contingencies that may arise. Now, tell me about your journey.
The winter set in so severely directly you left us that I have been
seriously uneasy about you. I had only one message from Mackenzie after
you had left, it was brought by a native; and he told me that you had
passed through, but that the weather had changed for the worse the day
after you started, and the universal opinion among the natives was that
you and your party had perished."
Angus gave an account of his journey. He had thought over the question
whether it would be wise to mention the episode of the wounded Afghan,
but he concluded that it would be better to do so, as Mackenzie, when
he rejoined the force, might casually mention that he had a sick man
with him; and he therefore told the whole story as it happened.
"I admire your humanity, Mr. Campbell, though it seems almost quixotic
to burden yourself with a wounded man. But, as you say, it was evident
that if you could manage to carry him through he might be of great
service to you. Undoubtedly he would have been a valuable prisoner to
have in our hands, but his gratitude to you may prove valuable to us,
for the Momunds are a powerful tribe, and your conduct to him cannot
but have inspired him with a better feeling towards us than he has
hitherto shown."
"He may have less animosity, sir, but I fear that he will still be
found fighting against us. On the way he spoke many times of his
determination to continue the struggle until Afghanistan was free from
the infidel; I am convinced that his indignation at the treatment of
Dost Mahomed, and his fanaticism are so strong that no private matter
is likely to shake them."
The winter passed quietly, and the attention of Burnes and Macnaghten
was turned rather towards the frontier than to the state of things
round Cabul. Yar Mahomed, virtual ruler of Herat, although he was
receiving large sums of money from us, was known to be intriguing with
Persia, and trying to form an alliance with the Shah to expel the
British from Afghanistan. Russia had sent an expedition against Khiva,
and the conquest of this little state would bring her more closely to
the frontier of Afghanistan. Dost Mahomed, however, had gone on a visit
to the Ameer of Bokhara, and had been detained for the present by that
treacherous ruler; thus for a time the prospect of an invasion on his
part was greatly diminished.
In the spring Macnaghten and Shah Soojah returned to Cabul. The
former continued to ignore the warnings of Sir A. Burnes, as to the
ever-growing hostility of the Afghans to the British and the man
they had forced upon them. His advice and that of Burnes had been so
far followed that the force at Cabul had not been diminished; but,
not content with this, Macnaghten continued to urge on the Indian
government the necessity of sending a great force to occupy Herat and
another to cross the mountains and thwart the projects of the Russians
by carrying our arms into Bokhara. Moreover, he was continually
applying for money to meet the expenses of Shah Soojah's government. As
if the drain that these demands would entail upon the Indian treasury
and upon the Indian army were not sufficient, he insisted upon the
necessity of conquering the Punjaub, where, since the death of Runjeet
Sing, the attitude of the population had been increasingly hostile.
It is difficult to understand how any perfectly sane man could have
made such propositions. It would have needed the whole army of India to
carry them out, to say nothing of an enormous outlay of money. Although
the Governor-general and his council firmly declined to enter upon the
wild schemes proposed to them, Macnaghten did not cease to send them
lengthy communications urging the absolute necessity of his advice
being followed.
As the summer came on there were everywhere signs of unrest. In April
the Ghilzyes cut the communications near Candahar, but were defeated
by a small body of troops sent from that city. The Beloochees, whose
country had been annexed, were bitterly hostile, and convoys were
cut off. Candahar was invested by them, Quettah besieged, and Khelat
captured. With the exception of Macnaghten himself, there was scarcely
an officer in the army but was conscious of the tempest that was
gathering round them. Shah Soojah was as unpopular among them as among
the native population. Macnaghten was almost as unpopular as the Shah.
Everyone knew that it was his influence that had first induced Lord
Auckland to enter upon this war, and the levity with which he replied
to every warning, and the manner in which he deferred to Shah Soojah in
every respect, and allowed him to drive the tribesmen to despair by the
greed of the tax-gatherers, incensed the officers of the army to the
utmost.
