Martin Barry in 1843 announced that certain Protozoa (that name was

not yet in use) are simple cells. He pointed out that they possess

nuclei, like those of tissue-cells, and compared their increase by

fission with the cleavage of the egg. Single cells were thus shown to

be not only capable of locomotion, which was already known, but able

to provide for their own support. The Protozoa and Protophyta (_i.e._,

the simplest animals and plants, which are not always to be clearly

separated) are now known to be autonomous cells, increasing by fission,

and often forming colonies. Conjugation (fusion of similar individuals)

often precedes fission, and when it was proved (1861-5) that ova and

spermatozoa are true cells, it was seen that fertilisation, as we know

it in the higher animals, is only a special form of the conjugation

observed among the Protozoa. To the Protozoa it is now possible to

trace, without any startling break of continuity, all the multicellular

organisms, their tissues, the growth of those tissues by repeated

fission, their eggs, and the process of fertilisation which precedes

cleavage. The old Greek riddle, "Which came first, the fowl or the

egg?" may now receive the answer: "Neither; their common starting-point

is to be found in the Protozoa, which, even when adult, represent the

primitive unicellular condition, to which all the higher animals revert

once in every generation."

It is not without reason that biologists dwell on the unifying

influence of the cell-theory, which has become a chief support of that

still wider unifying influence, the _Origin of Species by Natural

Selection_. When it was discovered that all living things, whether

plants or animals, consist of nucleated cells which increase by

fission, and that in all of them cell-fission is started anew from time

to time by a cell-fusion, it was strongly suggested that resemblances

so striking and so universal can only proceed from a common descent.

During the last half-century the study of cells has led to a great

increase of knowledge respecting all bodily functions, whether in

health or disease. We now look to it as perhaps the most hopeful source

of new light upon the important question of hereditary transmission.

The Scientific Investigation of the Higher Cryptogams.

We now resume the history of a study which down to the end of the

eighteenth century had yielded only meagre and uncertain results (see

above, pp. 85-88). At the date in question it had been ascertained

that the spores (then called "seeds") of ferns, and probably of other

cryptogams, are capable of propagating the species, but no one knew

precisely what part the spore played in the life-history, or could

explain the true difference between a cryptogam and a flowering plant.

The great improvements in the construction of the compound microscope

which were effected between 1812 and 1830 rendered it possible to

elucidate much more thoroughly the structure and development of the

chief groups of cryptogams. The sexual reproduction of algæ was

explored; moving filaments (spermatozoids) were seen to enter the

chambers in which embryos afterwards formed; the conjugation of similar

cells was observed in algæ and fungi, and recognised as a simple mode

of sexual reproduction. The resemblance of the spermatozoids of mosses

and ferns to animal spermatozoa was noted, and their participation in

the process of fertilisation was more and more closely followed until

at length Hofmeister in 1851 saw them fuse with the egg-cell of a fern.

Suminski, whose full name, Lesczyc-Suminski, is unpronounceable by

Englishmen, had discovered (in 1848) that the prothallus of a fern,

which is the product of the germinated spore and had been hitherto

taken for the cotyledon, bears two kinds of reproductive organs, one

of which liberates spermatozoids, while an egg-cell is developed

within the other. He did not correctly describe all the details, but

he showed where the essential reproductive organs form, and where

fertilisation is effected. The masterly researches of Hofmeister

(1849-57) fused what had been a number of partial discoveries into a

connected and luminous doctrine. He proved that the prothallus is one

of two generations in the life-history; that it begins with a spore and

ends with a fertilised egg-cell; that in the higher cryptogams there

is a regular alternation of generations; that the prothallus of the

fern answers to the leafy moss, while the leafy fern is the equivalent

of the moss-capsule; that the egg-cell is the same structure in both

cryptogams and flowering plants; that the pollen-tube and the seed are

found to-day only in flowering plants; that the gymnosperms make a

transition from the higher cryptogams to the angiosperms; that unity

of plan pervades the whole series of mosses, ferns, fern-like plants,

gymnosperms, and angiosperms. Before Darwin's _Origin of Species_ had

appeared Hofmeister presented to evolutionists a clear example of a

descent in which every principal term is well authenticated, while the

extremes are far apart.

