The General Conference, after so summarily deciding what was for the

spiritual good of women, in thus refusing to recognize their equality

of rights to the offices of that church, resolved itself as a whole

into a political convention, adjourning in a body to Chicago before

its religious business was finished, in order that its presence might

influence the National Republican Convention there assembled, to

nominate General Grant for a third term to the presidency of the United

States; General Grant being in affiliation with the Methodist church.

The Congregational church is placed upon record through laws, governing

certain of its bodies, which state that:

By the word “church” is meant the adult males duly admitted

and retained by the First Evangelical church of Cambridgeport,

present at any regular meeting of said church and voting by a

majority.

The New York _Independent_, of February 24, 1881, commenting upon this

official declaration that only “adult males” are to be considered the

“church,” says:

The above is Article XIV of the by-laws of the society

connected with the aforesaid church. It is a matter of

gratitude that the society, if it forbids females to vote in

the church, yet allows them to pray and to help the society

raise money.

The Rev. W. V. Turnstall, in the _Methodist Recorder_, a few years

since, gave his priestly views in regard to woman, and by implication

those of the Methodist church. He declared woman to be under the curse

of subjection to man, a curse not removable until the resurrection. He

said that under the Mosaic law woman had no voice in anything; that she

could hold no office, yet did so in a few instances when God wished to

especially humiliate the nation; that she was scheduled as a higher

piece of property; that even the Bible was not addressed to her but to

man alone; woman finding her salvation even under the new covenant, not

directly through Jesus, but approaching him through man; his points

were:

First: That woman is under a curse which subjects her to man.

Second: This curse has never been removed, nor will it be

removed until the resurrection.

Third: That woman under the Mosaic law, God’s civil law, had

no voice in anything. That she was not allowed her oath;

that she was no part of the congregation of Israel; that her

genealogy was not kept; that no notice was taken of her birth

or death, except as these events were connected with some man

of providence; that she was given no control of her children;

that she could hold no office; nor did she, except in a few

instances, when to reproach and humiliate the nation, God

suspended his own law, and made an instrument of women for

the time being. That she offered no sacrifices, no redemption

money was paid for her; that she received no religious rites;

that the mother’s cleansing was forty days longer, and the

gift was smaller for a female child than for a male; and that

in the tenth commandment—always in force—she is scheduled as a

higher species of property; that her identity was completely

merged in that of her husband.

Fourth: That for seeking to hold office Miriam was smitten

with leprosy; and that under the new covenant she is only

permitted to pray or prophesy with her head covered, which

accounts for the fashion of wearing bonnets in public to this

day; that she is expressly prohibited from rule in the church

or usurpation of authority over the man.

Fifth: That to vote is to rule, voting carrying with it all

the collaterals of making, expounding, and executing law; that

God has withheld from woman the right to rule, either in the

church, the state or the family; that He did this because of

her having “brought sin and death into the world, and all our

woe.”

Sixth: That the Bible is addressed to man and not to woman;

that man comes to God through Jesus, and woman comes to Jesus

through man; that every privilege the wife enjoys she but

receives through the husband, for God has declared that woman

shall not rule man, but be subject unto him.

A more explicit statement of the opinion of the church regarding

woman is seldom found. Later action of the Methodist body proves its

agreement with Rev. Mr. Turnstall. The General Conference of that

church convened May 1, 1888, in the Metropolitan Opera House, New York,

numbering delegates from every part of the United States as well as

many from foreign lands. Among these delegates were sixteen women.

The question of their admission came up the first day. The senior

bishop, Rev. Thomas Bowman, in his opening remarks, declared that

body to stand in the presence of new conditions, in that they found

names upon the roll of a class of persons whose eligibility had never

been determined by the high tribunal of the church. A committee was

appointed to report upon their admission. Bishop Merrill, occupying

the chair upon the second day, said that “for the first time in the

history of the conference, women had been sent as delegates,” but

the bishops did not think the women were eligible. The report of the

committee was submitted, which declared that after a serious discussion

they had become convinced that, while the rule was passed relating to

the admission of lay delegates to the General Conference, the church

contemplated admission only to men as lay delegates and that under the

constitution and laws, women were not eligible. The committee agreed

that the protest against women should be sustained, and the conferences

from which they were sent be notified that their seats were vacant.

A long discussion ensued. Rev. John Wiley, president of the Drew

Theological Seminary of the New York Conference, spoke against woman’s

admission, saying:

That if the laws of the church were properly interpreted they

would prove that women are not eligible and then, besides, no

one wanted them in the General Conference.