In the spring the little garrison of Bamian were on the point of being
reinforced by a Sepoy battalion when Dr. Lord, who had been sent as
political officer, received information that led him to believe that
Jubbar Khan, one of Dost Mahomed's brothers, who was in charge of
Dost's family at Khooloom, was ready to come in. One of his sons had
already done so, and Lord thought that by sending forward a force to
the fortress of Badjah he would quicken Jubbar Khan's movements. It had
the desired effect, and Jubbar Khan came into Bamian bringing with him
Dost Mahomed's family and a large party of retainers. This, however,
in no way improved the position of the little party at Badjah, for the
natives in the vicinity exhibited the greatest hostility. The officer
in command sent a detachment under Sergeant Douglas to escort another
officer to Badjah. The party was, however, attacked, and although they
made a gallant resistance, they would have been destroyed had not two
companies of Ghoorkas arrived on the spot and beat off the enemy.
In August the startling news arrived that Dost Mahomed had escaped from
Bokhara. He was received with open arms by the governor of Khooloom
and a large force speedily gathered round him. Early in September he
advanced upon Bamian with eight thousand men. Badjah was attacked, and
although the Ghoorka regiment kept back the assailants, it was evident
that so advanced a post could not be held, and the force retreated,
leaving all their baggage behind them. A regiment of Afghan infantry
had been raised and were stationed at Bamian, but on hearing of Dost
Mahomed's approach they deserted to a man, most of them joining the
enemy. Even Macnaghten could no longer shut his eyes to the serious
nature of the position. Cabul was full of Sikh emissaries, who were
stirring up the population to revolt, promising them that the Sikh
nation would join in driving out the infidel. Reinforcements under
Colonel Dennie reached Bamian on the 14th of September, and on the 17th
Dost Mahomed with his army approached the place. Ignorant that the
whole force was upon him, Dennie sent Mackenzie with two guns and four
companies of native infantry and some four hundred Afghan horse, and
himself followed with four more companies in support.
On joining the advanced party, he found that the whole of Dost
Mahomed's force was in front of him. In spite of the enormous disparity
of numbers, he determined to attack; a wise resolution, for although in
our Indian wars the natives often fought bravely when they attacked us,
they seldom offered a vigorous opposition when we took the offensive.
Mackenzie's two guns opened fire with shrapnel, which had a terrible
effect upon the dense masses of the enemy. These were unable to
withstand the fire, and soon began to fall back. Mackenzie followed
them, and again opened fire. Before long, Dost Mahomed's levies broke
and fled; and Dennie launched the Afghan horsemen in pursuit. These cut
down great numbers of the enemy, and dispersed them in all directions.
The effect of this signal defeat was at once apparent. The Governor of
Khooloom entered into negotiations without delay, and pledged himself
not to harbour or assist Dost Mahomed; the country south of Khooloom
was divided, he taking half, while the southern portion came under the
authority of Shah Soojah.
The victory caused great satisfaction in Cabul, but this feeling was
short-lived. Dost Mahomed after his defeat went to Kohistan, where
there was great discontent among the chiefs, some of whom were already
in revolt. General Sale sent a force from Jellalabad, which attacked
a fortified position held by them, but the assault was repulsed with
heavy loss. It was about to be renewed, when the Kohistanees evacuated
the fort and fled. The fact, however, that our troops had met with
a repulse had a great effect upon the minds of the natives. For the
first time the Afghans had successfully withstood an attack by British
soldiers.
Throughout the month of October Dost Mahomed was busy, and at one time
approached within forty miles of Cabul, when guns were hastily mounted
on the citadel to overawe the town, and orders sent to the force at
Bamian to return at once. Dost, however, moved no nearer. Sir Robert
Sale was pursuing him, and it was not until the 27th that he moved down
again towards Cabul, and on the 29th the greater part of the force
there marched out to give him battle.
On the 2nd of November the two armies came face to face in the valley
of Purwandurrah. The Ameer at once moved from the village to the
neighbouring heights, and the British cavalry galloped to outflank
the Afghan horse. These were comparatively few in number, but headed
by Dost Mahomed himself, they advanced steadily to meet the Indian
cavalry. Gallantly as Indian troops have fought on numberless fields,
on this occasion they disgraced themselves utterly. Turning rein as the
Afghans approached, they galloped away in headlong flight, pursued by
the Afghans until within range of the British guns. Their officers in
vain attempted to arrest their flight, charging alone into the midst
of the enemy. Two of them were killed when surrounded by enemies, Dr.
Lord was shot, and the other two cut their way through their assailants
and reached the British line covered with wounds. No more disgraceful
affair has taken place in the story of our wars in India than this rout
of Indian cavalry by a third of their number of wild horsemen.