The Enrichment of English Gardens.

If some unreasonably patriotic Englishman should be seized with the

whim of keeping none but truly British plants in his garden, he

might enjoy the shade of the fir, yew, oak, ash, wych-elm, beech,

aspen-poplar, hazel, rowan-tree, and the small willows, but he would

have to forego the common elm, the larger poplars and willows, the

larches, spruces, and cypresses, the rhododendrons, and all the shrubs

popularly called laurels. Of fruits he might have the crab-apple, sloe,

wild cherry, gooseberry, currants (black and red), the raspberry,

strawberry, and blackberry, but none of the improved apples, pears,

or plums, and no quinces, peaches, or apricots. His vegetable garden

might yield cabbages, turnips, carrots, and celery (all deficient in

size, flavour, and variety), but no cauliflowers, Brussels sprouts,

parsley, lettuces, peas, beans, leeks, onions, or spinach. The

handsomest of his flowers would be dog-roses, mallows, and primroses.

Before Europe was sufficiently enlightened to care about exact records

valuable foreign plants had already been introduced. Vines, apples,

pears, cherries, and plums, besides improved vegetables, such as the

cauliflower, bean, garden-pea, and cucumber, had been brought from

temperate Asia or Egypt. Wheat and barley, neither of them native

to Europe, had to some extent replaced rye and oats, which may have

existed naturally in those European countries which border on Asia.

Britain, while yet a Roman province, shared in these benefits, and

it is believed that the common elm, besides certain fruit-trees and

pot-herbs, have been continuously grown in our island through all

the troubled ages which separate us from the Romano-British times.

Leek, garlic, and onion are ancient acquisitions. To our Old-English

forefathers garlic was the _spear-leek_, distinguished by its long,

narrow leaf from the broad-leaved common leek, just as a garfish was

distinguished from other fishes by its long body and pointed head;

onion was the _enne-_ or _ynne-leek_ (onion-leek); the most

important of the three was probably that which retained the root-word

without prefix—the leek proper.

During many centuries, when the rights of small proprietors were

little respected and knowledge was scanty, the religious houses were

distinguished by the diligence with which they tended their gardens.

Flowers, fruits, and simples were cultivated, and plants were now

and then imported from foreign monasteries. The English names of the

plants, which are often adaptations of Latin words, still testify to

the care of gardeners who were in the habit of using Latin.

Much improvement was not to be expected so long as England suffered

from frequent and desolating wars within her own borders. When these

at last subsided, great English gardens, such as those of Nonsuch,

Hatfield, Theobalds, and Hampton Court, began to parade their beauty;

strange trees, shrubs, and flowers were brought from the continent,

and as early as Queen Elizabeth's time our shrubberies and walks were

admired by spectators familiar with the best that Italy and France

could show. The new horticulture was, however, long an exotic among

us, and John Evelyn, whose _Sylva_ appeared in 1664, was "the

first to teach gardening to speak proper English."

In the latter part of the sixteenth century the following new plants

among others were brought from central or southern Europe: The poppy

and star anemones, the hepatica, the common garden larkspur, the winter

aconite, the sweet-William, the laburnum, Rosa centifolia (of eastern

origin, the parent of countless varieties and hybrids), the myrtle, the

lavender, the cyclamen, the auricula, Iris germanica, and many other

Irids, the oriental hyacinth, several species of Narcissus, the white

and Martagon lilies, and the absurdly named dog's-tooth-violet (really

a lily). The botanist Clusius introduced the jonquil and the Tazetta

narcissus from Spain to the Low Countries. The Judas-tree (_i.e._,

tree of Judæa) was brought from the Mediterranean, where the hollows of

the hills are filled in April with its pale-purple blooms. The white

jasmine was imported from Asia, and the castor-oil plant from Africa.

The great accessions of geographical knowledge made during the

fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were slow to affect horticulture.