Rev. J. R. Day, the New York Conference, argued against the admission

of women, saying:

When the law was passed for the admission of lay delegates

it was never intended that women should be delegates to the

General Conference. It is proposed today to make one of the

most stupendous pieces of legislation that has been known to

Christendom. I am not opposed to woman doing the work that she

is capable of doing but I do not think that she should intrude

upon the General Conference. Woman has not the necessary

experience; this is a tremendous question.

Rev. Jacob Rothweiler, of the Central German Conference, asserted that:

The opponents of the report are trying to override the

constitution of the church, and are making an effort to strike

at the conscientiousness of 90 per cent of the Christian

church which has existed for the last 1,800 years. The history

of Christianity shows that women were never intended to vote.

The conference was seriously divided upon this question. Although

eventually lost, yet many clergymen permeated with the spirit of

advancing civilization, voted in its favor, among them Rev. Dr.

Hammond, of Syracuse, New York, a delegate for the episcopacy; while

arrayed in bitter opposition was Rev. Mr. Buckley, editor of _The

Christian Advocate_, also a candidate for the bishopric, and the man

that when the question of the ordination of Miss Oliver came up a few

years since, declared he would oppose the admission of the Mother of

the Lord to the ministry. His remark recalls that of Tetzel, the great

Catholic dealer in indulgences, given in another part of this work,

and illustrates to what extent of blasphemy the opponents of women’s

equality proceed. It was not until the seventh day of the conference

that the question of woman’s admission was decided in the negative, and

the great Methodist Episcopal church put itself upon record as opposed

to the recognition of more than one half of its members. The women

delegates were not even allowed seats upon the floor during the debate.

Mrs. Nind, president of the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society, arose

to vote, but was not counted, although the Woman’s Foreign Missionary

societies are making converts where men cannot reach—in the zenanas.

The action of the Conference was foreshadowed by that of Baltimore

a few weeks previously, when it was decided that women missionaries

should not be permitted to administer communion in the zenanas as it

would open the door for their ordination to the ministry and this

despite the fact that women alone are admitted to the zenanas. At the

Methodist minister’s bi-monthly meeting, Syracuse, N.Y., near time of

the General Conference, Rev. Thomas Tinsey, of Clyde, read a paper

entitled “Is it advisable to make women of the church eligible to all

the ecclesiastical councils and the ministerial order of the church,”

quoting Paul in opposition to giving her a voice, saying:

What can our modern advocates of licensing and ordaining women

and electing them to annual conferences, do with the command

to the Corinthians, “Let your women keep silence in the

church;” or to Timothy: “Let the women learn in silence and

all subjection,” Paul certainly meant something by such

teaching. The position taken by the Fathers of Methodism

appears to me to be the only tenable one, viz: that the

prohibition applies to the legislation or official business

of the church—precisely the kind of work contemplated in the

effort to make them eligible to the General Conference, and to

Methodist orders. Concerning these things, “Let them learn of

their husbands at home.”

Rev. Mr. Tinsey farther gave his opinion as to the comparative

uselessness of woman. He was able to conceive of no good reason for

her creation, aside from that of burden bearer in the process of

reproduction, saying:

Woman is that part or side of humanity upon which the great

labor, care and burden of reproduction is placed. We can

conceive of no good reason for making women aside from this.

Man is certainly better suited to all other work.

After discussion, the ministers present generally agreed that, because

of motherhood, woman should be debarred from such official recognition.

The final ground of women’s exclusion as delegates to the General

Conference, is most noticeable inasmuch as appeal was ultimately

made to the State. Upon the seventh day’s session it was resolved to

suspend the rules and continue the debate on the admission of women as

lay-delegates. So anxious were men to speak that forty-one delegates at

once sprung to their feet and claimed the floor. Judge Taylor, a lay

delegate from the St. Louis conference, walking down the aisle with a

number of law books under his arm, proceeded to argue the question on

constitutional grounds, saying:

It would do much harm to admit women at the present time.

There are bishops to be elected and other important matters to

be voted on, and if women are admitted and allowed to vote,

and it should subsequently be decided that women should not be

entitled to seats, the acts of the present General Conference

would be illegal and unconstitutional.

While claiming, personally, to favor women’s admission, he quoted law

to sustain their rejection, and wished the question to be submitted

to a vote of the church. The “vote of the church,” as shown by the

adoption of Rev. F. B. Neely’s amendment, signifying the ministers

present at annual conferences.[25] The vote upon this amendment, which

excluded women from seats in the General Conference, submitting their

eligibility to the decision of ministers of the annual conferences, was

adopted 237 to 198. It thus requires three-fourths vote of the members

present and voting at the annual conferences, this vote to be ratified

by a two-thirds vote of the General Conference in order to woman’s

acceptance as lay delegate to such General Conference.[26] Aside from

the fact of an appeal to the civil law for the exclusion of woman, thus

showing the close union of church and state, one other important point

must be noticed. In the declaration that the church should be consulted

in regard to such an important matter, that body was defined as the

ministers of the annual conference, laymen not here ranking as part of

the church. The lay delegates, unnarrowed by theological studies were,

as a body, favorable to woman’s admission. Nor did they refrain from

criticising the clergy, declaring that the episcopacy did not interpret

the law of the church, this power resting in the General Conference.