But even yet the affair might have been retrieved had an officer like
Dennie been in command; had the guns opened and the infantry advanced
it might still have been a repetition of the victory of Bamian. But
Sir A. Burnes was in authority, and, easily discouraged, as was his
nature, he gave no orders, but sent off word to Macnaghten that there
was nothing for it but to fall back to Cabul. Suddenly, however, the
position was changed by Dost Mahomed himself. As he rode back after the
victorious charge he thought over his position. His imprisonment at
Bokhara had not broken his spirit, but it had affected him by showing
him that the Mohammedans of Central Asia could not be trusted to work
together or to unite to beat back the ever-advancing wave of infidel
aggression by the British on the south, and the Russians on the west.
But more than this, the defection of his brother at Khooloom, and the
surrender by him of his family, had convinced him that it would be
vain for him to continue to struggle to regain the throne that he had
lost. The Kohistanees had risen before he joined them, and he had the
satisfaction of showing that his bravery was in no way shaken by his
misfortune, and of gaining a success of a most striking description.
Now at least he could lay down his sword with honour. Accordingly,
without telling anyone of his intention, he rode off the field with a
single attendant, and on the following day reached Cabul and rode to
the British Embassy.
As he approached it he saw Macnaghten returning from his evening
ride. His attendant galloped forward and asked if the gentleman was
the British envoy, and on Macnaghten saying that he was so, he then
returned to his master; and Dost Mahomed riding forward, dismounted,
saluted the envoy, and handed him his sword, saying that he had come
to surrender and to place himself under his protection. Macnaghten
returned it to him, and told him to remount, and they rode together
into the residency, Dost Mahomed asking eagerly for news of his family,
of whom he had not heard since their surrender. Being assured that they
were well and were honourably treated, he was greatly relieved. A tent
was pitched for him, and he wrote at once to his son, begging him to
follow his example. He conversed freely with Macnaghten, gave him the
history of his wanderings and adventures, and assured him that there
was no occasion to place a guard over him, as his mind had quite been
made up before he came in, and nothing short of force would compel him
to leave. His only anxiety was that he should not be sent to England,
and on Macnaghten assuring him that this would not be the case, and
that an ample maintenance would be assigned to him in India, he became
perfectly contented and calm.
As a result of his letter, three days later his eldest son, Mahomed
Afzul, came into camp and surrendered. Dost remained two days at
Cabul, where he was visited by many of the British officers, all of
whom were impressed most strongly by him, comparing him very favourably
with the man for whom we had dethroned him. Macnaghten wrote most
warmly in his favour to the Governor-general, urging that he should be
received with honour and a handsome pension assigned to him. He was
sent down to India with a strong escort, where he was kindly received
by the Viceroy, who settled upon him a pension of two lacs of rupees,
equivalent to £20,000.
Unfortunately, just at the time that the ex-Ameer returned to Cabul
a European regiment, a battery of horse artillery, and a regiment
of native infantry were recalled to India, and with them went Sir
Willoughby Cotton, and the command for the time being remained in the
hands of Sir Robert Sale.
Angus Campbell had not accompanied Sir A. Burnes when he left Cabul
with the force which marched out to encounter Dost Mahomed, but had
been left in charge of the office at Cabul. He was now his chief's
first civil assistant, his temporary appointment to the civil service
having been approved and confirmed by the Court of Directors at home
in consequence of the very warm report in his favour sent by Eldred
Pottinger and Mr. M'Neill. Sir A. Burnes, too, had in his letters
spoken several times of his energy and usefulness, and on his return
from his expedition through the passes, both Burnes and Macnaghten had
reported most highly both of his volunteering to undertake so dangerous
a mission, and of the manner in which he had carried it out. In return
the directors had sent out an order for his promotion to a higher
grade, and had ordered that a present of £1000 should be given him in
token of their recognition of his conduct.
"Your foot is well on the ladder now," Sir A. Burnes had said on
acquainting him with the decision of the board. "You will now have
your name on their books as one of the most promising of the younger
officers of the Company, and you may be sure that they will keep
their eye upon you. Macnaghten will shortly return to England, and I
have long been promised the succession to his post. I shall certainly
request, and no doubt my wishes will be acceded to in such a matter,
that you should hold the position of my chief assistant. As such
you will have many opportunities of doing good service, as you will
naturally proceed on missions to the chiefs of neighbouring peoples,
and will so qualify yourself for some important post in the future."