Ships were then few and small, and the passage from Hispaniola or

Calicut to Cadiz or Lisbon occupied weeks or even months. Moreover,

the conquests of Spain and Portugal (Goa, the Moluccas, Brazil,

the West Indies, Peru, and Mexico) lay mostly within the tropics,

and could furnish hardly any plants capable of enduring a European

winter. Special pains were, however, taken to bring over some valuable

food-plants which were thought likely to thrive in Europe. Before

any European landed in America the potato had been cultivated by the

Indians of Peru, a country which, though lying almost under the line,

rises into cool mountain-districts. Potato-tubers were soon introduced

to Spain and Italy, and a little later to other parts of Europe;

Raleigh's planting of potatoes on his estate near Cork came a few

years later. The edible tomato, which is distinguished from the wild

form by its enlarged fruits, was apparently cultivated in Peru before

the first landing of the Spaniards. The unusually high proportion of

edible plants among the first importations from America and other

distant countries is worthy of remark. Early explorers eagerly sought

for valuable food-plants, but the number of such as could be cultivated

alive in Europe was very limited, and since the sixteenth century the

attention of collectors has been fixed upon ornamental species simply

because of the dearth of others.

European flower-gardens were enriched during the sixteenth century

by the following American species: the so-called French and African

marigolds (both from Mexico), sunflowers, the arbor-vitæ (Thuja

occidentalis), Yucca gloriosa, and the Agave, misnamed the American

Aloe.

About the same time the horse-chestnut, lilac, and syringa, or

mock-orange, were first brought to central and western Europe, and

with them the tulip, richest and most varied of flowering bulbs. All

these reached Vienna from Constantinople, but how and when they were

brought to Constantinople, or what were their native countries, are

still doubtful questions. The horse-chestnut is believed to be a native

of Greece, where it is said to grow wild among the mountains; probably

it extends into temperate Asia as well. It is said to have reached

Constantinople in 1557. Longstanding tradition derives the lilac

from Persia, but botanists say that it is also indigenous to parts

of south-eastern Europe. The garden-tulip is believed to be native

to temperate Asia and also to Thrace; it is, of course specifically

distinct from the wild tulip of northern Europe.

Chief among the travellers to whom we owe the acquisition of these

favourite plants was Augier Ghislen de Busbecq, a Fleming, who was

twice sent by the emperor as ambassador to the sultan. Busbecq was

a keen observer and collector, and during his long and toilsome

journeys was ever eager to pick up curiosities or to note new facts.

Quackelbeen, a physician in Busbecq's suite, is named as another

helper. The botanists Mattioli and Clusius, who presided in succession

over the imperial gardens of Vienna, and Gesner of Zurich, described

the plants; it is from them that we draw such imperfect knowledge as

we possess of the way in which they were brought to central Europe.

Clusius relates that Busbecq in 1575 received a parcel of tulip-seed

from Constantinople, and being obliged to journey into France, left

it with Clusius to be germinated. The tulips which came up were of

various colours, an indication of long cultivation. The Turks, like the

Persians, took great delight in gardens.

As North America became permanently occupied by the English, facilities

for the transport of live plants to Europe steadily increased. Ships

began to sail frequently to and fro, for the crossing of the Atlantic

was but a small affair in comparison with the voyage round the Cape

of Good Hope. Educated men here and there practised the learned

professions in the American plantations, and among them a sprinkling of

naturalists was found. Hothouses, the amusement of wealthy amateurs in

Germany, France, and Holland, made it possible to protect the plants

of mild climates from the winter cold of northern Europe. By the end

of the seventeenth century our gardens had acquired many beautiful and

curious American plants, besides a few from the East Indies, and not

long afterwards the gains became so frequent that the botanists of

Europe found it hard to name the new species as fast as they came in.

Lovers of horticulture will tolerate a little further information

concerning the early use of hothouses. As soon as glass began to

be employed in domestic architecture, the construction of warmed

and glazed chambers, in which plants could be grown, was attempted.