But one more favoring vote would have tied the question. Gen. Samuel H.

Hurst, dairy and food commissioner of Ohio, the first layman to gain

the floor, defended the right of women to admission. He alluded to the

opponents of the women as “old fogies.” He criticized the bishop’s

address.

The episcopacy does not interpret the law of the church, but

the General Conference does. Woman does not come here as a

strong-minded person demanding admittance, but she comes as

representative of the lay conference. The word “laymen” was

interpreted to mean all members of the church not represented

in the ministry. That is the law, and if women are “laymen”

they are entitled to admission.

The Southern Baptist Association, meeting in New Orleans in July of the

same year, refused to admit women by a vote of 42 to 40. The church as

of old, is still strenuous in its efforts to influence legislation.

An amendment to the National Constitution is pressed by the National

Reform Association, recognizing the sectarian idea of God; another

placing marriage and divorce under control of the general government

by uniform laws; while priestly views upon the political freedom

of woman are thrust into the very faces of our law makers.[27] The

following portions of a sermon preached at the Cathedral of the Holy

Cross, Boston, February 21, 1886, by the Rev. Father J. P. Bodfish,

were printed and distributed among the members of the Massachusetts

Legislature that spring by the opponents of woman suffrage:[28]

Not that I would have woman step out of her sphere; the man

is the natural protector, the father, the lawgiver, of his

family; not would I counsel wives to usurp the places of their

husbands at the polls. I believe this to be one of the errors

of modern times, to try to unsex woman, and take her from

the high place she occupies and drag her into the arena of

public life. What has she to do there? We might as well try

to drag down the angels to take part in the menial affairs of

this world as to take woman from the high place she occupies

in the family, where ’tis her privilege and duty to guide,

to counsel and to instruct—to lead that family in the way of

righteousness. It is but offering her a degradation; Almighty

God never intended it. The charm, the influence of woman, is

in that purity that comes from living in a sphere apart from

us. God forbid that we should ever see the day that a man, a

husband or a father, is to find his will opposed and thwarted

at the polls by his daughter or his wife. Then farewell to

that reverence which belongs to the character of woman.

She puts herself on an equal footing with man when she

steps down from that place where every one regards her with

reverence, and becomes unsexed by striving to make laws which

she cannot enforce, and taking upon herself duties for which

she is altogether unfitted.

Decrees of various characters presenting woman as a being of different

natural and spiritual rights from man, are constantly formulated by

the churches. The Plenary Council of Baltimore, 1884, busied itself in

the enactment of canons directly bearing upon marriage and divorce,

re-affirming the sacramental character of marriage and declaring

that marriages under civil rites should be resented by the whole

Catholic world. This council was preceded by an encyclical from the

Pope, laying out its plans by work yet leaving it within the power

of the diocesan bishops to promulgate its canons according to their

own wisdom. Consequently, not until three years later were those upon

marriage published on the Pacific Coast, at which time the archbishop

of San Francisco, the bishops of Monterey, Los Angeles and Grass

Valley, addressed a pastoral letter to the Catholics of those regions,

condemning civil marriage as a sin and sacrilege, illegal, and a

“horrible concubinage.” It was farther stated that marriage unblessed

by a priest, subjected the parties to excommunication. At the still

later Catholic Congress, in honor of the hundredth anniversary of the

Catholic Hierarchy in America, divorces were affirmed to be the plague

of civilization, a discredit to the government, a degradation of the

female sex, and a standing menace to the sanctity of the marriage bond.

In noting these canons of the Plenary Council and the resolutions of

the Catholic Congress, it should be borne in mind that the chief secret

of the long-continued power of the Catholic church has been its hold

upon marriage and the subordination of woman in this relation. To these

celibate priests, nothing connected with woman is sacred. Celibacy and

the sacramental nature of marriage are each of them based upon the

theory of woman’s created inferiority and original sin. Priestly power

over marriage, and the confessional, through which means it is able to

wrest all family and state secrets to its own use, are powers that will

not be peaceably relinquished. Their destruction will come through the

growing intelligence of people, and the responsibility of political

self-government. These will insure confidence in the validity of civil

marriage and a belief in the personal rights of individuals. To woman,

the education of political responsibility is most essential in order to

free her from church bonds, and is therefore most energetically opposed

by the church. In 1890, a number of Catholic ladies of Paris formed

a union for the emancipation of woman from different kinds of social

thraldom.[29] Their first attack was upon the priesthood, whom they

declared the mortal adversary of woman’s advancement, affirming that

every woman “who abets the abbés is an enemy of her sex.” This open

rebellion of Catholic ladies against the power of the hierarchy, is a

significant sign of woman’s advancing freedom.