Macnaghten, indeed, was extremely anxious to leave. Bodily and mentally
he had suffered from the strain and anxiety. He had been promised a
high post in India, probably the succession to the governorship of
Bombay, but it was considered advisable that he should remain at his
present post till the country was more settled. The winter passed
quietly. With the submission of Dost Mahomed and his sons there was now
no rival to Shah Soojah, no head round whom those discontented with
the Ameer's rule could rally. He was the less unwilling to remain, as
he thought that an era of peace had now begun, and that his anxieties
were at an end. He was soon, however, undeceived. On Shah Soojah's
first arrival in India he had naturally looked to the Dooranees for
aid against the Barukzyes, who had so long oppressed them, and had
made many promises of remission of taxation as an incentive to their
zeal. These promises had so far been kept, that no taxes whatever had
been exacted from the Dooranees; but in view of the absolute necessity
of raising an income for the expenses of the government, and for
the personal expenditure of the Ameer and his favourites, it became
necessary that all should contribute to some extent to the revenue.
Although this tax was but a tithe of that which they had paid under
Barukzye rule, the Dooranees of the district of the north-west of
Candahar rose in rebellion, and General Nott marched out from that city
and defeated them in a pitched battle. For a time the movement was
crushed, but the discontent remained. This was rendered more formidable
by the fact that the Heratees had taken up so offensive an attitude
that our mission there had been withdrawn, and proofs were obtained
that its ruler was fomenting the discontent in the western province,
and was encouraging the disaffected by promising them assistance.
In May more serious trouble arose, this time with the Ghilzyes. It had
been determined to restore the dismantled fort of Kelat-i-Ghilzye.
The tribesmen viewed the work with hostility, and assembled in larger
numbers, and Nott sent a force against them under Colonel Winder, with
four hundred British troops, a Sepoy battalion, a battery of horse
artillery, and a small body of cavalry. The Ghilzyes advanced to the
attack in great force. The battle was long and desperate, but the
volleys of grape from the guns, and the steady fire from the infantry,
at last turned the scale, and after five hours' fighting the Ghilzyes
retired. The Dooranees were again in arms, and three thousand men were
assembled under their chief at Girishk. A small force, under Colonel
Woodburn, marched out against them and defeated them, but having
no cavalry on which he could rely, he could not prevent the rebels
from retiring in fair order. Major Rawlinson, the political officer
at Candahar, again warned Macnaghten that the situation in western
Afghanistan was extremely threatening, but was answered that this was
an unwarrantable view of our position, and that there were "enough
difficulties, and enough of croakers, without adding to the number
needlessly."
But Rawlinson was perfectly right, and Macnaghten was living in a
fool's paradise. The defeated chief of the Dooranees was joined by
another, and in August a force of eight hundred cavalry, of whom some
were regulars, three hundred and fifty infantry, and four guns, under
Captain Griffin, met the insurgents. They were strongly posted in a
succession of walled gardens and small forts, but the fire of the
guns and infantry drove them from the enclosure, and the cavalry then
charged them with great effect and scattered them in all directions.
Another defeat was inflicted upon the Ghilzyes in the same month. For
the moment all was quiet again; the only drawback to Macnaghten's
satisfaction was that Akbar Khan, Dost Mahomed's favourite son, was
still in the north, and was reported to be gathering troops somewhere
near Khooloom. In September Macnaghten received news of his appointment
to the governorship of Bombay, and began his preparations for leaving
Cabul, and Burnes looked forward to receiving at last the appointment
for which he had so long waited. His position had been in every respect
irksome. His views differed from those of Macnaghten; he saw the
dangers of the position which Macnaghten refused to recognize. The
reports he addressed to the envoy were generally returned with a few
lines in pencil of contemptuous dissent; but he believed that with
power to act in his hands he should be able to remedy the blunders that
had been made, and to restore peace and contentment in Afghanistan.
The troops were now commanded by General Elphinstone, who had succeeded
Cotton. He was a brave old officer, but almost incapacitated by
infirmities. He obtained the post simply as senior officer, and was
wholly unfitted for command in such a critical time and in such a
position. Probably had it not been for the assurances of Macnaghten
that all was going on well, and that the trifling risings had been
crushed without difficulty, Lord Auckland would have yielded to the
opinion of his military advisers and appointed General Nott. Had he
done so the greatest disaster that ever fell upon the British army
might have been avoided.