Writers of the first century A.D. mention them, and Seneca

explains how the temperature might be kept up by hot water. This and

other refinements of the Roman Empire passed into oblivion during the

long decline of civilisation, but revived with the revival of the

arts. In the sixteenth century William IV., Landgraf of Hesse, who is

remembered, among other things, as a patron of the botanist Clusius,

built himself a green-house, which could be taken down and put

together again. A still more famous orangerie was that of Heidelberg,

which served as an example to the kings and nobles of Europe.[39] Henri

IV. built one at the Tuileries, and long afterwards Louis XIV. had one

at Versailles. Madame de Sévigné describes the orangerie of Clagny

as a palace of Armida, and the most enchanting novelty in the world.

The pine-apple was brought over from Barbadoes in the seventeenth

century, and Evelyn speaks of having tasted the first pine-apple grown

in England at the table of Charles the Second. For two hundred years

the hothouse yielded no greater dainty, but rapid transit has now

made pine-apples so cheap that it is no longer worth while to raise

them in England. Fagon, who was during many years first physician to

Louis XIV., was a considerable botanist. He was born and died at the

Jardin des Plantes, and here, on his retirement from practice, he built

hothouses; it would be interesting to know what he grew in them.

In the first half of the seventeenth century the younger Tradescant,

who, like his father before him, was gardener to our Charles I.,

brought over from America the spider-wort, named Tradescantia after

him,[40] the false acacia and the tulip-tree. The magnolias, or some of

them, the Virginian creeper, and the scarlet Lobelia cardinalis were

among the gifts received from North America about the same time. The

dwarf Lobelia (L. Erinus) was not brought over from the Cape of Good

Hope till 1752, and Lobelia splendens and fulgens (both from Mexico)

not till the nineteenth century. One of the passion-flowers, which are

all American, came over about this time; but Passiflora cærulea, the

favourite ornament of the greenhouse, was only imported from Brazil in

1699. The evening primrose, the "convolvulus major and minor" (Ipomæa

purpurea and Convolvulus tricolor), were other acquisitions from North

America.

From the second half of the seventeenth century dates the introduction

of the garden nasturtium (Tropæolum majus) from Peru; T. minus from

Mexico had been brought over nearly a hundred years earlier. The

sensitive plants and the pine-apple now became frequent objects in

English greenhouses. John Evelyn and Bishop Compton were eminent

patrons of English horticulture during this age.

The first half of the eighteenth century brought us the Aubretia and

the sweet pea from southern Europe, the first Pelargoniums (scarlet

geraniums) from the Cape, the camellia and Kerria japonica from the

far east. The West Indian heliotrope was introduced in 1713; the

better-known Peruvian species not till 1757. Phloxes began to be

imported from North America. Two or three foreign orchids were already

known, and the number now began to increase; but it was not till the

nineteenth century that they came over in crowds. Our list gives no

notion whatever of the number of new species added now and subsequently.

Of the accessions made during the latter half of the eighteenth century

we must at least mention the mignonette from North Africa, white arabis

from the Caucasus, the common rhododendron from Asia Minor, Rosa

indica and Hydrangea hortensis from China, South African gladioli,

which now begin to be numerous, and chrysanthemums from China and

Japan. The first calceolarias were brought from great heights on the

Andes, the first begonias from Jamaica, and the first fuchsia from

Chili.

We can make only one remark about the multitudinous accessions of

the nineteenth century. It is surprising to note how recently many

established favourites have been brought to the knowledge of English

gardeners. Anemone japonica (Japan) and Jasminum nudiflorum (China)

date from 1844, while the Freesias (Cape Colony) are as recent as

1875. The dahlia, after two unsuccessful attempts, was established

here as recently as 1815; Nemophila insignis came over from North

America in 1822; the common musk and the monkey-plant a few years

later; the chionodoxas (Crete and Asia Minor) in 1877. The first of the

foliage-begonias (Begonia rex from Assam) dates only from 1858, and the

first of the tuberous species from 1865.

Importation of foreign species has not been the only method by which

English gardens have been enriched. New varieties and hybrids have

been produced in bewildering numbers by the gardeners of Europe, and

many of these far surpass in beauty the wild originals. Botanists

and nurserymen could relate in great detail the steps by which our

favourite roses, calceolarias, begonias, and cinerarias have been

developed from a few natural stocks, sometimes of uninviting appearance.