All canons, decrees, resolutions and laws of the church, especially

bearing upon the destinies of woman are promulgated without the hearing

of her voice, either in confirmation or rejection. She is simply

legislated for as a slave. Two of the later triennial conclaves of

the Episcopal church of the United States, energetically debated the

subject of divorce, not, however, arriving at sufficient unanimity

of opinion for the enactment of a canon. When Mazzini, the Italian

patriot, was in this country, 1852, he declared the destruction of the

priesthood to be our only surety for continued freedom, saying:

They will be found as in Italy, the foes of mankind, and

if the United States expects to retain even its political

liberties, it must get rid of the priesthood as Italy intends

to do.[30]

Frances Wright, that clear-seeing, liberty-loving, Scotch free-thought

woman, noted the dangerous purpose and character of the Christian

party in politics, even as early as 1829; and the present effort of

this body, now organized as the “National Reform Association” with

its adjunct “The American Sabbath Union,” officered by priests and

influential members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, and

kindred bodies, is a perpetual menace to the civil and religious

liberties of the United States. Its effort for an amendment to the

Federal Constitution which shall recognize the United States as a

Christian nation, is a determined endeavor toward the union of church

and state; and its success in such attempt will be the immediate

destruction of both civil and religious liberty. That such a party now

openly exists, its intentions no secret, is evidence that the warnings

of Italian patriot and the Scotch free thinker were not without assured

foundation.

As a body, the church opposes education for woman, and all the

liberalizing tendencies of the last thirty-five or forty years, which

have opened new and varied industries to women and secured to wives

some relief from their general serf condition. Bishop Littlejohn, of

the Episcopal church, at the Triennial Conclave of bishops, 1883,

preached as his “triennial charge” upon “The Church and the Family,”

presenting the general church idea as to woman’s inferiority and

subordination. He made authoritative use of the words “sanctities of

home,” a phrase invented by the clergy as a method of holding woman in

bondage; directed the church to “strictly impose her doctrines as to

marriage and divorce, clash as they may with the spirit of the times

and the laws of the state” (thus emulating the Catholic doctrines of

the supremacy of the church). He declared that in any respect to change

the relation established by God himself between husband and wife, was

rank infidelity, no matter what specious disguise such change might

assume, explicitly declaring the authority of the church over marriage,

as against the authority of the state; protesting against omission of

the word “obey” from the marriage service, and the control of the wife

over her own earnings and expenditures, saying:

If it be outside the province of the states to treat marriage

as more than a contract between a man and a woman, the church

must make it understood, as it is not, that it is inside

her province to treat it as a thing instituted of God.

Practically, we have reached a point where the wife may cease

to have property interests in common with her husband, may

control absolutely her own means of living, and determine for

herself the scale of expenditures that will suit her tastes or

her caprices. The man is no longer the head of the household,

the husband. It has been made an open question whether the

man or his wife will fulfill that function, and “a community

of interests, with the recognized authority of the husband to

rule the wife, and the recognized duty of the wife to obey

that authority, is no longer deemed expedient or necessary.”

This rebellion against the old view of marriage is so strong

that in many cases the word “obey” is omitted from the

marriage service.

Even among Christianized Indians we find different laws governing man

and woman. In 1886, the governor of Maine paid a visit to the governor

of the Passamaquody Indians, at a time when a large council was in

progress upon the St. Croix reservation. This council first assembled

at the chapel, where the Revised Statutes—the whole basis of government

of the Passamaquodies—are posted. These statutes having been approved

by Bishop Healy, of Portland, are also looked upon as canons of the

church.[31]

The statutes principally affecting women, are:

Third: No woman who is separated from her husband shall be

admitted to the sacrament, or to any place in the church

except the porch in summer and the back seat in winter, unless

by the consent of the bishop.

Fourth: Any woman who admits men into her house by night shall

be treated as a criminal and delivered to the courts.

Fifth: Any woman who is disobedient to her husband, any common

scold or drunkard, shall not be permitted to enter the church,

except by permission of the priest.

It will be noted that these statutes forbid the sacrament to the

woman who is separated from her husband, not even permitting her an

accustomed seat in church. She must remain in the porch during the

summer and in a back seat during the winter, except “the bishop”

otherwise permits. Also the woman not rendering obedience to her

husband, is denied permission to enter the church except under priestly

permit. The Christian theory of woman’s inferiority and subordination

to man, is as fully endorsed by these statutes as in the mediaeval

priestly instruction to husbands.[32]

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