Nothing could be worse than the position in which the British camp
and mission were established. They were on low ground, commanded on
every side by hills, and surrounded by forts and villages. They were
nearly a mile in extent, defended only by so contemptible a ditch and
rampart, that an English officer for a bet rode a pony across them.
The commissariat compound was near the cantonment, and occupied an
extensive space with the buildings and huts for the officers. It,
too, had a rampart, but this was even less formidable than that which
surrounded the camp.
Things had now settled down. Many of the officers had sent for their
wives and children, and Lady Macnaghten, Lady Sale, and others were
established in comfortable houses. The climate was exhilarating,
the officers amused themselves with cricket, horse-racing, fishing,
and shooting, and lived as if they had been at a hill station in
India, instead of in a mountainous country surrounded by bitter foes.
October came in quietly, though Pottinger, who was now in Kohistan,
sent unfavourable reports of things there. But these were as usual
pooh-poohed by Macnaghten. The latter's troubles with the Indian
government, however, continued unabated. The expenses of the occupation
of Afghanistan, amounting to a million and a quarter a year, were a
terrible drain upon the revenues of India, and it had become necessary
to raise a loan to meet the outlay, and the question of a withdrawal
from Afghanistan was being seriously discussed.
None of the good results that had been looked for had been achieved,
nor did it appear likely that the situation would improve; for it was
evident to all unbiassed observers that the Ameer was upheld solely
by British bayonets, and that when these were withdrawn the whole
fabric we had built up at so enormous an expense would collapse. The
uneasiness of the Indian government was increased by the fact that a
change of ministry was imminent at home, and that the Conservatives,
who had always opposed the invasion of Afghanistan, would at once
take steps for the withdrawal of the troops from the country; and the
investigation which would be made into the whole affair would create
intense dissatisfaction in England, and lead to the recall of the
Indian politicians responsible for it. The news stirred Macnaghten
to fury; but he saw that it was necessary to make retrenchments, and
accordingly he largely cut down the subsidies paid to the chiefs. The
consequence was, that the leaders of the whole of the powerful tribes,
including those round Cabul, the Kohistanees, Ghilzyes, and Momunds, at
once entered into a hostile federation against the British.
Sale's brigade, that was about to start on its way to India, was
ordered to attack the Ghilzyes at Jellalabad, and on the 9th Colonel
Monteith was sent with a Sepoy regiment, a squadron of cavalry, and
a party of sappers and miners, to keep the passes clear. The force
was, however, attacked at the first halting-place, and Sir Robert
Sale marched with the 13th Regiment to clear the pass from his end.
Joined by Monteith's force, he succeeded in driving the natives from
their heights, the Sepoys and the British soldiers vying with each
other in climbing the almost inaccessible crags. The 13th retired down
the valley, and Monteith encamped in the Khoord Cabul pass. He was
attacked at night, the enemy being aided by the treachery of the Afghan
horsemen, who admitted them within their lines. They were, however,
beaten off, and Monteith was joined by Sale on the following day.
Negotiations were then opened with the Ghilzyes; terms were made, but
broken by the treacherous tribesmen a few hours after they had been
signed.
On his way back to Jellalabad Sale was attacked more than once in
great force, and with difficulty cut his way down. Macnaghten, who
had determined to leave on the 1st of October, but had postponed
his departure for a short time, wrote on that day that he hoped the
business just reported was the expiring effort of the rebels.
Angus had remained with Burnes at Cabul. The latter was much depressed
by the occurrences that had taken place. He had greatly disapproved of
Macnaghten's wholesale cutting down of the subsidies of the chiefs.
"How unfortunate am I!" he said many times to Angus. "Had Macnaghten
gone but two months earlier, this would never have happened. It has
been money alone that has kept the tribesmen quiet, and the very worst
form of retrenchment has been chosen. Had he gone I should have acted
in a very different way. In the first place, I should have told the
Ameer frankly that the troubles were solely caused by the rapacity
of the men he had appointed to receive the taxes. These must be
dismissed, and honest and faithful ones appointed in their place. It
is the abominable tyranny with which the taxes--of which I believe but
a small portion ever get into the treasury--are collected that has
brought about the trouble. With proper administration the revenue could
be doubled, and the taxation would press much more lightly upon the
people than it does at present. Now the evil is done, and I shall have
to take over the administration when everything points to a terrible
catastrophe, with which my name will ever be associated."