Horticulture has repaid the debt which it owed to the explorations

of botanists by furnishing countless observations and experiments

bearing upon inheritance. When these have been properly co-ordinated,

they will yield precious knowledge, not only to botanists but to all

students of biology.

Humboldt as a Traveller and a Biologist.

The career of Alexander von Humboldt (b. 1769, d. 1859), nearly

coinciding with the period on which we are now engaged, was devoted

to a gigantic task—nothing less than the scientific exploration of

the globe. His great natural powers were first cultivated by wide and

thorough training, not only in astronomy, botany, geology, mineralogy,

and mining, which had an obvious bearing on his future enterprise,

but also in anatomy, physiology, commerce, finance, diplomacy,

and languages. Thus equipped, he sailed in 1799 with the botanist

Bonpland to South America, and spent the next five years in exploring

the Orinoco and Amazon, the Andes, Cuba, and Mexico. The expedition

marks an epoch in scientific geography. It is enough to mention the

collection of data for the more accurate mapping of little-known

countries, the exploration of the river-systems of equatorial America

and the discovery of a water-connection between the Orinoco and the

Amazon, the ascent of lofty mountains, the study of volcanoes, the

description of remarkable animals such as the howler-monkey and

the gymnotus (electric eel), and of remarkable plants, such as the

bull's-horn acacia, whose enlarged and hollow spines are occupied

by ants.[41] After his return to Europe Humboldt published many

important treatises on terrestrial magnetism, geology, meteorology,

and plant-distribution. His new graphical method of isothermal lines

did much for the study of climate in all its bearings. His _Personal

Narrative_ not only disseminated much interesting information, but

inspired a new generation of explorers. Darwin agreed with Hooker that

Humboldt was the greatest of scientific travellers.

In 1829 Humboldt traversed the Russian Empire from west to east,

but the time allowed (half a year) was altogether insufficient for

the examination of so vast a territory; a few notable results were,

nevertheless, secured.

After some fifteen or twenty years spent in European society, the

inspiration drawn from long and arduous journeys in South America began

to fail. The conversation of the _salons_, the troublesome flattery

of the King of Prussia, and the propensity to write copiously,

stimulated, of course, by the eagerness of the public to buy whatever so

eminent an investigator chose to put forth, sterilised the last half of

a career which had opened with such magnificent promise.

The best of Humboldt's work became absorbed long ago into the confused

mass of general knowledge. This is the common fate (not by any means an

unhappy one) of those who refuse to concentrate upon a single study.

Among biologists he is chiefly remembered by his numerous discussions

of plant-distribution, which are now considered less remarkable for

what they contain than for what they leave out. While his travels were

fresh in his mind, Humboldt was impressed by facts of distribution

which could not be explained by present physical conditions,[42] but

the influence of climate as the more intelligible factor gradually

assumed larger and larger proportions in his mind. The writers of

text-books, founding their teaching upon Humboldt, often overlooked

altogether qualifications which he had shown to be necessary. When

Darwin and Wallace pointed out how immensely important is the bearing

upon present distribution, not only of the physical history of the

great continents, but also of their biological history, and in

particular of the interminable conflicts of races of which they have

been the scene, naturalists began to perceive how inadequate are

horizontal and vertical isothermal zones to explain all the striking

facts of distribution, whether of plants or animals (see _infra_ p 129).

Premonitions of Biological Evolution.

The eighteenth century had done much to impress the minds of men with

an orderly development in sun and planets (Kant and Laplace), in

the institutions of human societies (Montesquieu), and in the moral

aspirations of mankind (Lessing). Many bold attempts had been made

to trace a like orderly development in the physical life of plants

and animals (Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, etc.), but neither was the proof

cogent nor the process intelligible. Cautious people therefore, and

those whose prepossessions inclined them to adopt a very different

origin for terrestrial life, held during all this time a position of

some strength against speculative philosophers who tried to explain

the variety and perfection of living nature by unconscious and

unintelligent factors.

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